Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people, Part 21

Author: Weeden, William B. (William Babcock), 1834-1912. cn
Publication date: 1910
Publisher: New York, The Grafton Press
Number of Pages: 806


USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 21


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True Liberty at Newport


nine years at Newport from 1762 to 1771 25 (I speak of my own knowledge) only one person was executed, a notorious thief and house-breaker, one Sherman.


The multiplicity of secretaries (sic) and strange wildness of opinions, was disgusting to a reasonable mind, and produced as great a variety, though with no such perni- cious effect, as in the reign of Charles the First; upon the whole, however, there was more genuine religion, morality and piety diffused than in any country I have ever seen. The state of literature in America was by no means contemptible." 26


The refined culture of such a people must find expres- sion in art, though the century was not fruitful in the plastic arts. John Smibert, another Scotchman, is con- sidered to have been the first artist of note in America. He came to Newport with Dean Berkeley and painted many portraits there. Robert Feke, little known, but one of the best colonial artists, practiced there in the mid- century. Gilbert Stuart, the marvelous delineator of Washington, born in Narragansett, educated in Newport, was formed at the beginning by these collections of pic- tures. Cosmo Alexander, an artist of repute, spent two years in America, mostly on the island; he taught Stuart and first took him to England. Washington Allston was fitted for college in Newport. Edward G. Malbone, born at Newport in the revolutionary time, was self-taught, and the atmosphere of the island-paradise lighted up his palette. Benjamin West said of his " Hours " that " no man in England could excel it." There is in the delicate lines of this bit of ivory a " dignity, character and expres- sion " 27 inspired by the whole ideal life I have attempted


25 It will be remembered the population was 12,000. And we should compare the legal and criminal experience of England at the same period.


26 Rhode Island Historical Magazine, Vol. VI., pp. 161, 168-171. 27 Arnold. Art and Artists in Rhode Island, p. 9.


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Newport in the Eighteenth Century


to set forth. We have in these words, the criticism of a sympathetic artist. I would note also a certain grace which is the refining excellence of beauty.


The grace of culture may be rendered in a picture; its strength and force must be represented by a man or men. Ezra Stiles, though not the outgrowth, was a collateral product of our island. Coincident with the Jewish immi- gration, he became minister of the Second Congregational Church in 1756, at twenty-nine years of age, influenced " partly by an agreeable town and the Redwood Library." He was Librarian during most of his twenty years' so- journ. Corresponding with European authors, he solic- ited books for the Redwood. His folio Homer is pre- served, fully annotated by him in the original Greek. He became President of Yale College, the natural precinct of Jonathan Edwards,28 who had told the previous gener- ation that the "existence of all exterior things is ideal."


Stiles formed Chancellor Kent, and Channing, inherit- ing his Newport teachings, said, " In my earliest years, I regarded no human being with equal reverence." If he had done no more than to affect seriously these two men, America would owe him a great debt.


This happy community was fatally damaged by the Revolution, when its commerce fled to the safer port of Providence. Many of its citizens were loyalists, and the armies of both contestants trampled over the city. The society created by its peculiar culture was scattered, and the true " Paradise of New England " ceased to be.


28 We should note the sympathy, correlative though not derived, between Edwards and Berkeley. "The soul in a sense, has its seat in the brain; so in a sense, the visible world is existent out of the mind; for it certainly in the proper sense, exists out of the brain. . Space is a necessary being, if it may be called a being; and yet we have also shown, that all existence is mental, that the existence of all exterior things is ideal." Cited from Edwards by Sereno E. Dwight. Life and Letters of Berkeley, p. 182.


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CHAPTER IX THE SOUTH COUNTY. 1758-1787


ITHE name of King's County was changed to Wash- ington during the Revolution, but it has generally been known by the familiar term we have given it. The characteristics of the region changed as slavery went out. As the estates lessened, the patrician owners were suc- ceeded by farmers employing fewer laborers, and their habits were more in accord with other parts of the colony and state. We must take up and describe Rowland Rob- inson,1 for the story of his daughter, the " Unfortunate Hannah." He was a type of the old landholders, " con- stitutionally irritable, rash and unyielding " by one ac- count. In Mr. Isaac P. Hazard's 2 rose-colored glass, he was " a noble, generous-spirited man by nature, passion- ate, but not vindictive." All agree that the daughter was " the most perfect model of beauty." She was known in Philadelphia and throughout the colonies. One of her suitors, Dr. William Bowen, was most enthusiastic in his description. "Her figure was graceful and dignified, her complexion fair and beautiful and her manner urbane and captivating; that she rode with ease and elegance." Doctor Bowen proffered his affection, but the beauty was already engaged. The refusal came with "such suavity and tenderness, united with personal respect," that the disappointed suitor was consoled.


