USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 4
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The Gortonists went to Aquidneck again, and the leader went to England, where he found much favor with the powerful Earl of Warwick and his Parliamentary Com- mission. In 1643, as above stated, they named their settlement for their English benefactor, and in their lead- er's words, lived peaceably together, " ending all our differences in a neighborly and loving way of arbitra- tors."
A most romantic incident in the growth of our Planta- tions grew out of Gorton's trial in Boston and his visit to England. The Narragansetts conceived in some way that a man or company who could overcome the English in Boston and gain direct authority from the British Government-source of all power-must possess a great " medicine." Accordingly, Gorton, with a half-dozen companions, visited Canonicus.14 April 19, 1644, they obtained from all the chief sachems a formal cession of the Narragansett lands and people to England. The instrument says directly they have " just cause and suspi- cion of some of his Majesty's pretended subjects.
Nor can we yield ourselves unto any, that are subjects themselves." Perhaps Gorton built better than he knew, but this movement with the Indians was an element in excluding Massachusetts and confirming the territory of 13 " Winthrop," Vol. II., 177.
14 Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 70.
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Planting in Providence
Rhode Island; as it was consolidated in the Patent of 1644 and the Charter of 1663.
We must glance at "Simplicities Defence against a Seven Headed Policy," 15 published in London, 1646; wherein Gorton gives the full history of these painful proceedings, assuming the offensive-defensive in a most vigorous fashion. The title-page is an essay, and we extract briefly. " A true complaint of a peaceable peo- ple, being part of the English in New England, made unto the State of Old England, against cruel persecutors United in Church Government. Wherein is made mani- fest the manifold out-rages, cruelties, oppressions, and taxations, by cruell and close imprisonments, fire and sword, deprivation of goods, Lands, and livelyhood, and such like barbarous inhumanities, exercised upon the peo- ple of Providence plantations in the Nanhygansett Bay by those of the Massachusetts, with the rest of the United Colonies."
Massachusetts never caught a worse tiger in the field than this fierce contestant. In logic and metaphysical acumen, he was the equal of the Boston theologians; in matters spiritual, the illumined mystic could reach far beyond their ken. In the forum of England he appealed against them to the best men and won. Sufficient evi- dence that he was not the mere railing " blasphemer " described by the magistrates of the Bay.
Mr. Dorr thinks the main highways laid out at first show that the early planters conceived their work to be a new creation and must partake of "the flavour of its own soil." English as they were, they knew that the social and political institutions inherited and transported, must be adapted to a new life, enforced by new conditions. Nowhere was this inevitable tendency more manifest than
15 Original in R. I. H. S.
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Turbulent New People
in Rhode Island. We have seen the Towne Streete and the home-lot worked out together. Dexter Lane went over to the Ferry across the Seekonk, for communication with Plymouth and Boston was by that route. Above Dexter's corner a way ran from the main thoroughfare down to the Moshassuck, where a bridge was thrown across. Gaol Lane (now Meeting Street) had not devel- oped, but Chad Brown lived at the corner of the present College Street and Market Square. A bridge was ulti- mately thrown over at ancient "Weybosset," which means
stepping stones. Here the " great salt river " disputed with the waters of the Moshassuck and Woonasque- tucket, as the tides flowed in from the lower bay. Below, Wickenden and Nicholas Power lived on the main high- way; between them Power Lane stretched over for another connection with Ferry Lane. Yet lower, lived Pardon Tillinghast and Christopher Unthank. Across from the latter's homestead was a landmark which has totally dis- appeared. The "Streete " wound round "Mile End Cove " to reach the point below Foxes Hill. This cove was filled in long ago.
The broad religious liberty of the Plantation brought a good increase of population. Turbulent and difficult neighbors, who agreed easily with Williams in " not doing things," but were always ready to disagree and strive against positive action. But they were generally of strong character ; stiff timber for the framework of a state. In 1646 there were in Providence and its vicinity-includ- ing Warwick probably-one hundred and one men capable of bearing arms, according to the diary of President Stiles. John Smith, one of the original six, was granted land at this time for a town mill. An obsolete, upright, plunging mill, that broke the grain as rice is treated, gave the name of Stampers Strect to the locality. At a small fall on
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Planting in Providence
the Moshassuck, Smith set up his useful occupation. A volume might be written on the natural affinities of social and political influence. A miller, tavern-keeper, or socially inclined storekeeper in these primitive creative days immediately radiated influence and power. The " Town-mill " was an instituted force long before the jail or meeting-house gave opportunity for a regular town- meeting. It was like a club-center or exchange. Here was a parliament " in perpetual session," and minute regu- lation of town affairs was conceived and worked up in these friendly debates.
