Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people, Part 24

Author: Weeden, William B. (William Babcock), 1834-1912. cn
Publication date: 1910
Publisher: New York, The Grafton Press
Number of Pages: 806


USA > Rhode Island > Early Rhode Island; a social history of the people > Part 24


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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An enterprising and successful privateer, we get an oc- casional glimpse of this hardy navigator in peaceful com- merce. In 1746, he sold 3 of the Charming Molly to James Brown, " distiller," for £168.15. lawful money. In 1756, he sold Nicholas Brown, " distiller," a negro lad or boy slave. Writing to Nicholas Brown & Co. from Suri-


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Hardy Esek Hopkins


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nam, in 1767, the gallant tar gives a clear and candid opinion of the ways of trade in the tropics, having been delayed in dispatching a sloop by deceit of the mer- chants.3 " I bleve thair is more Honnor and Honesty in so many Highway men in England than in the marchants of this place." The times " Luckes Dull for me at pres- ent."


Providence dealt somewhat in slaves, though it did not equal Newport or even Bristol in the traffic. Governor Hopkins stated officially that prior to 1764 Newport sent to the West Coast of Africa annually 18 vessels carrying 1800 hhds. of rum. French brandies had been displaced on the Coast by rum after 1723. Commerce in rum and slaves afforded about £40,000 per an. to Newport for remittance to London. 22 still-houses were located there, consuming molasses costing generally 13d. to 14d. in the West Indies.


The commerce with the West Indies took out the prod- uce of Rhode Island and such surplus merchandise as the exchanges with our own coast afforded. Candles and rum were constant staples. The Islands made rum, but the cheaper distillation of New England was wanted to send to Africa. Captain Esek Hopkins in the Brig Sally signed a Bill of Lading in 1766, which is an example of an outward cargo; consisting of hoops, staves, sperm candles, beeswax, oil, beef and pork, ship bread, tar, tur- pentine, flour, rice for the Windward Islands. Of the hoops 1-25 belonged to Captain Hopkins, and 1-10 of the oil. Jonathan Peck, of Bristol, bought for Nicholas Brown & Co. six or seven Surinam horses; that being a customary shipment.


An interesting item shows methods of building vessels in 1768 for this trade. Barnard Eddy contracts with 3 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.


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John Brown to build a sloop of 84 tons at 8 dollars per ton, one-quarter to be paid in molasses at 1s. 6d. lawful money on demand, one-quarter in molasses in one month, one-quarter in goods on demand at common retail prices. The remaining quarter in goods on delivery of the vessel. Provisions mentioned were 6 cwt. pork at 3d. per lb., 1000 lbs. beef at 2d., 35 bu. corn at 3s. Brown was to furnish spikes to launch, but " no Tallow nor RUM."


Sloop George made two voyages in 1763 to Surinam and Mount Christo, which caused an outlay of £36,358. One voyage was £12,581, comprising about £2000 in flour, about £6100 in candles, and £250 in Nantucket beef, with an assortment of small items. At Surinam, Jacob Bogman gives a very curious picture of the wants of a planter and the manner of supplying them from a more temperate clime. He orders for his " Plantagion " } bbl. best country fed pork, 1 bbl. good mess beef, 1 do. good flour, 1 bbl. mackerel, 1 " kentle Dom fish," 1 hhd. codfish, 1 do. tobacco, both for negroes, all sorts garden seeds " Time and Sawori." In live stock, he calls for a large bull, two cows and two two-year-old heifers, to be spotted black and white, if possible. Six or more " wile Gees, two peekoks, six tame gees, one dozen Duks."


Some reports of the hardy captains are not only inter- esting, but pathetic in their revelation of toil and suffer- ing. Captain John Peck, bound for St. Eustatia, under- went a tremendous gale. An immense wave " sot us Rite on end." The whole cargo moved forward about two feet. The only way to save their lives was " to pump and Liten the vessel." They threw, overboard 40 boxes of can- dles. "You may say why did you throw over so Sealable an article. But Remember Skin for Skin and all that a man hath will he give for his Life."


Among the marvels of domestic intercourse may be cited


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The Tobacco Trade


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the situation July 16, 1770. John Watts of New York . had been taking West Indian goods from N. Brown & Co. But he notified "our Treaty " must end, for molasses could be bought cheaper in Quebec than it could be im- ported.