The favored swain was Peter Simons, of Newport, who 1Updike, Goodwin, Vol. I., pp. 230-234.


2 Ibid., p. 546.


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was a music-master at the dancing school, where they met. Notwithstanding the most violent opposition from Mr. Robinson, they eloped and were married about 1760 in Providence, where they settled, living in very poor cir- cumstances. The neglect and dissipation of the husband, and possibly the uneasy conscience of the bride, made her ill. She was assisted by her mother, who finally per- suaded the passionate, but affectionate, father to have her conveyed in a litter to his home in Narragansett. „ It was too late, and she died on the night of her arrival.


This was purely an old-fashioned romance, with all the elements needed by Miss Porter for a ravishing tale. A century ago, sympathy was altogether with the " Unfor- tunate Hannah." As the shadows lengthen, the high lights are not so strong on the figures of the lovers, and bring the father into more favorable perspective. The outcome of the worthless character of Simons proved that the sensible father was correct in estimating the youth. Doubtless, Robinson's conduct was passionate and unrea- soning; that was the way of the time. He was putting forth all his powers to save his daughter from a fate which was literally " unfortunate."


The excellent care of the Hazard family has preserved the account books of College Tom, kept in 1750 to 1790, with their invaluable records of Narragansett life in the middle of the century. He was son 3 of the large land- holder, Robert Hazard, graduating at Yale College, and lived the life of a planter, gradually merging into that of a farmer. He charged farm produce to his debtors


8 " He married Elizabeth, daughter of Governor Robinson, was comely in person, large in stature six feet, and of great physical strength; a forcible speaker, he was deservedly popular in his denomination, and was the first in his denomination that advocated the abolition of negro slavery."-Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 65.


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College Tom's Management


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and also small articles obtained in trade,4 as shoe buckles, skeins of thread, a thimble, etc. Evidently the proprie- tor procured these things in the markets around the Bay, and they served in discharging his obligations, instead of money or currency, which was scarce. Some entries are equivalent to the exchanges in modern banking. John Mash was debtor for 30s. in cash, paid to Thomas Sweet, blacksmith; it was due from John Nichols to said Sweet and from John Mash to said Nichols. A charge to his brother-in-law carries a "Felt Hatt for Dick at £1. Casteel Sope, Handkerchiefs at 14s. Callominco at 18s. Sugar, Indigo and salt." Thomas Hazard at Newport was debtor for £55., to be paid in three months " on Swop between Two Horses." Prices were generally in Old Tenor, though occasionally specified in Lawful Money.


George Ireish bought a famous Narragansett "Natu- ral pacing Horse, dark coloured with some White in his face," at fifty-five silver Spanish milled dollars. The transaction reveals a curious course of trade and indirect balancing of values.5 "I am to take 1 hoggshead of molasses, 1 barrell of Sugar at £70. old Tenor per Hun- dred, the Molasses at the value of 36/- old Tenor, a Doller being considered at the Value of Eight Pounds old Tenor the Remainder in Tea at ye Rate of eight Pounds old Ten', and in Indigo at the Rate of Twelve Pounds, old Tenor; to have one half of ye remainder in Tea, & the other in Indigo." If they lived a simple life in the olden time the simplicity did not extend to the ways of trade and the adjustment of values.


Tea appeared in the first accounts, 1750, at £3.4s., 1766 at £8. O. T., and chocolate comes in 1754 at fourteen shillings a pound. In 1771 Powel Helme was 4 " Hazard College Tom," p. 58, et seq.


5 Ibid., p. 64.


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charged for Keeping the Coddington horse seven weeks and six days in summer at one pound of chocolate per week. Mr. Helme was credited by "thy instructg " young Robert Hazard in the art of navigation at 5s. 6d.


Each homestead manufactured most articles needed for use in the family. The most important process was in carding, combing, spinning and weaving. There is hardly any mention of carding in these accounts, but combing occurs frequently. Valentine Ridge is credited with combing " at my house 40 lbs. of wool " and "at thy house 333 lbs. wool." The comber was probably son of Master Ridge, the Irish schoolmaster at Tower Hill, of strong character and " courtly bearing." Miss Hazard thinks " there was no apparent descent in the social scale from a physician to a weaver, or a schoolmaster to a wool comber." 6 This hardly corresponds with the pres- ent writer's observation, which has been that there was distinction between those who employed and those who were workers. Landholders, clergymen, physicians and lawyers made the upper ranks. Teachers were between- classes ; they were not ranked in a profession, as they are to-day.


