USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 8
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The disputes of Warwick with the colony were con- tingent to the constant controversy of Wm. Harris against Williams and his associates. Harris availed of every circumstance to push his own polemics. Now in 1672, he became the ally of Connecticut 41 in her attempts to get possession of the Narragansett country. The planters there inclined toward the movement of Connecti- cut. The government of the colony was changed on this issue, the moderate Quakers joining with the Narragan- sett planters who favored Connecticut ; Easton becoming Governor in place of Arnold. But subsequently the people checked this unwise movement, and repelled the action of Connecticut. Harris was styled " traitor " and imprisoned by his opponents, after the controversial methods of the time; but he hardly committed overt treason. These transactions in town and assembly meet- ings seem very petty now. We are to remember that, not only was the citizen uneducated in the modern politi- cal sense, but he had much to unlearn that had been
40 Arnold, I., 336n.
#1 Brigham, p. 121.
95
1672]
No Tippling on the Sabbath
forced into him by feudal usurpation and ecclesiastical oppression. The democrat was coming to his own through all sorts of vagaries. The process was petty and defaced the body politic on many occasions, but it formed a practical working democracy.
We should notice the social function of the colonial tavern, everywhere necessary and nowhere more impor- tant than in the little community at Providence. The intense individuality of the planter must have some social vent and opportunity for expression. The modern club, caucus and festive church meeting were anticipated mostly in the taverns of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The first inn in the colony was licensed to William Baulston at Portsmouth in 1638.42 In March, 1655-6, the colony passed an ordinance, closing bars at nine o'clock. But the Assembly probably found that taverns were better regulated by local authority, for in 1686 all laws relating to excise on liquors, keeping taverns and selling arms to Indians were repealed.
Gatherings at the town mill and later at the better taverns afforded a constant round of discussion and gave play to social excitement. A very curious sidelight is thrown on Providence society by a town ordinance in 1679. The religious excommunication of Rhode Island imposed by the other colonies of New England was so severe that the planters were often impelled to impose ordinance and law to maintain public decorum. Others thought so ill of our colonists it was necessary to show that they thought well of themselves. This act enjoined employment of servants for labor on the first day of the week; all sporting, gaming or shooting was likewise for- bidden-simple and proper, civic regulation. But for 42 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 129.
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ISTST
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
taverns all tippling was suppressed on the Sabbath "more than necessity requireth." We may readily imagine that a fierce discussion on proprietary rights or an evolution of Calvin's institutes might produce a stomach ache requiring necessary flip or toddy.
The acrimony of the town meeting was lighted up by an occasional joke. Regulating the Common lands was a constant annoyance. Pigs especially disturbed the over-burdened administration. In debating an ordinance to fence them out, Wm. Harris said, " I hope you may goe looke as Scoggine did for ye haare." 43 Scogan's Jest Book was one of the most popular chap-books in the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries.
The regulation of traffic in liquors was a constant source of trouble. An act July 3, 1663, 44 declared some sellers to be so "wicked and notorious as to deserve to be Branded with the name of Jaackes Cleansers." Circumstantial evidence and the testimony of Indians have always troubled jurists. In these cases the planters made one positive good out of two possible evils. For it was provided at this time that the testi- mony of " an Indian, circumstances agreeing with such testimony " should convict under the ordinance of 1659.
In 1675 and the year following, Rhode Island was shaken to its foundations and the plantation of Moshas- suck at Providence was destroyed for the time. The con- centrated Indian uprising known as King Philip's war, greatly injured Massachusetts and Rhode Island, while it ruined the native Indians. There were grievances on both sides, as always when barbarism encounters civiliza- tion. Philip and Canonchet in no wise equalled old Can- onicus, one of the greatest North American aborigines.
43 " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 75.
+4 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. III., p. 38.
