USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 17
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In 1732 56 a change of habit and way of living is indi- 54 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. XI., p. 170.
55 Ibid., Vol. XII., p. 92.
56 Ibid., p. 181.
221
Change of Habits in Tippling
1732]
cated in a grant of licenses at a less rate, 10s., for a limited privilege to merchants and shopkeepers, for one year. They could retail, but not allow " any Drinking or tipling in theire housen shopps or Kitchin. Nor Mix any sort of Liquor." Captain Joseph Roades, Esq'., Mrs. Mary Burnoon, Mr. John Angel, Capt. James Brown (first spelled without an e), "Co11 " Joseph Whipple each paid 10s. The scrupulous use of titles among these plain people, with every possible variation and significance is always suggestive.
The houses inhabited by the denizens of the new cen- tury belong to the third period of architecture as inter- preted by Isham and Brown.57 They were often of two full storeys and varied somewhat from those built in the latter seventeenth century. Frequently built of brick or partly so. In one direction after 1725 there was an elaborate "mitre-like " chimney. After 1730 the pre- revolutionary style called " colonial " was developed.
The chimney was brought nearly into the middle of the house. And in large rooms like those of the Turpin Inn, above noted, massive beams sustained the ceilings. The rooms around the double chimney of this period varied in size. The "great room" descended from the single room of the first period as that came from the old English " hall." This room in the Tillinghast house on Town Street, built about 1730, has two windows. The stair- case was still next the chimney. Soon the rooms on either side of the chimney became equal. Next, there were four rooms with four chimneys outside the house.
Distilling molasses and sugar into rum was perhaps the most important of the New England industries in the sec- ond quarter of the eighteenth century. It was not only the main element in the slave trade, but was powerfully sup- 57 " Early Houses," pp. 15-18.
£
222
The Commercial Growth of Providence
ported by the local demand and by the consumption in the Newfoundland fisheries. Distilling had become well established in Providence, and still-houses were along the Town Street; Antram's as far north as Smith Street, Abbott's was on the s. e. corner of Market Square; An- gell's was near the present Thomas Street. Shipping was built freely and the keels plowed the West Indian seas in frequent voyages. The trade of Providence with Guinea for slaves is obscurely recorded, but it had begun. The larger merchants traded with Bordeaux. Smuggling sugar from the islands was so common that it was hardly noticed. In 1733, by the sugar or " Molasses " act, the House of Commons laid a heavy duty on products im- ported from foreign islands into the northern colonies. This began the troubles ending in the American Revolu- tion. Smuggling mitigated the evil consequences, until George Grenville proved to be too good an administra- tor.
Some ledger accounts, 1723-1738, and a priceless letter- book, 1736-7, of James Brown, father of the "four brothers "-preserved in the manuscripts of the R. I. His- torical Society-give us interesting details of the com- merce of this period. Nicholas Powers' accounts in 1723 became " Father Powers' " in 1731-2.
Distilling is an important function, and a curious joint ownership is shown where the mason is credited 10s. for " mending my firm's mouth under my Still." He offers 100 gallons good rum, " our own Stilling," for a horse. The Dutch process for separating oil and spermaceti was not yet introduced, and candles were still occasionally made by hand. Brown credits in 1736, one lot of 494 lbs. at 4d., made by Hartshorne, the mason, and probably in his kitchen.
Providence was becoming a great mart for molasses.
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223
1737]
Slaves from Guinea
When accumulated here, it often went on to Nantucket or Boston. One lot of 41 hhds. is mentioned in 1737 as transhipped to Boston. It belonged jointly to James Brown, Daniel Jenckes and Job Arnold. Coffee, as well as salt, was constantly moving and sometimes consigned to Boston. Large freights went by water, but small lots of merchandise were sent by Rehoboth to Boston. Noah Mason, living there, is asked in 1737 to carry "four tun wate " to Boston.
As noted above, the reports of the importation of negroes are generally obscure. May 26, 1737,59 Mr. Brown records, " My Gineman is arrived. You may have A slave, if you cum or sand Befoar they air Gon." March 10, 1737. He had advised his Loveing Brother Obadiah in the West Indies on the sloop Mary of Providence, "if you cannot sell all your slaves to your mind, bring some home. I believe they will sell well. Get molasses or sugar. Make despatch for that is the life of trade."