Ridge received 14s. per lb. O. T. for combing the " worsted." It was spun on a "woolen wheel." Both worsted and linen were spun at six shillings O. T. per skein in 1761. James Carpenter spun both linen and tow yarn, and wove the latter into diaper; but generally the yarn was spun by one and woven by another person. In 1753 linen was woven at seven shillings and ticking at the same price. The latter was needed for feather beds, the greatest comfort of the eighteenth century, and too common to be a luxury. Half Duroy is mentioned, a modification of corduroy, probably. Gardner, " ye weaver 6 " Hazard College Tom," p. 96.


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The Artisans of the Time


at Tower Hill," and two others were employed by Thomas Hazard from 1756 to 1760. They were charged with wool at twenty shillings O. T. per pound, " to be paid for in weaving; Tow at 3s. 6d. Flanning 3s. Worsted at 5s. and other cloths at the same rate." Benedict Oatley was skillful, for he could weave striped cloth and made one piece " Chex." An entry is for dyeing, scour- ing, pressing and shearing one piece of " Sarge " and for scouring and fulling one piece of "Cersey." The blue colors were dyed in indigo.


Martin Reed, " a remarkable man,"7 left an orphan, served an apprenticeship of fourteen years at weaving (probably in Newport) until he was twenty-one. With one quarter's schooling, he read all the books accessible on his art, until he had mastered it. He married Mary Dixon, a diaper weaver, and began living in a simple way with the plainest furniture and a single loom. He suc- ceeded so well that he soon became the manufacturer for all the principal families around. This shows that the division of labor was begun. He became a member of St. Paul's Church under Mr. Fayerweather and always led the singing. In the Revolution and afterward, while the parish had no rector, he read the service in the church and at funerals.


There were numerous hand weavers for plain cloth, but Reed was the most skilled, being the only one who could weave calimanco. Wool and flax were constantly manu- factured; some linen was spun by the weaver, James Carpenter, in 1768, at eight shillings and woven into diaper at ten shillings per yard. In 1761 " linnen yarn " is recorded at six shillings the skein. Astress Crandall was a famous spinner for all kinds of work. She spun " card-work " as well as worsted; and there is an entry 7 Updike, Goodwin, Vol. II., p. 18.


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for " spinning, doubling and dressing 1 skain of stocking worsted three double." The dressings seem to have con- sisted in boiling and washing the yarn. Stockings are seldom mentioned; a pair in 1756 cost 35 shillings and a "Linning Handkerchief " 22 shillings.


It shows how nearly self-furnishing and consuming Hazard's estate was that his largest sale of wool was only 100 lbs. at 143d. ; though he kept a good flock of sheep.


Andrew Nichols, the tailor, was frequently employed, and his wife Eunice was a " tailoress." He was a good Friend, and bought the "Principles & Precepts of ye Christian Religion &ct. at 10s. Old Ten = 4ª}." In 1769 his account credited with £139. O. T. showed a bal- ance due Nichols of only 11s. 8ª. Thomas Hazard's one hand nearly washed the other, so to speak.


The shoeing of horses and oxen was a constant neces- sity, and the blacksmith was an important character throughout early New England. Shoeing the family was likewise an intimate necessity. The leather used was tanned near home, in one instance the skins being " dressed to ye halves "; but generally the share of the tanner was one-third. All sorts of skins-even including a skunk's- were converted into leather. In 1768 John Sherman made twelve pairs of shoes for £24. and apparently did all the work of the family. For that year his bill, including some Women's Hats, amounted to £75. O. T. Often the shoe- maker went about from house to house, and this custom continued well into the nineteenth century.


In 1750-1755 hay was £20. per load, and a pair of oxen £130. In 1765 beef was 4s. 6d. per pound. Milk was one shilling a quart in 1752 and some time after. But- ter was 5s. 6d. in 1750 and 7s. the next year. Cheese was the important product, and in 1754 3627 lbs. were made at 3s., amounting to £545.17.


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1760]


The Important Indian Corn


An interesting entry occurs in 1773, when a load of " cole " was carted from the Ministerial Farm. Nova Scotia coal was then used in Boston, and probably this came in at the South Ferry or at Robert Hazard's wharf on Boston Neck. Mr. Hazard's chaise is mentioned in 1779 and it was said to be the first in the county.


