USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 15
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In 1729 the colony was divided into three counties, with corresponding courts. Newport County comprised the Islands with New Shoreham; Providence included the town, Warwick and East Greenwich; King's North and South Kingston with Westerly, the shire centering at South Kingstown. In 1730 a census ordered by the Board of Trade showed a population largely increased to 17,935, which included 1648 negroes and 985 Indians. Newport had 4640, closely followed by Providence with 3916; North Kingstown 2105; Westerly 1926; South Kingstown 1523; East Greenwich 1223; Warwick 1178; Portsmouth 813; Jamestown 312; New Shoreham 290. The growth in Narragansett was remarkable. The 23 Weeden, Vol. II., p. 468.
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Period Under Charter of Charles II.
Indians were nearly all settled there, in the district now known as the town of Charlestown. Of the 1648 colored slaves Newport had 649 and the two Kingstowns 498. The colony owned about 5000 tons of shipping and employed 400 sailors.
CHAPTER VII
THE COMMERCIAL GROWTH OF PROVIDENCE. 1711-1762
H ISTORY is imbedded in chronology; though dates are more significant of superficial events than of the deeper causes which produced those events. Even the death of a king or a change of dynasty is but a way- mark indicating the origin of changes in government. The course of events proceeds from subtle causes, making changes on the surface of affairs which we can only follow through dates.
It is convenient to fix the passing of the plantation from agriculture to commerce at the coming of the ship- builder, Nathaniel Browne, in 1711, though the trade which should employ his prospective vessels had been long growing. Pardon Tillinghast was granted land Janu- ary 27, 1679-80,1 opposite his dwelling place, twenty feet above high-water mark for a store and wharf. This was below the present Power Street and across the Towne Streete, being the virtual shore of the Great Salt River. The " town wharf " was subsequently established a little farther north. It is hard to believe that a ton of tobacco could be exported so early as 1652. But the record 2 in two places states that Wm. Almy shipped this quantity to Newfoundland. Placing the wharf was a momentous step, for it was to wake up the torpid, inert planters and send their produce down the Salt current into Nep- tune's domain. The voyagers halted at the West Indies, often went on to Gibraltar and ultimately rounded the
1 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VIII., p. 62.
2 Ibid., Vol. XV., p. 591; again at p. 55.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
great southern capes, seeking the wealth of Ormus and of Ind.
The bold, farseeing cooper, Tillinghast, was only mak- ing a way-mark, as has been described. For New Eng- land commerce 3 showed many signs of increasing activ- ity, profiting largely-and not losing, as is often stated -by the Navigation Acts of Charles II., which checked the Dutch. In Newport a naval office was opened in 1682. Salisbury on the Merrimac became a port of en- try in 1684. Ipswich escaped the leading-strings of Salem and got its port in 1685. All around our Bay at Bristol and Wickford as well as at Newport, trans- port was seeking convenient carriage by water, and ven- turing out into the larger sea.
The coming of Gideon Crawford, a trained Scotch merchant, in 1687, gave stability and due direction to the rising trade. The movement toward commerce was so zealous that Thomas Olney tried to check the granting of land for wharf lots about the end of the century. However, the internal life of the plantation had not been much affected by the outward commerce. For the water- power on the Moshassuck, granted in 1655, had not been all employed in 1705. Then a lot for a saw-mill was assigned to Richard Arnold.4
The population of the colony trebled itself in the first quarter of the eighteenth century. But the whole econ- omy of life in the plantation was stimulated and devel- oped by the ship-building instituted in 1711. A new in- dustry applying native material and employing a variety of workmen increased the wealth and stimulated the intelli- gence of a community in equal proportions. It was said that the " intolerance of Massachusetts " drove Nathaniel
3 Weeden, " E. and S. New England," Vol. I., p. 264.
" Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 50.