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97
King Philip's War
1675]
We shall never know what might have occurred in the thirties, had the Indians resisted the English outright ; but in the seventies to hurl savages against the solid growth of English civilization as Philip did, was simple madness. These desperate contests have been amply re- corded and we may only refer to the voluminous history. Ellis and Morris 45 have shown that the slaughter of the Narragansetts at the swamp fight was not as complete as was formerly imagined; but the impairment of the na- tion caused by the whole war was thorough. Scanty remnants finally settled in Charlestown, leaving the rich territory of aboriginal thousands. The mainland, about and through which the Indians lived, was a very theater of war. The power of government and administration of affairs was on the island controlled by the Quakers, and it was five times as wealthy as the other plantations. Whatever place-and it should be a very worthy place- we may assign the Quakers, in the building of individual character and in religious development, their function and their doings in political government have brought failure, wherever their principles have been enforced. Ac- cording to Richard Smith, a prominent settler in Narra- gansett, " the Governor of Rhode Island being a Quaker, thought it perhaps not lawful either to give commission or to take up arms ; so that their towns, goods, corn, cat- tle were by the savage natives burned and destroyed." 46 Governor Coddington was old and the ruling citizens comfortable, quite willing to rest and be thankful. Mod- erate garrisons would have saved Providence, Warwick and outlying Narragansett, but the mainland was left to sorry fate.47 Narragansett and Pawtuxet were cleared;
45 King Philip's War.
46 " R. I. C. R.," Vol. III., p. 51.
47 Brigham, pp. 125-129.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
Warwick kept one house, while Providence had not above three.48
The wretched and monotonous litigation over proprie- tary rights and disputing plantations was not lessened by conflicting titles, left by the devastation of fire. Wrangling disputes over rights to the land continued to vex the community for some ten years.
" Whatever may have been their motive in deserting the mainland towns-whether it was political enmity, Quaker antipathy against war in general, or a selfish desire to preserve their homes-such action did much to foster an alienation between the mainland and the Island which hindered a united colony growth for many years." 49 In 1676 died John Clarke, scholar, physician, minister and statesman; above all a pure patriot. Al- ways in public affairs, his " blameless self-sacrificing life " left him without an enemy, although in these times strife everywhere prevailed.
Woman, the true helpmate of those days, was not in the best position when she was "unattached." The maiden, the unmarried female or spinster, was not in the best circumstances when she did not spin at her own wheel. The wills show many curious arrangements, where the maidens were controlled by a rigid family discipline.
48 Rates assessed in 1678 show the relative conditions of the towns. Newport £136, Plymouth £68, New Shoreham and Jamestown each £29, Providence £10, Warwick and Kingston each £8, East Greenwich and Westerly each £2.
A flotilla of sloops and boats was employed by the General As- sembly to sail around the Island and defend it. "This is the first instance in the history of the Colonies where a naval armament was relied upon for defence. It was the germ of a future Rhode Island squadron, one century later, and of an ultimate American navy."- Arnold, Vol. I., p. 409.
49 Brigham, p. 127.
99
1680]
Independent, but not Free, Spinsters
Zachary Roades, in 1662,50 able to give his daughters handsome legacies for the time, bound the will of the spinsters in summary fashion. To his eldest daughter Elizabeth he gave £80 at 21 years, or at marriage. To Mary and Rebecca £60 each on same conditions. But, if either " shall Marry or match themselves with any Con- trary to ye Mind of their mother or of my two overseers (executors), then it shall be in their Mother's what to give them, whether any thing or No." Independent but not free spinsters ; if concord followed there must have been some forbearance among those many wills.
Sometimes consent of parents was advertised in the notice of banns. Feb. 1, 1680,51 it comes from another colony, " I, John Wooddin of beverly in the county of essexe in New England doe not see now anything but that lawrence clinton and my daughter may proceed in the honorable state of matrimony," cited from the " sec- ond publishing."
The hardest municipal task-beyond early theological differences or proprietors' disputes for lands-was in the control of sexual immorality. Persons offending in one town were handed over to the next en route. June 17, 1682,52 Ephraim Prey and Elizabeth Hoyden of Braintree were caught in flagrante delictu. The father of the girl agreed to remove her with Prey to his home in Braintree by June 22, at sunset, or both culprits would have been delivered to the next constable (at Rehoboth) "to be Conveid to their dwellings."
In some cases, proceedings were very dilatory. Rich- ard Bates 33 appears April 25, 1683, having "a woman
50 " Early Records Prov.," Vol. IV., p. 80.
51 Ibid., Vol. VI., p. 27.
52 Ibid., p. 43.
53 Ibid., pp. 100, 107, 113.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
abideing with you " and both were ordered off July 25. With his " pretended wife " he was questioned for con- tempt and obtained a stay of execution until Oct. 21. In December he was granted further courtesy until March 31. We can only suppose that the facts were not posi- tively as bad as the judgments specify. Meanwhile the offenders must have gained some kind of better recogni- tion from the neighbors, or this lax procedure would not have been allowed.