Our settlers derived one of the largest factors in their living from the native Narragansetts. Indian corn was and is a most important element in the agriculture of this district. The rich soil along the ocean shore affords a good support for this excellent food. On Broad Rock farm near Peace Dale, which was a part of College Tom's estate, there were recently to be seen two of the Indian caches 8 for storing it. They were small hollows in the ground, some three feet long, two feet wide, and one foot deep, roughly lined with stone. When the tribe was driven into Massachusetts in the time of Philip's War, they came and carried away these deposits for subsistence. Several modes of cooking were inherited with the precious cereal. Shepherd Tom Hazard, in his Johnny Cake Papers, is most enthusiastic in his accounts of the old colonial bread. The corn must be ground by fine-grained stones, which would make " flat " meal instead of " round." The meal should be made into dough and spread on the middle board of a red oak barrel head. Only walnut coals were worthy, and the crust as it browned should be basted with cream. Hasty pudding and "them por- ridge " were viands from the same source.


College Tom had a few slaves. His father, Robert, dying in 1762, by tradition, left 24. It does not appear that the slave-owners took many apprentices, though they had some. Priamus, a negro boy, came to Mr. Hazard at six years and lived out a term of apprentice- 8 " Hazard College Tom," p. 111.


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ship until of age, either with this employer or in the imme- diate neighborhood. He took another, Oliver Smith, at eight years from his mistress, " for his Bringing up until he may have an advantageous opportunity to go appren- tice." There are scarce any traces of Indian labor, though we know they were often employed. There are many curious contracts for labor of the better class, which should work between the black slave and the white master. In 1763 Henry Hill agreed to " Labour at Husbandry " for ten months and was to receive £400. O. T.9 In his account he was charged 34s. for half a quire of paper, and 10s. " Paid Fox the scribe "; a function seldom recognized in colonial life. Another husbandman was to make shoes in wet weather; and still another to " labor at carpentry " when the skies were not propitious.


The admirable domestic system of labor was further reinforced in 1762 by Jacob Barney-mark the Irish name. He was to work four months at journey-work in hatting, and to teach "my son Tommy " the trade, to- gether with another lad. He was to receive the common wages, by the hat, and to be found his board for instruc- tion of the lads. Hats sold at £40. in 1763, and this must have been a thrifty saving. John Dye, "y" gard- ner," was a superior laborer, receiving £3.0.5. a day in 1764.


In such a household female labor is scarcely less im- portant than that of the male. Their work was even more carefully planned and parceled out than that of the men. Martha Nichols-the surname of the tailor- had 20s. for "making 1 gound." "Sempstry " was done by Joanna Dugglass, single woman, in 1764, for eleven


9 In Bristol the value of Old Tenor was in 1758-1760 £6, in 1761 £6 10s., in 1762-1763 £7 for one Spanish milled dollar. The pound was 20s at 163c=$3.33 .- Munro, p. 164.


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Shopping at Tower Hill


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weeks at 72s. per week. Quilting was as important a process in household manufacture, and for overseeing at " the bee " otherwise she received 18s. per day. Sometimes a bee lasted ten days. Mary Chase, for " housewifery, spinning, etc.," had 50s. O. T. for the summer and 40s. for the winter season. Amy Shearman had one pound in cash to pay for " making her Bonet." A woman was charged £8. in cash to " go to Tower Hill." In this case she was to have the pleasure of " shopping " instead of the mere solace of a book entry.


Going to Tower Hill 10 meant to trade with James Helme, and most transactions with the women were re- corded in cross entries on College Tom's books. Tower Hill was the emporium and department store where the wants of the community were satisfied. James Helme was " a gentleman of mild and urbane manners, of esti- mable character and of considerable wealth," in the words of Updike.11 He was an example of the all-around men of fair abilities, who in conjunction with the landholders carried on a community like this of Narragansett. In 1767 he was elected by the legislature to be chief justice of the Superior Court of the colony.


Lowes Jakeways, spinster, is recorded in an outing of


10 " In the latter part of the Eighteenth century Tower Hill was a prosperous place; the situation was incomparable, and nearly all of the wealthy families had representatives established there in younger sons or married daughters. It was the 'Court-end' of the town. There were fourteen houses, six of them with large gambrelled roofs, which were erected by wealthy and enterprising men who spared no pains to make them attractive. There were also several inns or taverns. A coach passed through twice a week from the South Ferry to New London, and returned carry- ing passengers and mails; as many as eight coaches have been known to arrive in one morning. Balls and dances were of frequent occurrence, guests coming from Newport and the neighboring plan- tations of Boston Neck."-Robinson, " Hazard Family," p. 61.