1711]
Browne Begins Shipbuilding
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Browne 5 from Rehoboth. January 28, 1711, the town granted him one-half an acre on "Waybosset Neck on salt water," so long as he shall use it for building vessels. He was an Anglican and the ground was afterward made the site of King's, now St. John's Church. He had suffi- cient means as well as skill, and built sloops and schooners up to sixty tons in size. These vessels carried horses as well as other farm-produce, with timber, staves and hoop poles to the West Indies. The common lands were now to afford exports as well as pasturage. It will be ob- served that the early planters lack the enterprising ele- ment bred in the fisheries of Massachusetts.
Great interest attaches to pioneers in all new move- ments in civilization. When Gideon Crawford settled in the little farming hamlet of 1687 he married ffreelove Fenner, a daughter of Arthur Fenner, the strongest friend of Roger Williams and the granddaughter of Wm. Harris, his strongest opponent. Such stock gave heredity and fitly endowed the mother of a race of enter- prising merchants. Crawford died in 1709, having im- pressed his methods on the community for about a score of years. To such a wife a good merchant could be lit- erally a good husband. Accordingly, he left his whole property to her for life-after her death to be divided in halves between the sons William and John. She survived her husband five years, carrying forward the business in all its details; and the results justified his prudent con- fidence. The mother was to elect which son should live with her. If William be chosen, at twenty-one years he was to pay John £100. His daughters Anne and Mary were to receive each £50. whenever married. The whole " moveable " estate (household goods) was given to his wife.
5 Dorr, "Planting and Growth," p. 58.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
The personal estate, November 5, 1707,6 was £1556.12., not including book debts, of which £775.10. was in " bills and bonds," £16.9.10. in silver, in shop goods £355.9. Two negroes were valued at £56. Sheep were £13.10 .; 2 horses £18 .; hogs £3.4. In furniture, the feather bed always was the first choice of rich or poor and 5 good examples with equipment stood at £60.15. Tablecloths and napkins £2. Chairs £4. Pewter and brass £10.17. Books could only muster £2.12., showing that the new merchants and the granddaughter did not read as much as William Harris did, two generations earlier. Plate was valued at £15.11., not equal to the £17. belonging to the wealthy farmer, Stephen Arnold, in 1699.
But the wearing apparel showed the greatest change, as it proceeded in the habit of living. For the time in 1699, £12. was a large outfit for a rich farmer like Ste- phen Arnold. Eight years later the record shows £20.17. for the merchant as he walked " on change," and his ways were far from extravagant. In swords, pistols and small arms, he had £10.18.
June 17, 1712,7 ffreelove Crawford, the widow's inven- tory is set forth. We cannot compare the two estates precisely, but from other sources learn that her manage- ment had been very energetic and successful; increasing the property. The personal estate was £947.1., of which £188.4.6. was in shop goods, £642.12. in " bills, bonds and mortgage deeds," £26.15.6. in paper and silver, £12.17.6. in gold. Clearly, the mercantile business was conducted largely on credit, as considerable evidences of debt ap- pear in nearly all estates of any size.
There is a moderate increase in the plate, £21.5.6. over
6 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 271.
7 Ibid., Vol. VII., 117.
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How the Merchants Lived
1712]
the amount left by her husband. It consisted of a silver " Tankard," salt seller, 2 porringers and 7 spoons. £34. in three feather beds and outfit; two having been given to John and Mary, the daughter; 5 pewter and 1 basin, 1 " alequart " £2.5. ; 5 platters, 5 basons, 10 porringers, 11 plates, 1 alepint, 2 plate rings, 1 alequart and small pew- ter, altogether £3.19. Evidently the merchants, as well as the farmers, ate from pewter. The utensils at £11.13. were chiefly in brass and copper, with a few in iron. In wooden ware and 6 spoons £6.8.2. For her business and her pleasure, the feminine merchant had five of the " horse kind " at £24.16. Other animals have disappeared.
