USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 23
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A suggestive saying was embodied in " lazy," used just as we apply " nervous prostration." " Mrs. Brown, I un- derstand Miss Jones is 'lazy ' this summer and I want to do the washing she generally takes from you." Appar- ently, no one would incur the disgrace of laziness, unless she was ill. Jim Fones was the rural postmaster and "I never see no sech do-little coot." The neighbor assented in this guarded statement, " He ain't what I call very work-brittle."
A Devonshire idiom used there to-day put " you'm " in place of " you are." When " Mis Tift " scrutinized the withered features of her that was once a Rose she ex- claimed, " Why, Nabby, heow you'm broke! you'm growed grey an' you'm wrinkled some. I shouldn't ha' knowed ye from Adam." This was a favorite method of alleviating the ravage of Time. " Be you She that was Miss Bethuny Babcock? Yes. Wal, you'm broke all to smash, ain't ye? "
Musing over a pinched estate, Uncle Cy said, " S'pose
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How They Talked
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the widder'n the gals c'n jest make out ter ruggle along, cain't they? And when the weather was clearing toward evening, he said the rain had 'held up for a milkin'- slatch.' "
These fossil remains of other times are suggestive. The New Englander above all was sly. As he came to make the country store his club or social exchange, he would take two or three drinks of New England rum and thaw his chilly and rather crusty consciousness into something more agreeable. Sitting about, on a barrel head or box, he would not utter an opinion of his own ; that would be taking too much responsibility. Naturally shrewd and sagacious, though reticent, he put his observation into some form of wit, which should bridge over to the hearer, and not reveal, too far, his own personality and essential being.
Slavery was the element which most affected the life and customs of these proprietors. In the middle and in the third quarter of the eighteenth century, South Kings- town had more slaves than any other town excepting New- port. The resident Indians, employed as they were, re- inforced the operations of slave-labor. The Africans were generally obtained at Newport, though our planters im- ported some directly.35 " Sheperd Tom " tells us of one Abigail 36 imported by Rowland Robinson and employed in his family. She was so contented that she persuaded her master to send her back to Guinea, whence she re- turned, bringing her only son to become a slave. The accounts of expenses in this expedition existed not long ago. A mother going as broker to enslave her own son was anomalous work in our eyes. The life of slaves must have been comparatively easy in our district.
35 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 208.
36 T. R. Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 22.
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" Like master, like man." The follies of masters must be imitated in the ways of blacks, culminating in mock negro-elections for a governor. Mr. Updike's description is so graphic that we transcribe it entire.37
Out of the easy living under a system of slave-holding, naturally came luxury and dissipation. In May the planters generally went to Hartford to feast on bloated salmon. For this custom we have the direct testimony of Mrs. Anstis Lee in 1791, already cited. After an early ride they sojourned under the Bunch of Gilded Grapes at Bull's Tavern and breakfasted on " bloated salmon." It was " the fashion, in old times, to make a special visit to Hartford, almost yearly, to luxuriate on this rare and
37 " When the slaves were numerous, each town held an annual election the third Saturday in June. Party was as violent with them, as among the whites. The slaves assumed the power and pride and took the relative rank of their masters, and it was de- grading to the reputation of the owner, if his slave appeared in inferior apparel, or with less money than the slave of another master of equal wealth. The horses of the wealthy landholders were, on this day, all surrendered to the use of the slaves and, with queues, real or false, head pomatumed and powdered, cocked hat, mounted on the best Narragansett pacers, sometimes with their masters' swords; with their ladies on pillions, they pranced to election, which commenced generally at ten o'clock. The canvass for votes soon began. The tables, with refreshments, were spread and all friends of the respective candidates were solicited to par- take, and as much anxiety and interest would manifest itself and as much family pride and influence were exercised and interest created, as in true elections, and preceded by weeks of parmateering (parliamenteering). About one o'clock the vote would be taken by ranging the voters in two lines. There was generally a tumultuous crisis, until the court commenced, when silence was proclaimed. and after that no man could change sides or go from one rank to the other. At dinner the governor was seated at the head of the long table, under trees or in an arbour, with the unsuccessful candidate at his right and his lady on the left. The afternoon was spent in dancing, games of quoits and athletic exercises. The servant of Elisha R. Potter was elected governor about 1800. The canvass was very expensive to his master. Soon after the election Mr.