Living was hard at first, in the homes along the Mos- hassuck and Great Salt River. Fish and game were plenty, but provisions for ordinary fare were scarce. Williams' friendly connections with the Indians helped in obtaining meat and corn from them. Labor being scarce and vitally necessary in every new settlement, the produc- ing power of the natives-brought in by exchange of wampum-was a strong economic element in starting the new life.
Moses Brown cites a sheet 16 written by his grandfather James, which records traditions received from James' grandfather Chad. This is fairly direct testimony. A cow sold at £22 in silver and gold, which corresponds with prices prevailing in Massachusetts in 1636-a little earlier -a pair of oxen at £40, and corn at 5s per bushel. At a feast in the early days the chief luxury was a boiled bass without butter. There were numerous swine and goats running on the commons, with few cattle. About 1640 there was a great decline in cattle throughout New Eng- land. In 1641-42 cattle became plenteous in Providence, Warwick, and especially in Aquidneck.17 Even then farm- 16 MISS. materials for "History of Prov., P. R. I. H. S. 17 Dorr, " Planting and Growth of Prov.," pp. 58, 59.
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Williams Gets the Charter
1643]
ing proper was in a crude state, for they worked with " howes " instead of plows.
The three independent colonies of Rhode Island, feeling their lack of sovereign power and in their detached weak- ness, had sent Williams to obtain recognition from Old England. He found favor, and through his powerful friends secured from the Parliamentary Commission a " Free Charter of Civil Incorporation and Government for the Providence Plantations in the Narragansett Bay in New England." This was not a " mere land patent," nor a trading charter like that of Massachusetts. It was a real, effective government charter, bestowing upon the grantees the power " to rule .
· by whatever laws they desired." 18 Vane's name appears among eleven signers. The exiled Williams returned through Massa- chusetts-his passage being exacted by the authorities of England-and bearing this precious document-a tri- umph for civilization. At home his arrival was occasion for the greatest communal expression the little common- wealth had put forth. Fourteen canoes met him at Seek- onk and the voyagers filled the air with shouts of welcome.
The enthusiasm did not crystallize immediately and form a government. No organization was provided in the instrument and one must be made. Independent com- munities acting or disputing through town-meetings with jealous neighbors and some doubt as to the stability of the home government-all combined to delay union under . the charter. Finally Providence, Portsmouth, Newport, and Warwick sent committees to Portsmouth, May 18, 1647, to arrange for a General Assembly and to accept the charter. Some facts should be noted, which indicate deep principles underlying the formal proceedings of the time. The Assembly finally acted on a Code of Laws, 18 Brigham, " Rhode Island," p. 75,
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Planting in Providence
which had been formed and submitted to the towns. In adopting it, Providence happily called it the " model that hath been lately shown unto us by our worthy friends of the Island." The code as relating to offenses ends with the following expression, which Judge Staples well calls " significant ": " These are the laws that concern all men, and these are the penalties for the transgression thereof, which, by common consent are ratified and established throughout the whole colony and otherwise than thus what is herein forbidden, all men may walk as their consciences persuade them, everyone in the fear of his God. And let the Saints of the Most High, walk in this colony, without molestation, in the name of Jehovah, their God, forever and ever."
The Puritan walked with God literally, and his conduct purified human history. But the process, as rendered into common living, bred a more than doubtful civic effi- cacy. A class of worthy men like Endicott, Welde, Dud- ley, in a degree Winthrop-while they walked, were much more seriously concerned for the walk of other men. Each troubled his conscience for the acts of another fel- low. This was not a merely personal exertion, for it was a natural result of theocratic, irresponsible power diffused among common men.19 Hooker getting partially out of this thraldom, founded a stable government in Connecticut-theocratic in origin, but democratic in prac- tice. Massachusetts labored for a century and a half in throwing off theocratic limitations that Hooker avoided practically in his Church Discipline. He did not, like Roger Williams, free the soul absolutely, but he forged out a working form of democracy from its theocratic antecedents.