She gave to her son, Wm. Crawford, her part in the sloop Dolphin. To Wm. and John Crawford 48 part of the sloop " now building " by Nathaniel Browne to be fin- ished and rigged by the estate. To Wm. and John £137. each in merchantable shop goods or current money of New England. To her daughter, Ann Carr, £100. in money or goods, and the same to Mary. In wearing apparel the wealthy widow left £47.7. If her widow's weeds were duly maintained it was done in the spirit of the Quakers, with enforced humility. Like the modest Friends, her costume, if not brilliant, was rich and royal.
At the same date Nathaniel, one of the solid family of Watermans, left £1019.3.7.8 in personal estate and a moderate outfit. His wearing apparel was £12., befitting a proprietor who lived quietly.
A steady-going farmer, Obadiah Browne, rich in lands with £377.0.1. in personal estate September 12, 1716,9 had felt the social changes sufficiently to expend £17.5. in dress. Adding a pair of shoe buckles 11s. and eleven
8 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. VII., p. 102.
9 fbid., Vol. VI., p. 187; again Vol. XVI., p. 6. 8
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
" black doggs " 10 6s. we have about as good a wardrobe as the first merchant Crawford allowed himself. For his wife's apparel, including 2 table cloths, napkins and a child's "stifen coate," only £15. was estimated. . Observe the contrast with the widow Crawford and the social posi- tion of the two dames must have been about the same in the plantation. Two years earlier Benjamin Greene, Jr., a bachelor apparently and something of a "swell," arrayed himself at a cost of £18., though his personal estate was only £88.17.4. He improved his mind by read- ing two bibles, a testament and Hodder's arithmetic, cost- ing 15s.
Browne's library contained only 1 bible and other books at 11s. 6d. He had a good stock in cattle, £98.5., the cows appraised at £3.10. each, 2 mares £19., 30 loads English hay £30., 16 loads meadow hay £10., 2 linen wheels and 1 old woollen 8s., 1 pair worsted combs 2s. Hemp on stalk 18s., 6 lbs. dressed hemp 5s., 17 lbs. dressed flax 14s. 2d. Flax in Sheaf £1. "Hatchel sum tow geame and feld hemp 9s. 6d." There was a moderate supply of pewter £3.17.10., including the durable chamber- pot at 4s. Brass kettles £4. A table with the inevitable "Joynt Stoole " 12s. and 7 chairs at 10s. But now appears a Looking Glass and hour glass at 4s. Quite often scales for weighing money are found in the inven- tories ; in this case they were appraised at 6s.
Another vocation is represented by Captain John Dex- ter, Mariner, August 3, 1716,11 in a personal estate of £297.11., with 1599 gallons molasses at 1s. 8d., £133.5., sugar £17.1. and a negro woman and boy appraised at
10 These canine names appearing now and then trouble a social investigator until he perceives that they describe an article of dress.
11 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. V I, p. 180.
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Wigs Are Worn
1716]
£60. His wearing apparel was £10.12. and probably he went where other fashions prevailed, for two wigs, a rare article, appear at £1. A pair of shoe buckles 11s. 8. and two gold rings at £1.0.3. completed the sailor's adorn- ment. His ten books were estimated at £1.12. and the " English Pilatt " at £1.8.
Occasionally a woman's + is found in the records of this period. The culture of English descended ladies in the West Indies hardly exceeded that of Rhode Island. In 1719,12 Agnee King, wife of Thomas, a planter in Barbados, conveys the estate of Joshua Verin in Provi- dence, signing with a +.
As Pardon Tillinghast closes the régime of the seven- teenth century, we may note his inventory, February 15, 1717-18,13 for our interest in one so much identified with the plantation, rather than for its particular details. The personal estate was £542.4.3. and his sober apparel only £10.19. Beds and bedding £32.7. Table cloths, napkins and towels £2.10. A bell metal mortar 8s. Glass bottles and a glass cup 5s. Bottles are valued in nearly all the households, but seldom a cup of that mate- rial, which was to become so useful. "Hatt Paper " and Pillion 12s. In books and 1 silver spoon £1. The cooper- preacher took his " learning " direct from the Scriptures and rendered it into wisdom, through discreet intercourse with busy men. Silver plate was coming in slowly. The well-to-do Thomas Fenner had only £1.5.
