USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 18
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1751]
Pewter Was in Common Use
235
16 earthen platters and a cannister amounted to £6.6. Ten " Baker" glasses with two sets China dishes and bowls stood at £12.10.
The beaker was a distinctive wine-cup, originally of earthen ware in England. Such vessels were not men- tioned in our colony, but made of the incoming glass, they frequently appear in the inventories of this period.
In household furnishings we find 6 feather beds at £129.19. ; 15 chairs, 1 looking glass, 2 oval tables at £28., and one clock. There was a considerable stock of mer- chandise for sale in English and other goods. The dis- tilling apparatus on sale indicated the importance of that business. Two stills and worms, tubs, cranes, pumps and troughs were valued at £800. Four negroes £300. Two yoke of oxen £66. Two cows and calf £26. One horse, saddle and bridle £54. The total personal estate amounted to £5653.14.4.
Next the feather bed, perhaps the most constani and significant unit of domestic comfort in the previous half or three-quarters of a century, had been in pewter ware. In the early days of Town Street the table service had been of wooden ware, reinforced with occasional earthen pieces. Pewter in plates, platters, cups and spoons usurped the place of these humble vessels ; and even cham- berpots became almost universal.
The ware of our colony and the more lofty plate of Europe was variously compounded; but generally of tin, with lead in smaller proportion. Between silver on the one hand and glass ware on the other, pewter has lost rank in our time, but enthusiasts still admire its modest character. They claim that the soft pearl-gray color is more beautiful than the brilliant white of silver; which must always be rather harder to an eye seeking quiet.74
74 Massé, " Pewter Plate," p. 8.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
As mentioned, pewter was preceded by platters and even porringers of wood; and it went out of general use when porcelain and stone ware became sufficiently cheap in price. The ware was manufactured by casting or ham- mering, or by both processes united. The necessary molds used in casting were always expensive. The articles were finished by hand or on a lathe and then burnished. Pewterers had shops in Boston.
Doubtless many of the shoe-buckles, so generally worn, were made of pewter; there were inkstands and a covered tobacco-box. The necessary punch-ladle abounded at this period ; frequently oval and deep in the cup, with a slender handle of turned wood. Our colonists generally had the tankard; a term loosely applied, but commonly a covered vessel, holding a quart or more.
It is difficult to adjust actual values and nominal prices in these records. When the common currency is not re- deemable, prices vary, but do not respond absolutely to the fluctuating standard. Labor and articles of mer- chandise in common domestic use, do not oscillate in price as rapidly as the currency varies. Imports and foreign trade must closely follow the true financial barometer.
The wars compelled the poor American colonies to use public credit, the only available substitute for money. Rhode Island blundered worst in issuing paper money and in not redeeming it. Unlike Massachusetts, she had no Hutchinson to repair in some degree the consequences of her legislative folly. Hutchinson, though a Tory in the Revolution, literally forced the Bay to place her cur- rency on a specie basis ; for this he deserves eternal grati- tude.
It is better to have too much currency than too little. It is often assumed that paper money of necessity brought evil and disaster; but it is untrue. Bad as a bad cur-
237
1751]
The Bad Currency Breaks Down
rency is, it is better than none. No other principle can explain the extraordinary instinct of producers, demand- ing more and yet more money. Merchants, and especially bankers, see the constant evils of redundant money, but producers still cry for more. While this depreciated money existed in our period, affairs were expanding and the community was prosperous. History must relate what was, and not try to interpret what ought to have been.
Let us refer to the meager records for some estimate of values. In May, 1726,75 a judgment was awarded in court of £181.10 in " bills of credit " to liquidate a claim of £100. in silver, showing a depreciation of about 55 per cent.
By 1740 the depreciation in Old Tenor had proceeded so far that the General Assembly created a grade of New Tenor in bills for £20,000, bearing four per cent. interest for ten years. The nominal rate fixed for silver in this medium was 9s. per ounce, and in Old Tenor 27s. per ounce.76
February 27, 1748-9, a committee of the Assembly passed bills of credit at the rate £1050. in paper for £100. sterling. A few months before exchange had been at the rate of 570 per cent. This rapid fall of paper indicated a coming crash in business, to be caused by this depre- ciating currency. The bills of the various issues or " Banks " were being burned at periods of ten years ; but the process was not fast enough.