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Sea Food
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delicate fish." 38 Updike says pace-races on the beach for the prize of a silver tankard, with feasts of a roast or " bake " of shelled or scaled fish, were the indulgence of the merry summertime. Oysters, lobsters, clams and quahogs made ambrosial feasts all along Narragansett Bay and by the ponds on the southern shore. Cong- don's Tavern in Wickford was famous for good cheer, and " Sheperd Tom " has an amusing tale of John Ran- dolph of Roanoke, who was wofully disappointed, owing to his ignorance of local dialect. He came with his cousin Edmund, Secretary of State under Washington. In their horseback tour from New York toward Newport " ham and eggs" had been the universal fare. At Wickford Congdon said he would give them clams for supper. The eccentric John of Roanoke rubbed his hands in pleased expectation. Then appeared the host again, saying the tide was too high for clams, but they should have some capital quahogs-the hard-shelled round clam. "Good God! more bacon!" said Randolph.39
With autumn came the corn-husking festivals. All pro- prietors intimate in the family visiting were invited, and
Potter had a conference with the governor, and stated to him that the other must give up politics, or the expense would ruin them both. The negro abandoned politics .- Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 213- 215.
Mr. Potter, born in 1764, was an old-fashioned Rhode Island poli- tician, democrat-aristocrat. Blacksmith, soldier, lawyer, he knew men and things; hardly any man in our State ever exercised more personal influence. When not in Congress, he was in the General Assembly, whatever party prevailed. Once he was beaten in a town election. Coming down the steps of the old court house-mortified and moody-an inquirer asked about some measure in prospect. " I don't know," said th: baffled leader, " I used to have influence enough in South Kingstown to hang any two men in the town. Now I can hardly keep from being hung myself."
38 Ibid., Vol. III., p. 102.
3º Hazard, " Reminiscences," p. 65.
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the guests brought their slaves to assist in serving. After the husking dancing would occur, the music being fur- nished by natural musicians among the slaves. Gentle- men in garb already described in the case of Rowland Robinson, would conduct ladies dressed in brocade. with cushioned head-dresses and high-heeled shoes, through the stately minuet in thirty-six positions and changes.40 On one occasion it was said John Potter husked one thou- sand bushels of corn in a day. After the Revolution large proprietors continued these expensive festivals, on a dimin- ishing scale, until about 1800.
Traveling was difficult, and carriages were little used. The public roads were poor, and important districts like the tracts of Point Judith and Boston Neck were pene- trated by drift ways and obstructed by gates, until the middle of the nineteenth century. On horseback, with a darky following, this would do; when every man became his own servant it was not so agreeable.
While the servants amused themselves with the grotesque proceedings above noted, which rather indicate a life too much influenced by barbarism and over-frivolous, the mas- ters practiced the sports recognized in Southern commu- nities, especially in Virginia. Fox chasing with hounds and horns, fishing and fowling, were recreations worthy of the gentleman. Indoors, Christmas made a long holi- day, when guests and servants gathered in every family connection for twelve days or more. Wherever social life prevails, the wedding is the central occasion and hospitable gala of the time. Mr. Updike 41 comments on the last one-peculiar and specially appropriate to the eighteenth century-that occurred in 1790. Six hundred guests at- tended, and the host, Nicholas Gardiner, a portly, courte-
40 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 225.
41 Ibid., p. 226.
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ous gentleman, was dressed in the rich style, then passing out. With his cocked hat, full-bottomed white wig, snuff- colored coat and waistcoat deep in the pockets, cape low so as not to disturb the wig, and to readily expose the large silver stock-buckle so generally worn in the plaited neck-cloth of white linen cambric, with small clothes and white-topped boots finely polished, he was the effective presentation of a life given to social enjoyment, the em- bodiment of squirearchy.
The solid basis of this social structure in Narragansett was guaranteed by the relative apportionment of the state taxes in 1780. It seems strange that, after Providence had developed so much commercial life and wealth; slave- holding South Kingstown should pay one-third more than the proportion of Providence, of the heavy tax then assessed. She paid double the share of Newport-then impoverished by the war-and was by far the most wealthy town in the State.42 Relative property shows that the squires with their foolish negroes were canny at home, as well as sportive when abroad.