Negroes appear in many estates, in moderate as well as large fortunes. The women are valued from £10. to £40 .; doubtless their use in house service increased the prices. Men are valued generally at £40., in one instance £47.
12 " Early Rec. Prov.," Vol. IX., 29.
13 Ibid., Vol. XVI., p. 26.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
The lowest wardrobe recorded was 8s. in an estate of £11.9.7. Samuel Wright, a spinner certainly, a wood- chopper probably, spent in clothing £4.10. out of his £13.12.6.
Flax appears in many of the farmers' stores, and table linen was spun and woven at home, or in the " shops," we have noted it found a loom. Mary Borden had wearing apparel at £18.10.6. Beds, etc., £41.7. £5.10. in 7 small table cloths, 14 napkins and 11 towels. Mary Inman spent £21.2. for her wardrobe out of a property of £128.8.1. Books and Looking glass 14s.
The Crawford sons did not long survive father and mother. Captain John died in 1718-19, leaving in per- sonal estate £1614.2.11., in lands £1665.14 In wearing ap- parel £41.2.9. he far surpassed his father's outfit ; 2 canes, sword, belt and a pair of pistols added £6.3.6. to the captain's attire. The books were few. More substantial furniture was coming in. Chest, Drawers and 19 Chairs £9.14. Again, Chest, Drawers and Looking Glass £8.10. " One ovell table and Iron bach, 2 Jappame tables £14." " Campine " Bedstead and furniture £12. Table linen £3.5. Desk, Pewter, Glass bottles, spoons and pepper box £22. Pewter, "suger," knives and forks, "salt seller " £9.15. Earthen and glass ware £1.13. Iron ware £9.15. Kitchen ware, earthen and wooden £1.10. Bottles, wine glasses and brandy £4.2. This is the first mention of a wine-glass. Previously drinking vessels of glass were called " cups." The inevitable " joynt stoole " was not absent. Silver spoons, porringers, cups, pepper boxes and grater £30.10. The porringer, a very con- venient dish, was appearing now in silver. It was used constantly for a century, and many Rhode Island families have these heirlooms.
14 " Early Rec.," Vol. XVI., pp. 507, 517.
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1720]
Another Crawford
201
In tobacco the merchant had £24., a pocket book silver clasp and pencil 10s. One new sloop on the stocks, nearly finished, was valued at £82., 2 boats " as are " £10. Sloop Indian and appurtenances " as is " £210.
August 31, 1720,15 we find the inventory of Major Wil- liam Crawford. The estate £3551.19.6. was all personal and larger than his younger brother's. As the Captain doubled the wardrobe of his plain Scottish father, so the Major surpassed the Captain more than twofold. The militia-officer walked brave, having apparel to the value of £83.15. In plate he was moderate, with 22 oz. in spoons and porringers, 29 oz. 7 dwt. 12 g. in a tankard; the whole at 12s. per oz., £17.12.6. There was 1 oz. 3 dwt. 18 g. in gold-probably plate-at £8. or £9.10. Two plates and 7 porringers were probably in pewter, with 12 "picturs " valued at £1.6. Again 12 "picturs " £2.9. 2 great glasses £10. One great glass £10. A limited supply of books valued with other articles at £13. Perhaps they were merchandise, for they come between dry goods and 3 hhds. tobacco at £7.10. For the first time a valuable " clock and case " appears, appraised with 20 chairs at £27. 5 Chairs separately 18s. 3 negroes, a woman, man and boy, at £120 .; an Indian girl's time £6. Sloop Sarah, boat and appurtenances £400. " All the lumber of all sorts and masts " £136.8.