The colonies of Massachusetts and Rhode Island were destined to part company in finance. In April, 1751, their bills of credit were equal in value. In September those of Rhode Island had fallen 20 per cent. below her
75 Arnold, Vol II., p. 82. 76 Ibid., p. 128.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
neighbor's. Bills on London sold for 1100 per cent. pre- mium in Old Tenor. The New Tenor had fallen to less than half its nominal value. Generally, prices and con- tracts had been quoted in Old Tenor. In 1763 77 the General Assembly attempted to bring order out of the confused currencies by enacting that silver and gold should be the legal tender, unless contracts should otherwise specify. A scale of depreciation to guide the courts was applied to transactions of the previous thirteen years. This placed the Spanish dollar at £5.7. in 1751, and at £7., Old Tenor, in 1763.
We have given this sketch of fluctuating values to ex- plain as far as possible the social relations of expenditure and of prices.
If we look closely into the inventories we shall perceive the effect of such fluctuating currencies, in the prices caused by better ways of living required in the growing commercial community.
Hon. Joseph Jenckes, Esq. (sic), had wearing apparel worth £84.13. and books to the value of £15. The worthy gentleman made up in redundancy of titles what he lacked in substance, for his personal estate was only £124.1. Captain Abraham Angell had £108.10. in wearing ap- parel; and £12. in books and mathematical instruments. He must have been frequently thirsty, for there were 8 China punch bowls at £9. The domestic outfit included one dozen China plates at £6., earthen ware at £4.10.6., silver spoons at £12.5. There was a horse, saddle and bridle at £50., with 2 parts and # part of a two-mast boat at £20. His total personal estate was £851.10.4. Some occasional prices interest us. A punch bowl and cover-probably of pewter-was appraised at 8s., a pair of leather breeches at £1.8., a pair of boots and an old 77 Arnold, Vol. II., p. 244.
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1751]
Dress of the Mid-Century
wig at £2.10. Knives, forks and razors were common, and the inevitable joynt-stool stood at 20s.
January 12, 1741-2,78 Thomas Harris's inventory shows wearing apparel at £50. Coke upon Littleton, a great Bible and several books at £25. He walked out in a large pair of silver shoe buckles worth £4.15., and carrying either a cane or a walking staff with silver ferrule and ivory head-the two valued at £1.16. His four swords stood at £4. Seven and one-half yards " bought " broad cloth was appraised at £32.5., and thirteen and one- quarter yards of "Home Made " at £13.5. Four feather beds at £110., with the furnishings, 1 warming pan £4. Case of Drawers £7. Large round table £3.10. Great table £7. He had a moderate farming outfit in a per- sonal estate of £839.4.6.
October 23, 1742,79 Captain William Walker died in Narragansett intestate; Mrs. Hope Browne being " Big- est Creditor " to his considerable movable estate, was appointed administratrix. He owned but one feather bed, and for a sober married citizen was a very extravagant fop. In wearing apparel he left £166.13.16., and in " Plate " £43.18. On his finger he flourished a gold ring with " five sparks supposed to be dimonds," valued at £20. His " carnelian seal " was in gold at £2.10 .; his highly decorated person was supported by a " gold cane " worth £15. His house was amply furnished and con- tained 21 pictures in frames at £5.5. A small time piece was appraised at £10. ; a China punch bowl £2.5. ; sundry glasses £2.8 .; 16 spoons, tongs, strainer-probably of pewter, with case at £1 .; earthen ware 5s. Snuff-boxes were rarely mentioned and Captain Walker's toilet in- cluded one at £1.5. He had one burning and one spy glass at £2.2. ; a hunting horn at £2 .; one pair polished 78 MSS. Probate Rec., Wills, Vol. IV., p. 25. 79 Ibid., p. 52.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
nut crackers £3 .; one coffee-mill £1.4. We may note a knife and fork, the first described with a carved handle at £1.10. And a knife with one " totam " to pour rum was valued at £2. A doctor's saw and "Checkard Bord " stood at £1. He was a trader, dealing in drugs and carrying a small stock of dry goods. The negro's bed and bedstead were appraised at £3.5 .; one wine press £1. and two negro men £300. In books he had £46.14.1., but very likely they were for sale. The whole personal estate was £2498.18.
In contrast we may take account of the way of living of a farmer, Pardon Sheldon, whose personal estate was £1063.7.3. His wearing apparel was £61.10. Books £1. and table linen £3.10. His kitchen furniture included iron ware at £10.15., brass at £13.10., and wooden ware at £5.5. There was earthen ware and glass at £3.10. The hetchel, the useful wool-cards, with wheels for spin- ning wool and cotton, all appeared. Ten loads of good hay with some " ruff " were appraised at £45.10., and 700 lbs. of tobacco at £23.