Brown had much intercourse with Uxbridge and Worces- ter, with Plainfield, Killingly and Pomfret. He is con- stantly calling for " fatt " cattle, pork, beef or any prod- uce. These transactions show that Providence must have been for some time the mercantile port of the valleys of the Blackstone and of eastern Connecticut.
Business was conducted with the Atlantic ports as far away as Charleston, S. C., where the correspondent was Mr. Verplanck. When commerce with the West Indies was not available for the moment, vessels were occupied in the local trade of Boston. July 2, 1787, after the sloop Mary had disposed of her black freight, she was sent to the Bay of Andros for a load of logs to be carried to Bos- ton. Newport was a secondary market for almost every- thing. Henry Collins, the distinguished merchant there, 59 R. I. H. S. bound MSS. State Reports, Vol. 8.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
had a rope walk. Brown asked him in 1736 how much good rigging or cash he can have for 1000 lbs. hemp.
Politics were generally seething in our little colony. The Hopkins-Ward controversy a generation later was to engage the Brown family and keep them very busy. Now February 1, 1736, the representative writes to Richard Ward, the father of Samuel, in rather pungent style, " Your Chief friend in Government affairs. I am affraid he had rather be Governor himself. You may see by en- closed, that he is able to Govern his purse (if not his word)."
The evolution of the first caterer in Providence was a way-mark in civilization ; and we must anticipate a few years to explain the beginning in 1736. The negro al- ways played a considerable part in the social life of Rhode Island, after the colonists had means enough to own him. A new kitchen was instituted by the skill of the house mistress working with the negro's aptitude. The freedmen of the period frequently left little estates.60 Jack Howard in 1745 had £145. in colonial bills ; John Read, "free nogro," had £100. in 1753. Emanuel (" Manna ") Bernoon in 1769 had a house and lot, with personal estate inventoried at £539. He was emancipated by Gabriel Bernon in 1736 and then began his regular business. The freedmen generally took the master's name and Manna distinguished his with an additional vowel. His wife, Mary, had been selling liquor without tippling on the premises for four years, competing on a ten-shilling license with Captains, Colonels and Esquires.
Manna now or soon established the first oyster house on Town Street near the location of the subsequent custom house. The rude English-descended efforts in cookery were far surpassed by Huguenot skill and refinement. 60 Dorr, p. 177.
£
1
2.25
1737]
Jolly Negroes, Oysters, Privateers
Manna sought the heart of the softening town by way of a gratified and contented stomach. His outfit included 23 drinking glasses, 4 " juggs," pewter plates, spoons and cooking utensils in proportion. Best of all was his jolly smile as he clinked these glasses in the midst of descendants of Roger Williams and William Harris.
The English declaration of war against Spain in 1739 vitally affected our colony. In the next February the General Assembly prepared against possible invasion. Fort George was garrisoned and provision was made for Block Island. In May 200 men were sent to join the unfortunate attack on Carthagena. Privateers 61 swarmed out from Newport and were very successful. Captain Hull, of Newport, took one prize that afforded every man of his crew 1000 pieces of eight. These adventurers in privateering in some degree influenced the character of the colony and certainly prepared the way for her naval exploits in the Revolution. The sea-rover's life well fitted the man brought up on the shores of the Bay and the Great Salt River. It was not only the bold, dashing career bringing out the Norse blood of the race; it was the desperate call for initiative at any moment. Outcast on land, the Rhode Island man was the more at home on the sea. In storm or calm, in shock of battle or the exigency of flight, the man had to put forth the best in him, and he became a hero.
One of the surveyors to define the eastern line of the colony under the royal commission in 1741 took a more cheery view of the outcast colony than Cotton Mather set forth in the seventeenth century.
" Here's full supply (food and drink) to cheer our hun- gry souls.
61 Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. II., pp. 601, 602.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
Here men may soon any religion find,
Which quickly brought brave Holland to my mind, For here, like there, one with the greatest ease, May suit himself, or quit all if he please."
Better at triangles than at verse, the surveyor was broad, if not graceful.
The public Lottery has been regarded as a source, as well as a chance of either good or evil in early times. It began for us in 1744 in the grant for a scheme of £15,000, out of which was to come £3000 for the rebuilding of Weybosset Bridge. That it was public business is fur- ther demonstrated in the fact that the town subscribed for 400 tickets to encourage the movement.
Communication eastward was enlarged by a public ferry at India Point where Washington Bridge now stands. There had long been ferriage at "narrow passage " or Red Bridge and a bridge " was at Pawtucket." The new ferry for the southeastward connection was regulated by an act in 1746, having been established a few years before.