Rhode Island now raised tobacco in large quantities, and it was an important factor in the West Indian trade. Sept. 30, 1766, there appeared to be an over sup- ply. An agreement4 was made that Nicholas Brown & Co. might ship 75000 lbs., D. Jenckes & Son with E. Hop- kins might ship 45,000 lbs., N. Angell and Job Smith 35,- 000 in three or more vessels consigned to Esek Hopkins. Sales to be made jointly, and any tobacco lost at sea was to be treated pro rata. The matter was to be kept secret and the West Indian price maintained until February 1, following. They hoped to buy all the tobacco in the colony. October 19, it was further agreed between the Browns, Jenckes and Angell, not to give directly or indirectly more than 5s. O. T. at six months for the whole quantity raised. If payment should be anticipated, ten per cent. should be deducted. February 2, 1767, there was too much tobacco on hand for Surinam, for a twelve months' shipment ; Jenckes & Son having 116,000 lbs., N. Brown & Co. 120,- 000 lbs., Angell and Smith 30,000 lbs. The parties were to ship pro rata for 12 months. If more should be bought " that is now grown " the same rule was to apply.


In 1767 and the years following, agitation for improve- ment in the town of Providence showed the increasing prosperity. Brick houses of good design had been built from the wealth acquired during the Spanish war. The local improvements were chilled by the gloom of the year 1772. The town did not advance materially until after the Revolution.


4 Nicholas Brown & Co. MS.


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Revolutionary Period


The inventories" show gradually increasing comfort in living. In 1762, the widow Mehitable Carpenter, with a personal estate of £1287, expended £404.16 in wearing apparel. Silver plate-spoons at least-in moderate quan- tity, was in all good homes, and twelve " Baker " (beaker) glasses showed a well served table. She had a large look- ing gass at £100. Osenbrig towels and Russia diaper napkins indicated the varying kinds of napery. Three small bound books and three pamphlets at £3 are evidence of the good lady's narrow reading.


Benjamin Hunt, with an estate about £10,000, put the value of the widow's mirror into two examples at £70 and £30. He had clothes worth £127, and carried a watch at £100. At home his mahogany case of drawers stood for £140, and there was £275.16 in " wrought plate." Two wigs6 and the box cost £25. His clock and case was val- ued at £220; nine beds and bedsteads £1100, including one at £310. He drove out accordingly with a horse at £175, in his best riding chair at £160, or in another at £100. In three saddles £68, was invested. Altogether a sprightly man for the time.


The citizens bought these articles along " Cheapside," as the way above Market Square was called. The Square had not come as yet, for a long dock still opened there. Below was the " town wharf," on the western side of the ancient river bed and flats, while a bridge only eighteen


" Probate Rec. MS. Prov., V., 363, et seq.


6 The wig was a serious matter. Simeon Thayer, afterward dis- tinguished in the Revolution, advertised from the Sign of the Hat, at the North end in 1763: " Bagwigs, paste, brigadiers, scratch dress and Tye wigs," and he was assisted by Michael Cummings, late of London. The rivalry of T. Healy speaks out in his self-glorifica- tion. He "cuts, curls, frizzes gentlemen's and ladies' hair and en- grafts a tail." "He engages to give the ladies equal satisfaction with any London hair cutter in Providence."


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1768]


The Providence Gazette


feet wide, with creaking draw," afforded passage for travel, both domestic and foreign. The classic whipping- post near by, amid heaps of stones and rubbish, adorned these early street prospects. Severity of punishment was hard enough in Rhode Island, though the locality was more humane than its time. In 1766, Joseph Hart, a stout, able-bodied man, was advertised for sale at auction, being sentenced to serve three years for stealing; the prosecutors to pay costs.


Providence Gazette, June 25, 1767, describes the whip- ping of a convict sold for one year for stealing. "Yells of the patient " confirmed the conscientious work of the constable. Strangely, such barbarity lasted until about 1830, according to Dorr.


Along the north side of the present Square was a row of old wooden houses with heavy projecting gables. The eastern steep bank rose high enough for an aristocratic outlook, and there lived Dr. Ephraim Bowen and Geo. Jenckes. Next, Daniel Abbott's Inn entertained travel- ers. In 1768, the Providence Gazette passed to John Carter, ancestor of John Carter Brown, the well-known literary benefactor.


Specie brought difficulties of its own as well as paper money in those rough times. Captain Falconer came up the Bay in Corry's boat with 83 chests money, and " no carts to be had in town." James Doggett, living near the meeting house in " Seconck," procured 5 carts. Dog- gett was efficient in the frequent freighting by wagons to Boston.