The whole social life was changed after the Revolution, when slavery diminished and the West Indian exports were less. Planting and slavery were replaced by small farming and economy in living.43 It is fair to estimate that the moral aversion to slavery-much stimulated by the Quakers-hastened its downfall. Certainly the strictly
42 Arnold, Vol. II., p. 465.
43 The present writer's great-grandfather had a family of slaves in the period of the Revolution, with several from Guinea. One Guy brought from Africa the art of grinding tobacco into snuff. His price was 43d. or 6} cents for a portion in the palm of his hand. When he milled a parcel and there seemed to be plenty, he gave a full handful. As the quantity decreased, he skimped the award in his palm. Price did not change, but the natural law of supply and demand prevailed.
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economic results in Narragansett were better than has been supposed generally.
The mixture of blood in this peculiar population of Narragansett was entangled, almost beyond comprehen- sion. Marriages between negroes and Indians were com- mon, and the illicit intercourse between white men and colored women marked a numerous progeny. Now, we may note a legitimate marriage of bewildering descent. Thomas Walmsly was a Mustee or at least an octoroon. His wife Elizabeth was an Indian woman. She was bap- tized in company with her child Patience.44
But there were regular marriages between white men and Indian women in all parts of New England, which have not been sufficiently considered in tracing our hered- ity. March 17, 1727, " Deborah onion an Indianess wife of John Onion an Englishman " was married and baptized by MacSparran.45 Five years later three children were baptized.
From these waifs and casual representatives of varied races, we gladly turn to another sort of people, whose names will always maintain a halo around Pettaquamscutt. April 11, 1756, being Palm Sunday, Dr. MacSparran " read Prayers preached and baptized at St. Paul's Nar- ragansett Gilbert Stewart Son of Gilbert Stewart ye Snuff Grinder Sureties ye Dr. Mr. Benj" Mumford & Mrs. Hannah Mumford." 46
Whenever a title or mark of vocation could be attached to a person, it was done in these painstaking times. The church records literally gave everyone his due. In. a subscription list there appeared three Captains, one Doc- tor, a dozen Misters and one Esquire. In other connec-
44 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 530.
45 Ibid., p. 492.
46 Ibid., p. 552,
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Common Use of Titles
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Sons we find clothier, taylor and Mr. Edwards, Perriwig maker at Greenwich. A shopkeeper was mentioned and it was a rare term. Merchant and shop were often used in Providence, but not this form of title.
Perhaps no community more carefully and frequently set forth its erratic fancy than our folk did in their bi- mominal nomenclature. There were so many of one name hat the bearer must have a descriptive prefix, lest he be Lost in a concordant multitude. Mr. Updike cites thirty- two " Tom Hazards " living at one time and thus illus- trates a few, " College Tom, because he was a student in college. Bedford Tom was his son, and lived at New Bedford. Barley Tom because he boasted how much barley he raised from an acre. Virginia Tom because he married a wife there. Little-Neck Tom from the farm of that name. Nailer Tom, the blacksmith. Fiddle-Head Tom, an obvious resemblance. Pistol Tom, wounded by an explosion of that arm. Young-Pistol Tom, his son. Short Stephen's Tom, the father low against Long Ste- phen's Tom, the father tall. Tailor Tom needs no ex- planation." 47 The Georges were not so numerous, but they were distinguished by Beach-Bird George, of little legs ; Shoe String George, an opponent of Buckles ; Wig George, Doctor George, Governor George. In 1771 Rob- ert Hazard, " Practitioner of physick and surgery," was inventoried for wearing apparel at £9.2. Apparently the prices of this inventory were in lawful money, though it is not definitely specified. He had a fair amount of plate, 41 oz., including a tankard and a silver watch and seal. But his non-chirurgical fancy was most fully expressed in buttons ; " mettle " at 18s., " frosted " 48 at 7s. 6d., brass sleeve at 1s. 6d. and sundry sorts at 1s. 6d. There
47 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., p. 282.
18 Sometimes they were " flowered."
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was an apothecary's stock, as was the custom among physicians. A loom, four woollen and four linen wheels furnished an industrial outfit. He farmed moderately and had four slaves ; one woman at £30., another at £18.15., a girl with swelling on her neck £11., an " indented " Indian servant about nine years old £8. These women spun and wove, probably. The personal estate in these comprehensible values amounted to £1959.
Elisha Clark,49 Jun., was a shoemaker, with estate of £108.10. in 1773. Though he dressed at the small out- lay of £1.15., he was not without the conventional vanities of the day ; silver shoe and knee buckles £1.5.6., one pair gold sleeve buttons 14s., one pair silver do. set in stone 6s .; one pair silver neck clasps 3s.