Mary Bellowes having come into town with a young child and "no bond for town's security," was ordered off in four weeks. This sentence was afterward extended about 8 months, July 12, 1683. Abigall Sibley, 54 with her child, was ordered off. Thomas Cooper published his intention of marriage with Abigall, which was forbidden, because he had "manifested himself a person infamous in that he hath forsaken a sober woman, who is his wife." Mistress Abigall, with her child, appears again, Dec. 13, " entertained by Thomas Cooper." Her time of removal was extended to the first Monday in March, "not to live with Thomas Cooper " meanwhile.
Mr. Dorr notes the increase of creature comforts after King Philip's War. Kitchen utensils and other improve- ments in the household showed more abundance. Frying pans, gridirons, spits and skillets manifested the departure from the boiling pot, and to some housewives these utensils appeared to be extravagant. Abigail Dexter, adminis- tratrix, valued in 1679, " a frying pan, a skillet and other trumpery," at 10s.
There were few candles to burn, some of them being made of bayberry tallow. In 1681 the town-meeting for- bade making tar from pitchwood beyond ten gallons per man for his own use on his own land. Pitchwood was "a
"+ " Early Records Prov.," Vol. IV., pp. 109, 114.
101
Frying Pans and Pitchwood Light
1681]
great benefit for candle light." As naval stores were then greatly desiderated in all countries, this shows how little the agriculturists appreciated the commercial possi- bilities of their own land.
Tobacco was generally raised by the farmers and ap- peared upon the inventories in small quantities. Mostly for domestic use, in some instances it was gathered for export. Ephraim Carpenter, probably a small shop- keeper, had in 1698, 313 lbs. at 3d. £3.18.3. In " cotten wooll," which was always coming from the West Indies, he had a value of 3s. 6d. Flax was grown as table linen became a necessary comfort. Linen-wheels for spinning were common.
Mr. Dorr notes that long after King Philip's War there were meetings of the town held under the buttonwood tree opposite Crawford Street.55
We may note rates of taxation and prices of com- modities. In 1663, 56 £36 was levied toward the expenses of John Clarke, while procuring the charter in England. Pork was received at 28s. per cwt .; wheat at 4s.6 per bu. ; peas at 3s.6 ; butter at 6d per lb. In 1664, 57 the rate was £130, levied according to the apportionment of the General Assembly. Wheat and peas were unchanged and pork was at £3.10 per bbl. Horses and cattle were received at prices equivalent.
In 1678-9 58 for a rate of £20, the prices were for oxen £4; cows and 3 yrs. old, £3; horses and mares, 4 yrs. old, £3; swine, 15s .; sheep above 1 yr., 4s. Improved planting land was at £3 per acre and vacant land not improved 3s. per acre. Mr. Richman 59 records the positive fall in
35 " Planting and Growth," p. 94.
56 " Early Records Prov.," Vol. III., p. 91.
57 Ibid, p. 58.
58 Ibidl, Vol. VIII., p. 41.
59 " R. I .- Its Making," p. 537.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
prices of food from 1676 to 1686, after the ravages of King Philip's War had passed away. Good pork was at £2.10 per bbl .; good beef, 12s. per cwt .; peas, always a staple, 2s.6. per bu .; wool, 12d. to 6d .; butter, 5d. to 6d. The abundance of other articles shows agricultural in- crease, and the relatively small decline in butter indicates a demand produced by more comfortable living.
Sept. 1, 1867, 60 the rate was £33.9.6. Silas and Ben- jamin Carpenter jointly paying £1.3 and Stephen Arnold £1.1.10, the highest individual taxes. Oct. 31, 1687, for another rate of £16.12.2. Indian corn was taken at 2s. per bu .; rye, 2s. 8; beef at three halfpence per pound; pork, 2d. ; butter, 6d. For the rate of £37.12.3 in Au- gust, 1688, 61 apparently they had rated more persons or had increased the portions of the majority, for Silas and Benjamin Carpenter stand at 16s.9 and Stephen Arnold at 17s.6; these magnates being reduced.
The disputes about land titles between Providence and Pawtuxet 62 complicated the struggles of Proprietors and Freeholders, besides creating every possible difference among the direct contestants. Suit and cross suit, writ of ejectment with timid ineffective service, embarrassed these times and convulsed the community. The vigorous William Harris generally got his verdict, but failed in obtaining practical execution from the feeble adminis- trators of law. This shows that public sentiment leaned against him.
We ought to look into the " Plea of the Patuxet Pur- chasers," before the King's Commissioners, Nov. 17, 1677. 63 This whole document illustrates the curious
60 " E. R. Prov.," Vol. XVII., p. 103.