Eccentric signs-an inheritance from old England- everywhere prevailed, and must have affected both the education of youth and the daily life of grown-up per- sons. The intelligent "Elephant," just above Steeple


7 Dorr, Planting & Growth, p. 201.


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Street, beckoned the multitude to James Green's whole- sale and retail stock of " Braziery and Piece goods, rum, indigo and tea." Most traders kept a like medley. Jere- miah Fones Mason, royalist and Free Mason, had the greatest array of fancy goods, " silks, linen, scarlet and blue broadcloths." He bought the property across the Bridge, next beyond that of the Providence Washington Insurance Co., and died rich in 1812. Joseph and Wil- liam Russell dealt largely in 1762, at "the sign of the Golden Eagle," near the Court House. Clark (John Innes) and Nightingale were their greatest rivals. The house of Col. Nightingale on Benefit Street later passed to John Carter Brown. Richard Olney kept an inn at the sign of the " Crown," a two-storied house of wood, two doors above the Court House. The Town Council occa- sionally met there. July 11, 1767, Thomas Sabine ran a stage coach thence to Boston on Tuesdays; the weekly trips gradually increased the business. Hacker ran a sloop to Newport every day, collecting 9d. fare. Great- est of these condensed memorials of the time, retained in the conservative Plantations after they were abandoned elsewhere, was " Turk's Head," that bent " his grim and frowning aspect," according to Dorr, for fifty years at the corner of Town Street and Market Square. Then he was removed to Whitman Corner, across the Bridge where the highway divided. In 1815, the tremendous gale swept away and buried him in the Cove. The whimsical Moslem survives in the name of the busiest spot in a growing city.


The assured place of the merchant, as distinguished from the casual trader, was illustrated in the case of the Browns. Nicholas and John had stores and offices on Town Street, below the Square, but no symbolic signs. Inferior traders, not noted in themselves, advertised as


IT


1768]


Quaint Sign-Boards


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near some prominent sign like the " Bunch of Grapes." John Adams, attorney, used this custom in advertising himself " near Silas Downer, graduate of Harvard," in- asmuch as Adams was reinforcing his professional work by writing letters for ignorant correspondents. In 1763, there were few shops on the West side. The Town Coun- cil migrated across occasionally, from motives of policy, meeting at Luke Thurston's inn under the sign of the " Brigantine." About 1763, James Angell's " distill- house " was still working on the land now occupied by the First Baptist Church.


It was one of the grievances of Providence that all vessels had to be entered at Newport. Before the Revolution, the town had no custom-house and only a " Surveyor of the King's Customs." To D. VanHorn in New York, N. B. & Co., say there is but little silver and gold passing in the colony. They ship to "settled correspondents " in the neighboring colonies, sperm can- dles, oil, rum, molasses, etc., to raise hard money for the sperm business. Also they desire returns in New York produce.


For the manners and customs of these people, we must consult their inventories. In 1763, John Dexter,8 with moderate estate, had a fair domestic outfit with £92. in pewter. His wardrobe was £258; but he had one pair gold buttons, sixteen silver buttons, four buckles and a tooth pick, costing altogether £46. He expended £4.15. in a band buckle, a pair for his shoes, one pair brass but- tons and three silver links. A cane stood at £5.12. One right in " the Library " was valued at £80, and a cow at £75; almost a parity of milk and learning.


The widow Deborah Baster had a comparatively small estate, spending £149, for dress and £74, for pewter ware. 8 Probate Rec. Prov. Ms. V. 369.


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But she had 82 gold beads-5 pwt. 8 grains-valued at £32.13, and silver plate, including a cup, at £418. Dr. John Bass gives us an example of the few private libra- ries. Sermons to the number of sixty-four, pamphlets and five magazines were appraised at £10. The medical collection, including five lexicons and Bailey's dictionary, was worth £106.10. In general literature amounting to £138.15, were many theological works, Paradise Lost, Tate & Brady, Iliad, Euclid, Milton's Latin Works, at £20. Night Thoughts, Pope's Essays, Thompson's Sea- sons, Pascal, Butler's Analogy. The book case was £14. After his theology and necessary medicine, the worthy doctor indulged in some poetic visions.


In 1764, Samuel Angell, having a fine estate, left six Bannister back chairs at £18, six do. inferior at £12, and a round back chair at £2. There were six chocolate bowls at £6, pewter at £69, plenty of China, and no sil- ver, which was unusual. He was of the family of distil- lers, and in the " Distill House" was 248 g. rum and " Low wines " equal to 116 galls. more. We have an anonymous set of tools for block making at £500, and a stock of the lignum vitae wood at £500. A coffee mill at £10, and the very singular item "six turtle shell plates " at £3. 12.


We must give a little patience to the account of John Martin in 1765, for detailed items of male and female apparel are rare. One Duroy coat £1, "Calimink " jacket 10s, plush breeches 9s, coat 24s, a full cloth great coat 28s, old do. 8s, Fustian Jacket 4s, flannel do. 2s, 3 pair trowsers 9s, 3 checked shirts 9s, 1 Holland shirt 6s, 2 frocks 3s, stockings, yarn and thread 5s, one female callico gown 14s, 2 small frocks 4s. 6d, 1 shirt 4s. 6d, 1 checked apron 2s. 6d, 1 silk and cotton handkerchief 2s.