The population of the colony in 1748 was 41,280. The voters in Providence were 96, with 13 justices of the peace and 4 companies of militia. In 1749 there were 31 licensed tavern keepers; in 1750 there were 30. The highest licenses were at £8. each. The colony tax in 1748 was £5000., of which Providence paid £550. and Newport £825. Our town spent £1165.5.5. in 1748, and ordered a tax for £1600. the next year. We must remem- ber that paper money affected these figures.
February 19, 1748,62 we have an account of the entry of the privateer sloop Reprisal, Captain W. Dunbar, as she brought in her prize, the French ship Industry. It 62 " Early Rec.," Vol. IX., p. 97.
227
Privateering and Prizes
1748]
interests, as showing how the parts were divided and how many persons participated in these fascinating enter- prises. According to Moses Brown at a later day, the losers must be reckoned as well as the fortunate ones. Three Lippitts had each & part in the sloop. Ann Lippitt signs for a negro man in the crew, one share. One owner holds 1/24 part. David + Swanton, mariner, sells " all his share " to John Andrews and Darius Sessions.
France had joined in the Spanish war in 1744, and our privateers severely punished her commerce. It is esti- mated 63 that over 100 French prizes were taken with rich cargoes, some of over $50,000 value. Captain John Den- nis was a terror to the French and they sent from Mar- tinique a strong war-vessel to pursue him especially. They misapprehended the Rhode Island rover; for the pursued turned fiercely and after four hours of hard fighting made the Frenchman his prize.
The colony aided stoutly in the expedition against Louisburgh, and Captain Fones, with his sloop Tartar, headed a small fleet doing much execution.
In 1754 the old householders' provision of fire buckets, with the line of men passing them to and fro, was found insufficient to protect the property in the growing town. Obadiah Brown and James Angell were commissioned to buy a " large water engine." The Boston machine was a small beginning toward the steamer and hydraulic hydrant of to-day, but it was a great advance over lifting water by hand. According to Staples, in 1755 the colony taxed Newport £14,000, South Kingston £5200., Provi- dence £4900.
James and Obadiah Brown, brothers, descended from Chad, the early proprietor and minister, were largely en- gaged in commerce in the second quarter of the century.
63 Brigham, " R. I.," p. 186.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
James was father of the "four brothers," of whom we shall hear much in the development of the larger Provi- dence. "Nicky, Josey, John and Mosey " were household words for a century. According to Moses Brown,64 " My Father's Books shews eight vessels under his manage- ment, viz., Sloop Dolphin, Obadiah Brown, master, sloop Mary Godfrey, schooner Ann, sloop Rainbow, sloop Pelli- can, schooner Ann, Sam Gorton, master, sloop Mary Gould, John Hopkins, master, sloop Shearwater, John Hopkins, master-all West India vessels, some to Surinam with horses &c. From 1730 (or 1738) to 1748 (sic) I find 15 and from 1748 to 1760 I find about 60 vessels by my Father, Obadiah Brown Books owned by him Stephen Hopkins, David Jenks, Nathan Angell and many others."
In another connection he says: "I find in our Books only 84 vessels before the year 60, with their names and mostly their masters."
Obadiah Brown was the younger brother and in partnership with James, who died in 1739. Nicholas, the nephew, was received into the partnership, and all the brothers were trained in business by their Uncle Obadiah. Moses married Obadiah's daughter and ultimately inher- ited his property.
This period brings us to the consideration of, not a new, but newly developed kind of citizen in Providence Plantations. The original and truly educated immigrants -trained in an English university like Roger Williams, or in large affairs like the men of Newport-had long passed by. Their descendants included in Providence Bernon's "learned men," who were not learned as we understand the term. Now comes a citizen, born and trained on Rhode Island soil, who was, if not academic, a largely learned man. Stephen Hopkins was born March 61 MSS. R. I. H. S.
229
Hopkins the True Rhode Islander
1750]
7, 1706-7, at Massapauge, in the district now known as South Providence. His father, Major William Hop- kins, farmer, surveyor, etc., shortly removed to the bridle paths of Chapumscook, now Scituate, where our subject was reared and his essential character was formed. His grandmother was a daughter of Captain John Whipple, above noted, very prominent in plantation life about 1660- 1685. Carpenter, innholder, surveyor, member of town council and of General Assembly, he acquired finally a considerable practice at law. He traded likewise in a large way for his circumstances. We can easily account for the mercantile bent of our subject.