The household goods of the planters were almost always bequeathed to the widow for life, and to the daughters, after their mother. The daughters received land but seldom, and masculine heirs had a preference generally. We may note some prevailing prices. One-quarter part of the sloop Dolphin's " cargo and her disbursements " was valued at £60.17.10. A loom and tackling at £2.15. A spinning wheel and 4 pair of cards 14s. A warming 15 " Early Rec.," Vol. XVI., p. 148.
...
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
pan 16s., a luxury fast becoming necessary. Tin ware appears occasionally. In an estate of £495.4.5. personal, we find an outlay of £21. for silver plate. Stephen Ar- nold, a wealthy landholder with £608.1. personal property, more consistently invested £4.11. in plate-one silver cup-and £20. in books. Thomas Olney was conspicu- ous in the number of his volumes, though we do not know the quality ; there were 55 bound and 23 small and not bound at £14. Solid Resolved Waterman, in this gener- ation an "Ensign," had " a considerable estate," the personal being £445.16.1. His library consisted of a Great bible, little bible and several small books at £5.15.6. with a bible and testament " by first wife " at 12s.
We should study the inventory of Captain John Jenckes, June 30, 1721,16 for it throws light on many customs of the period. Not all the men of affairs could be landholders or merchants, and the Captain managed a small shop. All the physicians were apothecaries then, and made up their own prescriptions. Jenckes kept drugs and the miscellaneous articles pertaining to that trade. Roger Williams prescribed minor remedies for his friends and was obliged to send his own daughter to Boston for medical treatment. There must have been practitioners of some ability in the plantation. Frequently in wills of the seventeenth century, provision was made for an aged person ; if needing a "phisitian," then the expenses were to be borne by the estate. The first physician of record found by Mr. Dorr,17 was in 1720, when the town voted to Dr. John Jones £1.10. for the cure of Richard Collins. Prudently, the municipality was to pay the money when " he is well." Soon after this Dr. Jabez Bowen moved from Rehoboth, where better comfort had prevailed in the
16 " Early Rec." Vol. XV., p. 180.
17 " Planting and Growth," p. 121.
1720]
The First Physician
203
agricultural period. His removal to Providence marks social improvement. He was a skilled physician and an example of those able professional men devoted to public affairs, and who served the colonial communities in all capacities.
Captain Jenckes' estate in personal was £544.3.10. and there was no farming outfit such as generally belonged to villagers a generation earlier. His apparel at £11.16. was reinforced by a broadcloth suit at £8. and a pair of silver buckles at 12s. A suit of "Duroy, a hat and a grate Coate " at £12. may have been his own clothing or merchandise. A clock at £5. interests us. Phisick books 18s. Bible £1.1. 4 books £1.2. One pair candlesticks 15s., two pair do. 13s. One pair brass snuffers at 5s., the first recorded. One copper coffee pot £1. One tea pot 9s. A knife and fork at 15s. Table knives were used here in the seventeenth century, but forks were not to be had in Boston until after 1700.18
Such were the personal belongings, while in merchandise there was £60. in " apoticary drigs," £5 in " Cheriorgiry instruments," £1.15. in books, £2. in 14 "Roles salve gallepots and drigs." In fanciful articles 15s. in 2 doz. necklasses, 12s. in six do. and 15s. in silver lace. Chief of all the goods for sale was the first recorded toothbrush, there being one dozen with 600 needles, valued at £1.10. The Captain and his friends could have hardly foreseen the civilizing mission 19 of these bits of bone for the com- ing two centuries. If dress makes a habit and nine tailors make a man, the incoming of this little utensil is important. The personal mark of an individual is pretty well defined by this symbol of cleanliness.
18 Weeden, " E. and S. N. E.," Vol. I., p. 415.
19 Booker Washington says the first practical step in lifting the negro, is to teach him the use of a tooth-brush.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
Perhaps the clearest evidence of change and enlarge- ment in the community of our plantation is in the new religious movements instituted about this time. The Bap- tists had tended toward narrowing their basis of fellow- ship. According to Governor Jenckes, there had been fellowship in the original church with those believing in " the laying on of hands." These separated under Thomas Olney (probably the Junior). After his death there was probably20 only one church under Elder Pardon Tillinghast. He built the first meeting house on the north side of Smith Street at his own expense about the year 1700. In 1711 he conveyed the house and lot to the church or society. He described the church as "Six Principle Baptists."