Thomas Taylor,80 a " gooldsmith," had in wearing ap- parel £74.9., and in books £2. The tools of his trade were worth £11.11. There was 2 oz. 8 dwt. in gold at £48 .; 64 oz. 8 dwt. 9 grains in silver and "fashioning " at £100.5. In stock were 15 pair shoe buckles at £1.5., and " steel flucks and tounges for buckles " at £2. A parcel of glass sleeve buttons stood at £1.5. One teapot, some China and earthen ware were valued at £6.15. This shows how the use of " China " or fine porcelain was creeping in. His 6 knives and forks were valued at 15s. and his pewter ware at £4. Table linen £2., one feather bed and furniture at £3.5. and £11.16. in bed linen.
Amos King represented the artificer and man of all 80 MSS. Probate Rec., Wills, Vol. IV., p. 73.
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1751]
Wm. Turpin, " Yeoman "
work, with wearing apparel at £17.5., books at £1. and one bed. His carpenter's tools stood at £8.15. and a shoemaking outfit at £1.10. He had 1 pair of " woosted " combs at £3., with 2 spinning wheels, worsted and woollen yarn. One loom and gears were valued at £6.10. In live stock he had 3 cows, 13 sheep, 1 mare and 2 shoats. His total personal estate was £244.13.8.
In another instance, a cooper, had £43.10. in wearing apparel, £2.10. in books and £14. in 7 silver spoons about 11 oz. The owner had a few shoemaking tools and a small farming outfit.
Stephen Arnold,81 of a well-known family, indulged in wearing apparel at £121.9., with sword and cane at £16. His " plate " weighed 542 oz. at £82., and there is the first mention of a " cradle " and furniture at £2.5. His books were £2.10., and pewter ware £13.4. Glass, China, earthen ware and one teapot stood at £9.7. Additional earthen ware £1.3. Carpenter's and other tools, one canoe, sail and oars £23., four pair oyster tongs £4., in 3700 shingles £9.5. and a negro boy stood at £140. Evidently he did not improve much land, for his animals were one cow at £14. and two swine at £10. The total personal estate was £2251.4.6.
William Turpin-whom we may presume to be de- scended from the school and innkeepers-was entitled " yeoman," though he kept a shop. His wearing apparel was £62.3. and in silver spoons and " other plate " he had £30.2. His books were valued at £3.5., with one bible additional. He had a stock of hardware, with an assort- ment of dry goods. The usual housekeeping outfit was liberal.
The old custom was continued which circumscribed the widow's property in case of future marriage.
81 MSS. Probate Rec., Wills, Vol. IV., p. 101.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
Epenetus Olney bequeathed to his loving wife Mary, his house with the adjoining meadows, orchards and fenc- ing. She was to have the " whole command, management and improvement for support of family, and bringing up of small children, until Charles, the youngest, should be twenty one." If she remained unmarried she was to in- herit one-half of the above property for life; and Charles was to inherit one-half. Should she marry again, Charles was to inherit her one-half. Olney was a farmer and his personal estate was £1010.19.3.
Men rarely signed now with a mark; this manual ap- peared more often in documents executed by women. Sarah Carpenter used the + and had no books. Her modest apparel, valued at £20., was equaled in a gift of the same amount toward a " Friends' Meeting house being built in Pautuxet." Her silver plate was £54., and her pewter £16. In tin ware she had £1.15., in earthen £1.17., in wooden £1.10., in " tea ware " £10.5. Her table linen was £6.15., and a loom with gears was appraised at £9. There was a considerable amount in notes and bonds in the personal estate of £1245.0.8.
Mary Rhoades, widow, was rich, with a personal estate of £3636.9.11. Her wearing apparel was £77.15. and her books £7. She possessed the largest amount, £90., in " plate," noted so far and it was set forth on table linen worth £27.4. There were four looking glasses at £30., £6., £2.10. and 5s., respectively. In pewter and tin £23.15., in earthen ware £3.2.6., with a warming pan at 30s. Two linen and woollen wheels. One apple mill £2.10., with cider. She had no farming outfit, but there was 2800 lbs. tobacco valued at £93.6.8. A negro and his bed stood at £160.