Samuel Wilkinson's daughter was Stephen's mother, contributing not only the blood of that vigorous stock, but the "inner light " of the individual derived from the Society of Friends. Captain Samuel Wilkinson was com- mended by Bernon for " his erudition in divine and civil law, historical narrative, natural and politic," 65 taught our subject mathematics and surveying. In this vocation, like Washington, the youth learned men as well as lands. The best instruction of all came from his mother, and it was " thorough and comprehensive." There were in the Hopkins home and in Grandfather Wilkinson's " circu- lating libraries " used among the families and neighbors.66
Stephen Hopkins' writings show that he studied the great English classics. All accounts indicate that he was a deep reader, as long as life lasted. Such men lacked the scholastic method, but they read and thought seri- ously, developing the powers of the individual mind. President Manning, of Brown University, said of Hop- kins in 1785,67 "Possessing an uncommonly elevated
65 Updike, N. C., Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 54.
66 Foster Hopkins, p. 46.
67 Prov. Gazette, July 16.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
genius, his constant assiduous application in the pursuit of knowledge " rendered him distinguished. But the most significant testimony came from the trained and eloquent John Adams, showing how one untaught in the schools could teach the teachers themselves. "Governor Hop- kins had read Greek, Roman, and British history and was familiar with English poetry, particularly Pope, Thomson and Milton, and the flow of his soul made all of his reading our own, and seemed to bring to recollection in all of us, all we had ever read." 68
Strange that, out of the wilds of Scituate, there came a " flow of soul " which could enthrall the best scholars and highest spirits of America. In considering university education or lack of it, let us remember Jowett said one was fortunate who could pass through the Oxford courses without impairing his mental powers. But Jowett was in himself a school- master, and accordingly we must weigh his judgments carefully.
The ability of young Hopkins was soon recognized by the townspeople. When twenty-four years old he was Moderator; at the next regular meeting in 1732, he was placed in the influential position of town clerk-held for ten years, or as long as he remained in Scituate. He was sent to the General Assembly in 1732, and became Speaker in 1741. His powers were valued wherever known, as appears in his engagement in 1737 to revise the streets of Providence and to project a map extending over Scituate.
As the Browns led the merchants on land, so the Hop- kinses and their kindred led sailors on the seas. Accord- ing to Moses Brown, 17 vessels on his list were owned or commanded by these natural seadogs. Esek, the most dis- tinguished in this respect, left his home to enlist as a com-
68 Foster, p. 48n.
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N
1750]
Commerce Develops Larger Ideas
231
mon sailor in 1738, soon becoming captain. He resided at first at Newport, removing to Providence in 1755.
Stephen, this sturdy son of Rhode Island-bred from her innermost stock-came to Providence Plantation in 1742. A generation had been sending abroad the ves- sels built by Nathaniel Browne and others, loaded with produce yielded by the fertile lands around the Great Salt River. The Bay, Long Island Sound, the mighty Hudson, all had helped to bring Newport and at last Providence into closer contact with all the seaboard mar- kets, as well as ocean commerce. The shell encasing the early plantation was bursting outward into open and freer life, through its communication with the great world outside. Poverty, says Chaucer, is a " gret bringer-out of bisyness." And it has been often said that men of studious habit seldom acquire knowledge of affairs. In Stephen Hopkins we have a remarkable example of edu- cation by contact with affairs, enlightened by his own constant use of books. It has been noted 69 how the " learned men " of the little plantation impressed Gabriel Bernon, coming from the larger opportunities of Europe. Their " learning " was far from academic. It came from the open-minded school of experience. Hopkins entered into commercial ventures, especially in joint interest with the Wantons at Newport. He must have been largely acquainted at Newport, for his visits there began as early as 1732, when he went as a member of the General Assem- bly.
The enlargement of the plantation in a social sense is indicated by the course of religious opinion. Four build- ings, maintained for religious worship, existed in 1742; the old Baptist meeting-house at the corner of Smith Street, the Friends' on Meeting Street, King's Episcopal 69 Ante, p. 209.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
at Church Street, and the Congregational at the corner of College and Benefit Streets. There was one mill and three taverns. A draw in Weybosset Bridge enabled ves- sels to pass to and from Nathaniel Browne's old shipyard, just above the bridge on the west side. Roger Kinni- cut had succeeded Browne in the business about 1730.