61 Ibid., p. 12.
62 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 432-438.
63 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., 185 et seq.
1681]
Captivity of Harris
103
compound of English law and judaic interpretation which prevailed in the mind of New England " The said discomposed Soules that so Object, do not believe such a bound. If any, my Charity toward them, as to their Actions or wisdom not being so simple in doing as Saying." The essential argument is given in summing up. "That the words (might have for our use of cat- tle) doth give a property in a sound sense by words of Scripture 35 of Numbers and 3d verse, 'And the City's shall they (have) to dwell in and the suburbs of them shall be for their Cattle.' Verse 3d." 64 This was the outcome of the simple privilege " up streams for cattle " given by Canonicus to Roger Williams.
But in this fishing upstream for land, both parties went into muddy waters according to Mr. Richman. By " erratic and erring process in the field " seeking " where is the head of the Wanasquatucket," Roger Williams and Arthur Fenner in 1678 surpassed William Harris " that master of tergiversation at his own game." 65
At Christmas in 1679, Harris, in pursuit of "more specific execution," went to England for the fourth time. On his passage he was taken by Algerine corsairs, who were even more ferocious than the Christians of the six- teenth and seventeenth centuries. In the summer of 1681, he was ransomed, released and went to London, where he died in three days from debility induced by his captivity. The ransom was mainly paid by the colony of Connecti- cut, for which he was acting abroad in the disputed Nar- ragansett boundary. The ransom was afterward repaid by his family. In 1680 he wrote, " Deare wife and Chil- dren let us Cast our Care on god without distracting feare, thouh I should here dy yet god lives, and I am not
64 " R. I. H. S. Pub.," Vol. I., p. 211.
65 " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 19.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
without hope but that I may see you againe, let us pray fervently and Continually to god that is able to deliver and soe I commend you all to god all way."66
Could there be a more pathetic situation? Bad, as were the greedy claims and angry quarrels of Pawtuxet and Providence-the barbaric Saracen was worse. And the fierce individual contestant out of this turbulent colony, was nevertheless in his heart the gentle Christian father commending all to his heavenly Father in pure faith.
Mr. Richman 67 has studied the Harris and Williams controversy in every detail and probably knows more about it than any one. He is severe in his view of Harris. Let us quote the words of Arnold, whose judgment cannot be neglected, " Thus perished one of the strong men of Rhode Island. He filled a large space in the early history of the Colony, as an active, determined man, resolute in mind and vigorous in body, delighting in conflict, bold in his views of the political dogmas of his time, fearless in his mode of expressing them, striking always firmly, and often rashly, for what he believed to be the right. His controversy with Roger Williams was never forgotten, and scarcely forgiven, by either of these great men, and presents the darkest blot that rests upon their char- acters." 68
Mr. Dorr's general view of these differences and con- flicts is just ; for the system was more at fault than the men. Lack of legal knowledge, still greater lack of judi- cial organization and executive power, inevitable in a
66 " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., p. 321.
67 Cf. " R. I. H. S. Col.," Vol. X., pp. 11-127, for his study with original documents.
65 Arnold, Vol. I., p. 437.
105
Ignorance Made Disputes
1681]
colony forced by circumstances into irregular existence ; noble motives. struggling with ordinary greed and necessity of living-all these compelling forces produced the disputes of Providence Plantation, too often ending in a quarrel. 69 But let us not dwell on these minor shadows. These in- . dividuals were great as a whole, if faulty in detail, and they wrought even better than they knew. While recog- nizing the smaller defects, let us cherish the grand result.
In the years 1677 and 1678-contemporary with the withdrawal of Harris-there occurred the deaths of three most prominent citizens. Samuel Gorton, 70 one of the most remarkable "men that ever lived," passed away. With the vision of a seer, his mental astuteness, his scrip- tural learning, his deep reverence for established law, made of him an extraordinary conserving radical.
Quite unlike was Governor Benedict Arnold, who had lived at Newport twenty-five years, removing there from Providence. He was not moved by the arguments of George Fox and followed John Clarke politically, op- posing the usurpation of Coddington. President of the colony under the patent, he was named governor in the second charter, and was elected by the people seven times. The confidence of his constituents proves his integrity and political sagacity. One act alone-his reply to the inhuman and arrogant demand of the United Colonies, for
69 Cf. Chief Justice Thomas Durfee, "Judicial History," p. 18. The influence of Newport in the early history of the State has not been appreciated. The rest of the colony was very heterogeneous, the home of soul-liberty being the home of rampant individuality. Newport had "higher civic or communal sentiment, a more educated public spirit, a profounder political consciousness." The best law- yers, ablest politicians and public men lived there. Sectional, local " Rhode Island men " broadened out at Newport, as government went on.