19 " The New England Puritan desired to force his own profession of faith on his fellowman, till it had become a morbid and over- whelming passion."-Doyle, " Eng. Col. in Amer.," Vol. II., 245.
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CHAPTER III
THE ISLAND. 1638-1663
B EFORE treating the settlements of Portsmouth and Newport, we should consider the general significance of the various proceedings in the colony of the Bay, which compelled the migrations to these places. There was a cer- tain compulsive unity and largeness of principle involved in or evolved from all the jarring discords, proceeding from vagaries of theocratic government and the resultant consequences. Some two and one-half centuries have been required to grasp these occurrences, and to interpret them according to the accepted principles of enlightened his- tory.
The banishment of Williams, the condemnation of Anne Hutchinson, the expulsion of Coddington-fellow of Vane-with a large company drawn from the better citi- zens of Boston, all these movements tended in one direc- tion. On the other hand, the reversion of Coddington and the islanders toward conservative government evinced the constructive sagacity of English commons, the heredi- tary reverence for English law. Mrs. Hutchinson could not align herself with any established government, and soon migrated again to the Dutch settlements. Samuel Gorton's career and his whole political action embraced both characteristics of this developing polity. Again, when Coddington's judicial prejudices would have ended in actual " usurpation," the sturdy, practical sense of these come-outers-whether from Massachusetts or Eu- rope-repudiated him and reset the government on the concurrent action of the citizens.
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The Island
Here was an idea, tending outward until held in and controlled by traditional law and its attendant institu- tions. It fermented again and again, leavening what it touched, until Roger Williams' soul-liberty at last estab- lished itself under an orderly government, which was based on representation of the people.
Anne Marbury, of Lincolnshire, a parishioner and be- loved disciple of Rev. John Cotton, in Boston, England, soon outgrew the parson's teaching, for she assimilated theology and philosophy as readily as she took her moth- er's milk. Moreover, according to Winthrop, she was a " woman of ready wit and bold spirit." In intellect and vigor of temperament she would have been remarkable in any time or place ; she was extraordinary when women were expected to listen humbly, and in no wise to create any function of their own. Nothing astonished her prosecu- tors and judges in Massachusetts more than her mastery of a situation, her speaking at will or holding her tongue under provocation.
She married William Hutchinson and migrated to the Bay in 1634. They occupied a house where the Old Corner Book Store now stands, and the dame's parlor was soon a literal center of light and leading. Meetings and talks were held sometimes for women and sometimes for both sexes; illuminated gatherings, such as the Puritan world had never known. The Hutchinsons were " members in good standing" of the Boston Church, and the whole community were much exercised in controversy about " faith " and " works." Governor Vane, John Cotton, with a majority of the Boston Church, Mrs. Hutchinson and her brother-in-law, Rev. John Wheelwright, upheld the former doctrine. Against them, there stood for " works," Winthrop, Wilson the pastor (Cotton being preacher or teacher), and virtually all the clergy of the
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Antinomians and Heretics
1637]
colony, outside of Boston. Frequent disputes, intense excitement prevailed, yet the sensible Winthrop could say of the doctrines, " no man could tell, except some few, who knew the bottom of the matter, where any difference was."
Any powerful current opinion tends to differentiate metropolitan and country politics. In December, 1636, Vane, claiming that the religious dissensions had been charged falsely to him, announced that he must return to England. The court arranged for a new election, when he changed his mind. In May following Winthrop and the "implacable " Dudley 1 were elected Governor and Deputy. Boston could only return Vane and Cod- dington as Deputies. Vane could not withstand the strong and sagacious Winthrop, and sailed away for England.
The partisans of " faith " were now classed as Antino- mians, and those of " works " as " legalists." Agitation was developing new lines of division. Mr. Richman 2 considers the crisis most interesting. "Was not the covenant of Works-i. e., Puritanism challenged to the death by the covenant of grace-i. e., by Antinomianism and Anabaptism; by the doctrines of the inward light, by the very spirit of Roger Williams, now in exile? "
The legalists determined to crush their opponents. In August, 1637, a synod at Cambridge condemned eighty- two " erroneous opinions " and nine " unwholesome expres- sions "; nice discriminations in heresy. The agitators conformed to the new phases of affairs, or were reformed
1 Dudley was technical Puritanism incarnate. In the " Magnalia " Cotton Mather says he had in his pocket these delightful verses: " Let men of God, in courts and churches, watch O'er such as do a toleration hatch."