Experience Salisbury, a single woman, did not possess a large estate; but out of the £103.5.7., she expended
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An Insolvent Record
1751]
£50.7.2. in ordinary wearing apparel, and £12. in a gold necklace.82
There is recorded among prices, } part of the brig Providence at £412.10 .; a boat and appurtenances at £325., a canoe at £4. A set of saddlers' tools was ap- praised at £12. The wearing apparel of a poor man, in one instance, was £3.
General prosperity in the community did not exempt those catering to its wants from occasional failure. Octo- ber 12, 1742,83 Arnold Coddington, a descendant of Gov- ernor William, died insolvent. His inventory, £3640.0.3., was the longest recorded so far. He dealt freely in luxuries, including colored broadcloths, callimancos, shal- loons, camlet, crape and buckram, and stockings with clocks. Silk gloves, linen and silk damask and " gor- geous " rihands appear. For the maidens, there were " Girls' fans " of black gauze. For males Mr. Codding- ton provided buckles-gold and silver for shoes-and " for all the other emergencies of human life." This latter omnibus clause doubtless contemplated something beyond buckles. Miscellaneous wants were not forgotten, for the stock included not only hardware, but razors, tooth-brushes, mouse traps and "sliding perspective glasses." A little creative fancy may scatter these luxu- ries among the various accounts of wearing apparel, shown in our inventories. The eighteenth century reflected it- self outwardly in the dress of the colonies, as well as in the capitals of Europe.
Although Gabriel Bernon about 1721 could call the lead- ing citizens of Providence " learned men," their peculiar
82 These ornaments became almost universal. A century ago in the South County, a woman bewailed, " I am so poor, I have not a bead to my neck."
83 MSS. Probate Records, Prov., Vol. IV., p. 60.
الكة
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
learning could have been hardly obtained directly from books. The inventories indicate that there were fewer books owned by individuals in the early eighteenth than there were in the latter seventeenth century. Possibly there were small circulating libraries about, as certainly they were used by the Hopkins family in Scituate.
About 1750 84 Chief Justice Cole, Judge Jenckes, nephew of the Governor and afterward a bookseller, Col. Ephraim Bowen, Nicholas Brown and others, formed the " public subscription library "; obtaining from the General Assembly, the council chamber in the courthouse, for storing the books. Boston and Newport, then, had the only public libraries in New England. This library was finally merged in the Providence Atheneum. Stephen Hopkins catalogued the first collection, which was mostly burned. The list of 1768 shows standard classics, both ancient-and the English, which included Milton, Hooker, Spectator, Guardian, Bacon and Locke. There was Prince's N. E. Chronology, and, Herrea : La Hontan stand for American history. Political science was represented by Coke, Vattel, Puffendorf and Grotius.
The old plantation, expanding its commerce, and crowded against the hilly peninsula, could not be restrained within the limits of the Great Salt River. Yet the pas- sage and improvement beyond was very slow. The marshy soil and scant supply of fresh water repelled set- tlers. A plat of 1753 85 shows a street from J. Whit- man's house across Waterman's marsh to Mathewson's land, now occupied by the street of the same name.86 It has been stated that Beneficent Congregational Church
8+ Foster Hopkins, p. 128.
85 Dorr, p. 127.
86 Mr. H. R. Chace has contributed much to the knowledge of this district by his thorough studies.
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Public Schools Improved
1752]
dates from 1743, but the street westward was not im- proved until a lottery for £600. started it in 1763. A new town, Westminster, projected in honor of Charles J. Fox, had been defeated in the General Assembly by votes of Newport and the South County ; a rare instance when the southern hostility actually forwarded the development of Providence. Westminster Street was named about 1769. There were only five houses on it in 1771.
Another indication of progress in the mid-century was in the better attention given to public schools. After an arrested movement in the latter seventeenth century, there was a strange and dark period, when nothing is re- corded concerning schools. In 1752,87 a strong com- mittee was empowered to " care for the town school house, and to appoint a master." The house was then leased to Stephen Jackson, schoolmaster, and it was leased again in 1763. There had been schools meanwhile, for George Taylor had a chamber for a school in the state house in 1735. In 1751 permission was given for a schoolhouse on the west side. In 1767 a movement for genuine free schools, according to Moses Brown, " was rejected by the POORER sort of people." 88 At that time there were on the west side 102 houses, having 911 inhabitants fit for schooling; of whom 189 were between the ages of 5 and 14 years.