The tide of life and trade had been surging down the " old Cheapside " midway in Town Street, and keeping with the current of travel from Boston to New York; it was now turning over the "Great Bridge " toward larger territory across Great Salt River, and along the roads leading to the southwest. Weybosset (sometime Broad) Street, a landmark of this movement, was not approved by "The Neck" when it was opened. The Hayward or Haymarket had opened about 1738, a space for the present Market Square, which gave a center for increasing business.
The narrow lanes from Town Street to the waterfront, curiously named for coins, were matter of contest between the old proprietors and the freemen at large. Now in 1738, the freemen outnumbered the old proprietors, and the latter lost their control of town affairs.
The Lottery system was a crude method for bringing out the social energies of those days. The universal gam- bling spirit, potent individually, was forced outward into social channels, and made to support all kinds of enter- prises good in themselves and desired by the public. It was initiated here in 1744,70 when a lottery was granted by the General Assembly to rebuild Weybosset Bridge.
Commerce proper, since Gideon Crawford, the merchant, in 1687, and Nathaniel Browne, the shipbuilder in 1711, had developed sufficiently on the Town Street wharves to draw downward from the northern districts all the produce 70 Staples, p. 197.
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233
1751]
Direct Commerce to London
intended for export. By 1745 northern Rhode Island and the Blackstone valley of Massachusetts were sending farm products to the Providence merchants for exchange into West Indian and European wares. These larger movements were encouraged and more or less initiated by Stephen Hopkins. In the middle of the last century, a capable investigator, William Hunter, said,71 " Stephen Hopkins taught Providence her capabilities and calcu- lated rather than prophesied her future growth and pros- perity." The inevitable superiority of a port at the head of navigation was beginning to tell in competition with richer Newport; though the latter had a century of advantage in enterprise and development. By the close of the French war in 1763, the larger commerce was well established.
In 1747 Robert Gibbs, Stephen Hopkins and some forty of the most forecasting citizens obtained an ordi- nance for Back Street, the present Benefit. The proprie- tors of old home-lots contending for their graveyards, had vainly opposed the movement. Hereafter the term in deeds and wills was altered to " house-lot." The Fenner estate looking out on Market Square threatened violent resistance. Gradually compromise prevailed and the most radical change of the eighteenth century was instituted,72 reconstructing the "East Side." The members of the First Congregational Church had not been able to get to their location, the site of the present county court- house.
The large commerce for which the West Indian ventures had prepared the way, made a significant advance in 1751 or about that time. Theretofore the shopkeepers of our little plantation had been middlemen or jobbers, as
71 Newport History Mag., Vol. II., p. 142. 72 Dorr, p. 150.
THACT
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
we say. They were tributary to Newport directly-to Bos- ton, New York and Philadelphia for the abundant Euro- pean goods a higher civilization was demanding. Now they were to become importers ; for Colonel Edward Kin- nicut-brother of Roger, the shipbuilder-loaded a ves- sel in the Seekonk with timber and took this first direct cargo to London. He brought back goods enough to furnish three shops; his own, Obadiah Brown's and Daniel Jenks'. The vessel was owned by the two latter jointly, with Stephen Hopkins. Kinnicut finally died in London in 1754.
In 1757 Captain Esek Hopkins brought in a valuable prize, the snow Desire. This was among the early prizes for our port, which, according to Moses Brown, were captured " during the (French) war, to the making of many rich and some poor." The shrewd Quaker correctly estimated the speculative risk of this business; but it stimulated enterprise and developed brave and venturesome seamen.
When Hopkins settled in our plantation he found the scale of living advancing rapidly. The personal apparel and household goods which had been luxurious for the Crawfords in the second decade, had become customary and necessary for a well-to-do community much increased in numbers. Captain James Brown, father of the "Four Brothers," died in 1739; a fair type of the merchant bred out of West Indian commerce. He appointed his " Relict Widdow," Mrs. Hope Brown, one of his three executors,73
His wearing apparel was valued at £92., with Books at £10.10. In bonds, " bills of credit " (paper currency), etc., £1656.0.8. appeared, in book debts £416.2.4., in gold and silver £126.10. The domestic outfit included £6.15. in table linen, in brass and copper £19.10., in iron ware £31.1., in pewter £18.18. Two small looking glasses with 73 MSS. Probate Rec., Vol. III., p. 357.
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