The rhyme halts, but mark the exquisite harmony of church and state; and consider whether Roger Williams and a new state were not needed.
2 " Rhode Island-Its Making," p. 46.
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The Island
altogether. Vane, as we have noted, wobbled and quit. Cotton, anxious for "his former splendour throughout New England," ranged himself with the strong party in the state. Winthrop, too large a man not to love Roger Williams, was too fond of statecraft to be left outside the ruling element.
In the spirit of Dudley's blessed harmony, the Court followed the action of the Synod. Wheelwright was ban- ished. Then petitioners, who had dared to approach the authorities in his favor, were duly punished. Aspinwall was banished; Coggeshall having merely approved the petition, was disfranchised; Coddington, with nine others, was given three months in which to depart; others were disfranchised and fined; later, seventy-one more persons were disarmed. Note the bigness and the degree of the differing vials of wrath. Was the majesty of the great Jehovah ever more minutely parceled out, against his loving, if erring, children?
The trial of Anne Hutchinson in November, 1637, in- cluded all of this and more; as Mr. Brigham 3 shows, the proceedings accorded better with " a Spanish inquisitorial Court " than with the ways of English law, for common forms were disregarded. Judge, prosecutor, and jury, if not always one, moved invariably as one against the unfor- tunate culprit, ordained and doomed to be a criminal. If a witness dared to speak for the defendant he was speedily intimidated. The moral atmosphere was fetid with des- potic oppression. But Anne triumphed over all in the visible world. So long as she trod the firm earth she dominated Puritan parsons and ecclesiastical lawyers. She was passing through the ordeal-unscathed-when on the second day, unfortunately, she ventured into the unseen world of inward revelation and claimed to be : " Rhode Island," p. 44.
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Anne Hutchinson
1637]
directly inspired. This boundlass; infinite realm belonged to Faritan orthodoxy. Neither Anne Hutchinson, Roger Williams, the Fope, Mahomet, nor Buddha had any busi- ness in this exclusive precinct. Welde and his fellows of the prosecution seized this new and welcome opportunity. Then Coddington protested in a largely human way. " Here is no law of God that she hath broke, nor any law of the Country that she hath broke, and therefore deserves no censure." 4 All opposition was useless, and the sentence was banishment, to be deferred until May, 1638, when it was executed. Meanwhile the criminal was confined under the care of Joseph Welde.
The thorough and absolute working of the methods of the Bay is indicated in Cotton's discussions with Anne's son. He had protested that his mother was accused " only for opinion "; hence he was included with his brother in her sentence. Cotton amplified the judgment in this conciliatory preachment: "You have proved Vipers to eate through the very Bowells of your Mother to her Ruine." 5
The capable, illumined and virtuous woman was " ex- communicate and delivered over to Satan." We are not concerned with the success or failure of Antinomianism in Massachusetts. The matter is amply discussed by Charles Francis Adams.6 For the relation of such agi- tation to the history of the world we may cite Mr. Doyle, a competent observer: "The spiritual growth of Massa- chusetts withered under the shadow of dominant ortho- doxy ; the colony was only saved from mental atrophy by its vigorous political life." 7
4 " Prince Soc. Pub.," Vol. XXII., 280.
5 Richman, " Making of R. I.," p. 123.
6 " Three Episodes," p. 574.
7 " Puritan Col.," Vol. I., p. 140.
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The story of Anne may be completed here, for it has little further bearing on our theme. Exiled from the Bay, she went through Providence, with her family, and settled at Aquidneck. Her husband died in 1642. She soon removed to a spot near Hell Gate, controlled by the Dutch. With her household to the number of sixteen, she was murdered by the Indians in 1643; only one daughter survived.