Shoe and knee buckles were virtually universal; a com- fort in silver, a necessity in pewter or brass. Silver watches-appraised at £8. in 1777-and seals are becom- ing common. The first Banister back chairs appear, six at £3.12. Five negro boys and girls are valued at £117. " An old negro wench which we esteem of no value " was a typical record.
Wm. Gardner's inventory in 1781 was " taken in Real money." One negro man at 60 dollars was equal to £18. In the débris 717 Continental dollars and one Treasurer's note upon Boston were valued at £17.6.
Rev. Samuel Fayerweather, according to official re- port,50 dwelt " in the midst of enemies, Quakers, Anabap- tists, Antipædobaptists, Presbyterians, Independents, Dippers, Levellers, Sabbatarians, Muggeltonians and Brownists," who united " in nothing but pulling down the Church of England." His ministry was not as effective practically as was that of Dr. MacSparran. "Parson "
4º MSS. S. K. Probate Rec., Vol. VI., p. 16.
50 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 238.
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Numerous Sects
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Fayerweather, in the critical eye of Mr. Daniel Updike, " though a man of great talents, attended but little to the minutiæ of his duty." Probably the passing of soci- ety from the life of planters to that of farmers and people of less feudal influence took away many of the natural supporters of the Anglican church. We may see how a parson lived by consulting his inventory, September 27, 1781. His best suit of black Padusoy-coat, waistcoat and breeches-cost £9 .; his other apparel £18.7. His gold ring, girdle buckle and silver shoe buckles £6. He had 80 oz. plate at £24., and a horse and sulky with whip at £15. His books are not mentioned and the personal estate was £241.7. Another clergyman, Rev. Joseph Torrey, had two gold rings at 15s. It seems to have been a well-established fashion. His estate was moderate, £308.6., including one hog, one pig and a loom.
John Potter, dying in 1787, left a will,51 but no re- corded inventory. Very considerate provision was made for the widow Elizabeth. He had several sons and a good riding beast, saddle and bridle with one good milch cow, was to be kept by either son, with whom she might choose to live. Firewood to be cut to fit any fireplace she might choose, and brought into the room. The chosen son was to provide everything to make her " happy and comfort- able." The slaves were technically emancipated, but the " use and improvement " of the negro woman Rose and the girl Pegg to be victualled by the son, were to be hers during widowhood. If she should marry again, these bequests were to be transferred to her daughters. Ac- cording to Mrs. Robinson, the daughters received £800. each, though £50. and a home in the mansion house was considered proper. The theory of the time was that the father provided for his sons and thus cared for other 61 S. K. Probate Rec., Vol. VI., p. 197.
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men's daughters, whom they might marry. His house was at Matunuck, on Potter Pond, a division at the western shore of the great Salt Pond. It was large and stately, though it has been divided again and again until little is left of the original. It was adorned with portraits by Copley and other artists. Some of the rooms were paneled in the wainscot from floor to ceiling. Mr. Pot- ter's wealth came easily, for in a hidden and literally dark closet where the chimney wound about, the implements of coinage were kept and used. There was a tradition,52 well authenticated, that the hospitable Potters were en- tertaining a relative, Nicholas Hazard, of Newport. In the company was a poor pensioner, her reason a little clouded and her tongue loose in chartered freedom. She asked the host again and again, "Who made money in the Overing house?" He lost patience, exclaiming, "I don't know unless it was the devil." Nothing daunted, the old lady replied, " I always said it was the devil, but my husband says it was Friend Potter."
Though the technical expression, "Real Money," was not recorded until 1781, the detailed prices show the change by 1771. Slaves and other property commercially regulated, had to be reduced from the extravagant valu- ations in Old Tenor.
Whatever the general social condition of woman may have been, she affected quite an expansive change in her wardrobe, as we enter the times of exciting agitation pre- ceding the Revolution. In 1762 it was matter of remark that Robert Brown's helpmate-in a wealthy estate- exceeded her husband's outlay for dress by £5. In 1767 Susannah Hazard, well-to-do likewise, multiplied her hus- band's apparel to six or seven times the cost before my
52 Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 65.
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lady was satisfied. She simply adumbrated the coming woman.
The old South County loses its characteristics and dis- tinctive features as we leave slavery ; its farmers inclining by necessity to ways of living according with the other parts of the state. The colonial history and manifesta- tion of this bit of territory and peculiar field of social expression will always interest students of humanity.