After this failure, in 1768 the town partially erected a brick schoolhouse on the old court house lot. It was completed by individual proprietors, who had possession of the upper story. As was inevitable, this mixed munici- pal and proprietary control produced unsatisfactory re- sults, until it was changed in 1785.89
87 Staples, p. 495.
88 Ibid., p. 500.
89 Ibid., p. 502.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
Another reminiscence of Moses Brown's concerned the matter of marine insurance, made necessary by the en- larged commerce, and especially by direct shipments to Europe. By 1756,90 and probably earlier, Stephen Hop- kins had an office of his own, for insuring risks at sea. Others underwriting on this system were John Gerrish and Joseph Lawrence.
In 1758 Benjamin Franklin's post-office-a harbinger of American unity-established its station in Providence, under the administration of Samuel Chace. The office occupied several points-at one time opposite St. John's Church, until in 1768 it was moved into Market Square. At this period the water by the present Steeple Street was deep enough to send brigs and barks to London and Dublin. The enterprising merchants, John Innes Clark and Nightingale, were located on the long dock there. Joseph and William Russell were the chief importers of English and Irish goods. This extensive trade compelled the merchants to publish important advertisements in the Boston newspapers. Cotton Mather's critical spirit was laid, so far as trade and commerce were concerned. The Providence Gazette, issued by Sarah and William God- dard in October, 1762, afforded opportunity for publish- ing this intelligence at home. It was issued at the Sign of Shakespeare's Head in 1763. After November 12, 1768, it was assumed by John Carter, a pupil of Doctor Franklin and an excellent printer. Under his manage- ment the Gazette was equal to the best colonial news- papers.
There were a few books sold by the general traders, but Daniel Jenckes opened the first regular book-shop at this time at his place of business. The larger culture of the new and growing community involved a new use of 00 Foster Hopkins, p. 117.
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1768]
Books and Symbolic Signs
books. The best current English literature was freely imported and sold. This Sign of Shakespeare's Head was just above the Great (Weybosset) Bridge.
These signs marked some important phases of social history ; one of the many correspondences between mind and matter. The sign informed not only by legend, but by symbol and significant association. For our colon- ists, the love of home and old English associations was fostered by these symbols and swinging signs, which were in full use in the eighteenth century. They were in all the busy portions of Providence, while the Bunch of Grapes and Turk's Head signs were famous for gener- ations.
The new court (or state) house was built at this time on Town Street just above Meeting or Jail Lane. Town meetings were held in the hall or lower story. Here exhibitions and dramatic performances found audience, Franklin's book on electricity had been read, and one Johnson advertised lectures on the new discoveries, March 1, 1764.91 We may perceive that even heretical Provi- dence must provide against the subtle ways of Satan, for the orthodox scientist had to specify that the " guarding against lightning is shown not to be chargeable with pre- sumption, nor inconsistent with any of the principles of natural or Revealed Religion."
We may now consider Stephen Hopkins, the citizen of Providence, in his political functions. No one was so often moderator of the town-meeting. He represented the town almost constantly in the General Assembly, and was its Speaker in 1744 and again in 1749. He became Chief Justice of the Superior Court of Rhode Island in 1751. In Judge Durfee's opinion, for ordinary judicial business at that time, " honesty, good sense, diligence and 91 Dorr, p. 157.
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The Commercial Growth of Providence
fair-mindedness were tolerable substitutes for professional learning." And in his judgment "Hopkins, though not a lawyer, was doubtless a good judge." 92
In 1754 he was to pass upward and outward, from town and colony toward the larger representation which was to form the American Union. Chancellor Kent held that the leaders of the Albany Congress prepared the way for the future independence and expansion of the Republic. Our subject was a delegate and no one entered more fully into Franklin's ideas and purposes. Pro- ceeding from opportunities and acquaintances began here, he commenced correspondence with many men of power throughout the country. These were the beginnings of that wonderful system conducted by committees of corre- spondence, which ultimately so underrun the colonies and prepared them for the eruption of independence.
Hopkins was elected Governor in 1755.93 The " seven years " or "old French War " oppressed the colonies. Little Rhode Island made tremendous exertions, issued paper money and tried her credit to the utmost. Lord Loudon, the English commander-in-chief, complimented the Governor on his prompt support, and General Wins- low, commanding for Massachusetts, said that our colony " comes nearest up to their quota." The Governor's opponents charged him with nepotism and special com- mercial regulations for his private advantage during the war. As he was re-elected in 1756, we may conclude these were the administrative methods of the time, rather than any personal fault of Hopkins.
In 1750 Kent County was detached from the northern country. Bristol County included the southeastern terri- tory which had been detached from Plymouth colony.
92 Durfee, " Judicial History," p. 93.
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