Our century vainly tries to comprehend the dismay and detestation possessing all established order in New Eng- land, when outcast Rhode Island was considered. Cotton Mather was not a fool or mere vilifier. A grave and learned scholar, he was only setting forth the ideas of his time. In 1695 he found 21 a " colluvies of Antinomians, Familists, Anabaptists, Anti-Sabbatarians, Arminians, Socinians, Quakers, Ranters, everything in the world but Roman Catholics and real Christians." 22 Somewhat later in 1718, he had come to recognize that Calvinists with Episcopalians, Pedobaptists, with Anabaptists, " behold- ing one another to fear God and work righteousness,"
20 Staples, pp. 411, 414.
21 " Magnalia," Book VII., p. 20.
22 The worthy expounder is neatly satirical in excepting Catholics, whom he hated as much as any of the outcast dissenters. A clause in the Digest of 1719-mooted earlier-did debar Catholics from po- litical rights. Doubtless it was prompted by severe legislation in England (" Rider Hist. Tract," 2d Series I.). The colonists were trying to save their charters. No one suffered by the R. I. Act and it was afterward repealed; but it is a technical blot on the colonial record.
1721]
Religion Widens Out
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could delight to sit at " the same table of the Lord." Even in 1738 the genial Baptist Callender referred to the " terrible fears " of the previous century, which were at last dismissed, that " barbarity would break in" where church and state were positively separated.
The rigorous ice was broken in 1721 when Thacher, Danforth and Belcher, a distinguished committee of the "Presbyterian Ministry " in Massachusetts, addressed a civil and respectful note to " fifteen leading citizens " and others, " proposing a new meeting for their own faith." Their clergy as well as those of Connecticut had preached there and prompted by " the freedom and safety they have enjoyed under the wise and good government of the place we hope and pray that ancient matters, that had acrimony in them, may be buried in oblivion ; and that grace, and peace, and holiness, and glory, may dwell in every part of New England." 23 All happily conceived and expressed. The wide-eyed, perspicacious eighteenth century had penetrated Massachusetts.
Whatever the Baptists and Quakers of Rhode Island learned of Puritan Massachusetts-and they learned much -it did not include tolerance or Christian peace and holi- ness. Whether the men responsible for government in Providence thought a theocratic quid pro quo should re- ward inter-colonial courtesy in theology, or whether mere pride of controversy prevailed, we do not know. After waiting four months, February 23, 1722, Rev. Jonathan Spreague,24 for the inhabitants, answered at great
23 Staples, " Annals," p. 433.
24 Came to Providence in 1675 (Goodwin's, Updike, Vol. I., p. 356). In 1687 he was fined for refusing the oath as a juryman. He was a fair example of the men qualified all around for pub- lic duty. He served as a deputy, a justice of the peace, a speaker of the House of Deputies, and as Clerk of the Assembly. He also preached as an exhorter, but was not ordained.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
length,25 with arguments direct if not gracious. "We take notice, how you praise the love and peace that dis- senters of all ranks entertain one another with, in this government. We answer this happiness princi- pally consists in our not allowing societies to have any superiority one over another, but each society supports their own ministry of their own free will, and not by con- straint or force upon any man's person or estate. At this very present you are rending towns in pieces, ruin- ing the people with innumerable charges, which make them decline your ministry, and fly for refuge, some . to the Church of England, and others to dissenters of all de- nominations, and you, like wolves, pursue. Since you admire the love and peace we do enjoy, we pray you to use the same methods and write after our copy. And so hoping, as you tender the everlasting welfare of your souls and the good of your people, you will embrace our advice. We your friends of the town of Providence bid you farewell."
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