70 Ante, p. 40.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
the expulsion of Quakers from Rhode Island, 71-would give him a high, permanent place in history.
Governor William Coddington died in office. As he built the first brick house in Boston, so he laid the founda- tions of Newport on a solid basis, being pioneer in her commerce. In his course as judge, he probably made the first code of laws, which lasted for generations, and without which we may safely assume, Rhode Island never could have been developed. But in the significant words of a judicial descendant, " he had in him a little too much of the future for Massachusetts, and a little too much of the past for Rhode Island, as she then was." 72 This ten- dency resulted in the vagary of "Usurpation." He be- came a Friend and in his latter years was again active in public affairs, in a legitimate way. As we have noted above, 73 Rhode Island owes him a great debt.
When life was monotonous and news-prints were un- known the talk of Towne Streete was of constant in- terest. Beyond this, scandal, slander and gossip too often filled the air and occasionally went on record. August 27, 1684,74 S. Bennett was obliged to retain John Whip- ple, Jr., an attorney to defend him against the suit of Bridget Price. In September, Bridget signing with an X declares that the said Bennett in his own home charged her with being " a thiefe, a -, and a vagabond." Even Boston furnished its share to these proceedings, for Thomas Clarke in " his pewtour's shopp " there, had an al- tercation with one Mary Brattle (not connected with Brattle Sq. probably) and followed her to Providence, where he arraigned her through the busy attorney Whip-
71 " R. I. Col. Rec.," Vol. I., pp. 376-380.
72 C. J. Job Durfee, "Historical Discourse," p. 16. 73 Ante, p. 64.
74 " E. R. Prov.," XVII., p. 41.
6
107
Marital Proceedings
1683]
ple, Nov. 24, 1684. 75 Whipple deposed for Clarke that in the said shop Mary Brattle demanded the "key of a house of office." Clarke refused and Mary gave him " very Taunting speeches." In answer, Clarke said, "prateing hossey." Then Mary called Clarke " Beg- gers Bratt, and Cheate, and sayd shee kept a better man to wipe her shoces." Then the said Clarke bid her get out, " for yov are prateing hossey, for yov had need to have had a hundred pounds Bestooed upon you at a boardeing scoole; to learn manner and breeding then shee ye said Brattle called ye sayd Clarke Rouge and soe went out of ye shopp." The views of Clarke on education in- dicate the standard of culture prevailing among Boston pewterers.
However simple the social proceedings of the planta- tion, man and woman were sometimes unaccommodating in their vital intercourse. Whatever Margaret Abbott's faults may have been, her explicit consort Daniel shines forth in no favorable light. Aug. 7, 1683, 76 Abbott records his woes. "Through her Maddness of folly and Turbulency of her Corrupt will, Destroying me Root and Branch, putting out one of her owne Eyes to putt out Both mine. And is since departed takeing away my Children without my Consent and plots to Rifle my house to accomplish her Divelish Resolution against me."
The spirit of peace hovered over another couple even in temporary estrangement. In this methodical fashion, they wore no sackcloth, but coming before their towns- people, they laid these substantial foundations for new marital relations. It is to be hoped that gay Cupid smiled on sober Justice, Dec. 29, 1699. 77 Agreement be-
75 " E. R. Prov.," XVII., p. 53.
76 Ibid, Vol. XVII., p. 37.
77 Ibid, Vol. V., p. 9.
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The Colony and the Town of Providence
tween George Potter of Mashantatuck and Rachel his wife. She had with his " Consent and in hope of More peaceable liveing withdrawne herselfe and removed to Boston for sometime; and now finding it uncomfortable 78 so to live and I being desireous to Come together againe, doe here for her further in Couragement and to prevent after Strifes and Alienations propose these Artickles. 1. She has given some things to her children. I shall never abraid her or seek a return to them. 21y. Our house and land, if I dye before my wife she shall have it during widowhood and bearing my name. In case of Marriage, she shall enjoy 1-3, other 2-3 to my nearest Relations- at her decease her 1-3 to return. 31y. I will not Sell or Mortgage any house or lands. 41y. I promise to dwell in all loveing and quiet behavours. All Moveables as Cattell and household goods vessels or Boates she shall possess solely at my decease."
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