We do not part so easily with our good friend Welde. He did not cease ministration with Anne's life, and we must study his enlightened narrative of God's land in this " heavie example." I said these ministers possessed the infinite; witness how they entered into the inmost purposes of the Almighty. "I never heard that the In- dians in those parts did ever before commit the like out- rage upon any one family or families, and therefore God's hand is the more apparently seene herein, to pick out this woful woman to make her, and those belonging to her, an unhearde of heavie example of their cruelty above all others." 8 This is not reporters' talk; Welde and those like him were the interpreters of the religion of the time. There is in this epic, a bitterness of bite, a certain vitri- olic essence of conviction that bigotry might admire in any age. We are forced to dwell on it, for some vagaries of the citizens of Rhode Island can only be imagined and apprehended when light is thrown on the shadows of their persecutors.
Some 200 persons were either exiled or laid under ban by the prosecutions against Antinomianism at the Bay, and they must seek a new home. Winthrop speaks of those " of the rigid separation and savoring of anabap- tism, who removed to Providence." Some were more con- servative. John Clarke, an educated physician and very
$ Cited " R. I .- Its Making," p. 151.
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Purchase of Aquidneck
1637]
able man, with others, was deputed to explore. They contemplated Long Island or Delaware Bay, but halted at Providence, where Roger Williams received them " courteously and lovingly." Under his advice, they chose Aquidneck, after ascertaining it was not claimed by Ply- mouth. The Island was purchased March 27, 1637, by William Coddington and his friends from Canonicus and Miantinomi for forty fathoms of white peage, with five fathoms paid to a local sachem, together with ten coats and twenty hoes distributed to make diplomacy easy. The exodus stopped at Providence to make this civil com- pact : " The 7th day of the first month, 1638. We whose names are underwritten do here solemnly in the presence of Jehovah, incorporate ourselves into a Bodie Politick, and as he shall help, will submit our persons, lives and estates unto our Lord Jesus Christ, the King of Kings and Lord of Lords, and to all those perfect and most ab- solute laws of his given us in his holy word of truth, to be guided and judged thereby .- Exod. xxiv., 3, 4; 2 Chron. xi., 3; 2 Kings xi., 17." 9 It was signed by nine- teen persons, including Coddington, Clarke, William Hutchinson, William Dyre, Henry Bull and Randall Holden.
In the eighteenth century Callender, in the nineteenth Arnold, agree that this body at that time were "Puri- tans of the highest form." It is interesting to trace this migrating development. For if a state poised half way between the orthodox Bay and heterodox Roger Williams had been possible, it would have reared itself on the island of Aquidneck. This community had much that was lacking in Providence, as we shall perceive. The solid Judaic principles, affiliated by the Puritans and so im- portant historically, are plainly visible. The King of 9 " Arnold," Vol. I., p. 124.
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Kings was to govern by absolute laws in his holy word of truth. Evidently, a purified and sublimated theocracy was contemplated. There is nothing to show whether the compact at Providence based on " civil things " was con- sidered-probably it was not. It had existed only about six months-moreover, it was not germain to the dearest convictions of the Aquidneck settlers. Clarke and Cod- dington-large men for their time-would " tolerate " Christians. Roger Williams-large for all time-had beaten through the jungle and undergrowth of sects, out into God's open-where Jew or Gentile, Christian or Pagan could breathe freely. Likewise, all societies have based their institutions on property as well as on the ac- tivities of persons. Roger Williams in the turbulent com- munity of Providence, had avoided as far as possible the limitations of property ; in consequence much trouble re- sulted from neglect of some simple obligations of posses- sion. Liberty-suddenly emancipated-had not learned that its best exercise was to be in and through the out- come of highly civilized social institutions. At Pocasset on the island, the settlers, especially those most influential and represented by Coddington, established necessary laws for maintaining the solid order of society.
We repeat that, if any half-way house in reaching a body politic had been possible, the Pocasset or Ports- mouth settlement would have afforded proper oppor- tunity. These men, bred as Hebraists and Puritans, driven out from strict Puritan lines, halted in their jour- ney toward soul-liberty. In some respects their practical abilities surpassed Roger Williams ; for their old and estab- lished principles of law, he was obliged finally to adopt into his colonial government. But the problem of a democ- racy administered according to liberty of conscience was not solved; it was only scotched at Portsmouth. It was
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Puritan Attempt at Portsmouth
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necessary to descend to the depths of no government with Roger Williams; and thence build solidly on the founda- tion of " only in civil things."
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