CHAPTER X
REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD. 1763-1785
We left the town of Providence in 1762, developing a vigorous commerce. Daniel Jenckes, Nathan Angell, Nicholas Power and other merchants were engaged in the trade to the West Indies, also exchanging across to Nan- tucket, Boston, and down the Atlantic coast .* The lead- ing merchants in control of capital and influence were the four brothers Brown. Their uncle Obadiah died in 1762, but he had gradually withdrawn from active af- fairs, leaving the business to the younger generation. The nephew Moses having married his cousin, inherited Obadiah's estate. In 1758, one-half the spermaceti can- dle manufactory,1 including lot, houses, fencing, etc., with one-half the sloop Charming Molly, had been con- veyed to Nicholas and John Brown for £6782.8.10. Old Tenor. Annexed to the business of Nicholas Brown & Co. were the operations of Nicholas and John Brown. John was by far the most enterprising and sagacious of the family, and his bold spirit finally separated him from Nicholas. An account of Nicholas and John's " Stock in Trade " interests and shows the methods of the day. Navigation at sea in 3, 4 and 2 shares comprised £37579. In addition § Sloop Charles or Molley was worth £5,657. Rum in the works was £1,333. Spermaceti, oil and Nan- tucket account was £21,500. Sundry items carried the
* East Greenwich ran the sloop Industry to Nantucket, and the Betsey to James River, Norfolk, Richmond.
1 This factory was built by Obadiah at India Point in 1753. He worked 300 bbls. headmatter the first year.
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total to £90,517. Very interesting is the conveyance to Nicholas Brown & Co. of the Sloop Four Bros. charged over in 1763, for this vessel had a long career. Her cost in all items for building, including plank, spars, wages, anchors, etc., was £3351.16. In 1765 Abraham Whipple, afterward Commodore, and author of the famous apoth- egm to Wallace, " Catch a rebel before you hang him," was her Master, and his accounts with letters, were written as well, as his speech was ready in revolutionary time. He took the sloop to Barbados, receiving £35 per month and a " privilege " of 8 hhds. of sugar or molasses. He had 5% commission on sales of the outward cargo, 21% on the return, and an additional commission of 23% on the cargo of another vessel, the Brigg George.
Nov. 9, 1765, Nicholas Power was instructed to pro- ceed to Surinam and receive the Four Bros. and go to Barbados. If he should find Captain Esek Hopkins there in " our Brigg Sally " he was to advise: " And if he Sels his Slaves there, Load your sloop with some of the effects." 2 Power was to follow Captain Hopkins to get rum, sugar, etc.
James Burrough Mr. sailed her to " Mounte Christo " in 1766, and the details of the Portage Bill are curious. The Master had £35 per month, privilege of 6 hhds. 110 g. each, and his commission of 5%. The Mate had £55, and 3 hhds. 300 g. each. The Cooper, an important per- sonage, got £70, with one hhd. 110 g. Two " marriners " received each £50, and privilege of 4 bbls. 313 g. Obvi- ously, the solid privilege of freighting molasses was rela- tively more valuable than Old Tenor bills of fluctuating standards.
An example of secondary exchanges-as we may term them-appears in the Four Bros.' voyage to St. 2 Nicholas Brown & Co., MS.
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John's, Newfoundland, in 1763. Here Nicholas Power was her merchant or factor, having "privilege" of 28 " Kentles " fish with 5% commission on outward cargo and 23% on returns. Prices for guidance in purchasing returns were £17 or £18 per quintal for dry fish, £60 per bbl. for Irish beef, 12s. for Irish butter, £3 for Geese feathers and 50s. per lb. for waterfowl do. Bills of ex- change at 31 for 1, and the Sloop might be sold for £420 sterling exchange. We would like to know how much Irish butter was actually eaten in New England. Possi- bly this was intended for reshipment to the West Indies. In 1764-5 the tight little sloop, with the social name, made a voyage to Boston and Marblehead. It will be observed in the history of every vessel that strong efforts were made, through "privilege " and commission, to interest both officers and sailors in the profit of the smallest trans- actions of the owners.
Esek Hopkins, noted above as cruising with slaves in the West Indies, was to become the first admiral of the Ameri- can navy, and was one of the most interesting characters of the mid-century in our colony. Skillful in his profes- sion and of great fighting power, he was not as fortunate in concurrent circumstances as his brother Stephen. True, he had not the genius and scientific knowledge of Paul Jones, but he was a good officer. Mistakes were inevitable in those crude beginnings, while sectional jeal- ousies contributed to complicate the results of Hopkins' action and to bring about only partial success.
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