11 Goodwin Ed., Vol. I., p. 186.


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another sort than the desiderated shopping at Tower Hill. She was charged with 20s. cash "when she went to the New Light meeting " in 1756. We have referred to the Great Awakening in the forties, which profoundly moved King's Cousty. The numerous sects, so vexatious to Dr. MacSparran, were stimulated anew and they affected the orderly circles of the Friends. One was excluded from membership in 1748 because he suffered the Friends' meeting " to be disturbed & broken up by the aforesd Wild & Ranting people, which meeting was in his own house." 12 Twenty years later the sect was active and another Friend was expelled, having joined the New Lights, and "pre- tended to Justifie himself in being Diptª in outward water." Many cultivated and socially gifted families were in the communion of St. Paul's Church with Doctor MacSparran, as we have seen. The majority of the sub- stantial citizens were Quakers, and their staid habits were a powerful influence in the community until the middle of the nineteenth century.


The labor of slaves administered by such judicious econ- omy as has been described, makes a prosperous commu- nity. The course of affairs on College Tom's homestead was a good example of semi-patriarchal principles worked out in a community of strong individual men and women. There was the underlying force of slave labor, the organiz- ing power of the Society of Friends, the thrifty economy of the best householder anywhere; all combined to pro- mote a well-balanced family life. It is easy to perceive the reasons why South Kingstown became the most wealthy town in the state at the time of the Revolution.


The first brass fender was mentioned in the mid-century, costing £18 .; and the largest value in pewter was £87. Gold beads strung into necklaces were gradually being 12 S. K. Monthly M. R., Vol. II., p. 269, cited by Miss Hazard.


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'An Artist in Hair


worn. The usual minute care of the poor was carefully worked out; as well as provisions for regulating appren- ticeship in both sexes. There was a complicated outfit for a barber's shop in 1756, with five blocks on which to make wigs ; and including three " hetches to hetchel hair." The artist must have been well employed, for he left a personal estate of £1142.16. In 1758 a large bible had come to £15. in the money of the time. A negro man at £1000., a woman at £800., indicate the fluctuating pound in paper. Two " stone boles " at 30s., a stone pickle pot at 15s., a teapot at same price, and at the same three " stone sassers and dishes " show the increasing use of common white porcelain, along with the more luxurious China ware.


Jeffrey Hazard 13 in 1759 had a large number of cattle, sheep and swine, with a great breeding stock of horse kind. A " stone horse " at $400. ; with 37 mares, 3 colts, 3 geldings at £2010. His own "riding beast " with saddle and bridle stood at £300. His wardrobe cost £268. He had twelve negroes-four as high as £1000. each. A large amount was charged in book account £13,188., and he held notes of hand for £5110. The total personal estate, £57,403., was the largest of the period. Everything indicates the increase of active capi- tal, though values are complicated, owing to the fluctuat- ing currency.


To go out of the world has never been easy, what- ever the conditions of life-barbaric or civilized. Peter Ginnings, December 19, 1758, passed through the prevalent difficulties. The friendly nurse furnished two quarts "rhum yo night he dyed " at £2.10. Then he charged £4.10. for " my cost and trouble to invite his friends and others at his Death and Buriel."


13 S. K. MSS., Probate Rec., Vol. II., p. 107.


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We may note the changes of value in standard feather beds, in the case of Wm. Congdon in 1762. Wearing clothes costing £84. and a new beaver hat at £40., he had one feather bed and furniture at £345., two do. at £300. each, another at £200. and again at £160., again £190. and a trundle bed and bedding £180. The negro's bed and blankets cost £30., a single blanket £6.10. In the table and kitchen service we find £105., in silver £97., in pewter £16., in earthen ware £4., in stone £25., in brass with a warming pan £6. He had two woollen wheels, one horse and three cows. In this moderate estate of £3443. there was comfort, but not luxury.


Benjamin Holway,14 " Cordwainer's," affairs in 1762 show something of the incipient division of labor. With his stock of leather he had 70 pairs women's shoes at £288., with 242 pairs double channel pumps at £1331. He must have employed slaves, as he had one negro at the high . value of £1500. and a boy at £900. Only two horses, one cow and two hogs in a personal estate of £6119. His wardrobe stood at £120.




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