James Brown had a silver tankard in 482 oz. of plate.


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1770]


A Large Library


Gold rings, and sometimes buttons of the same metal ap- pear. These rings had become more frequent in the half century past, and one with a " Cizers Chane " stood at 16s. 6d. Most inventories contained a few books. Lydia Wheaton, a maiden, probably, had three gowns at 15s. each, 1 long cloak Ss, 1 short do. and hood Ss, bonnet and shade 9s, linen and handkerchiefs 15s, 2 petticoats £1.4, 1 man's coat £1.4 .; and £20.15 in pewter ware, China and delph bowls. In another case silver plate, including 7 spoons, 2 shoe and 1 knee buckles 93 oz. 20 grains, was valued at £84.16 lawful money. A cooper had an estate of £99.8, with wearing apparel at £8.8, a watch at £4, and & of sloop Industry at £45.


A few slaves appear here and there; in 1769 two negro women and their bedding at £90. As an example of the demised effects of the poor classes a " mariner " in an es- tate of £258.11 had £5.16 in wearing apparel. A modest array of " Chaney " pewter and a block tin tea pot stood at 4s, while wooden plates, a bread tray and bowl figured at 3s; there was a small quantity of earthen ware.


Very fortunate was the preservation of the list of John Merrett's books July 17, 1770;9 the largest library re- corded in this time. We cite 2 vols. Chambers' Dictionary £3, 5 vols. Bayle's do. £5, 3 vols. Tillotson's Sermons £1.16, 2 vols. Temple's Works £1.10, Taylor's Christ 3s. 6d, Lawrence's Agriculture 6s, Shettlewell Belief 3s, Des- sieu Painting and Drawing 18s, Kennet's History of England 4s. The above are folio editions ; we follow with quartos. Bacon's Philosophical Works, 3 vols. £1.10, Boerhave Chmistry 12s, 5 vols. Atlas Geography 30s, 6 vols. Mayher Brittania 39s, 1 vol. Wollaston Religion of Nature 4s. 6d, 1 vol. IIerodotus 5s, 2 vols. Spanish and French Dictionary 6s, 2 old Bibles 9s, 1 vol. in paper, º MS. Probate Rec., Prov., V., 517.


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£


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Pemperton on Newton 20 vols. Ancient History £4, 40 vols. Modern £8, 8 vols. Plutarch's Lives 32s, 4 vols. Pre- dux Connections 12s, 3 vols. Luckford 9s, 15 vols. Smol- lett History of England £3, 3 vols. Howel History of the Bible 9s, Cæsar's Commentaries 3s, 1 vol. Dr. Taylor 3s, 1 vol. Sherlock 6s.


These two divisions comprised about 130 vols .; in addition were some 170 vols., including 10 vols. Lon- don Magazine, 8 vols. Shakespeare's Plays, Classics, Plutarch's Morals, Pope's Iliad, Paradise Lost, Don Quixote, History Massachusetts Bay, Hutchinson's His- tory, Spectator, Waller, Prior, Telemachus, Cowley, Con- greve and the Dramatists, Bailey's Dictionary, Thomson. In considering values, it is embarassing that Lawful Money and Old Tenor standards are both used and not specified. His personal estate was £3205.


The public library had circulated for nearly twenty years, and probably while this collection was being formed. The collection shows the influence of books and the spirit of culture, which was laying the virtual foun- dations of Brown University. Gabriel Bernon's " learned men " 10 of 1820 had studied the Bible and formed their own opinions, which were to be voiced and exercised in the life of the new American citizen, by men like Stephen , Hopkins. Now, the literary spirit and use of the printed word were taking effect to form the men of the Revolu- tion. Merrett's classics even were not selected in the old- fashioned exclusive way. The historic range was en- larged, and the reader assimilated matter more, as his reading extended.


Do not imagine that the simple eighteenth century- though destitute of steam-rails, electric machinery, stock- tickers and curb brokers-did not comprehend or apply 10 Ante, p. 209.


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1770]


An Old-Time Trust


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any of the mechanism of modern civilization. Rockefeller and Carnegie were unborn, but sharp calculators with long heads existed even in those days. What says the reader to a full iron-bound trust in sperm oil? In 1763, a solid agreement made " all Headmatter brought into North America one common Stock or Dividend," 11 who- ever owned the vessels importing it. It was divided between ten manufacturers ; Nicholas Brown & Co. getting 20 bbls. in each 100; Palmer, 14; Robinson of Nantucket, 13; " the Philadelphians," 7, etc. The Jews of Newport were among the contractors. If any forfeited their share " by such dishonorable conduct " (minutely specified), it was divided pro rata. It was agreed to pay only ten pounds sterling per ton for headmatter, above the price of " body brown sperm oil," to be fixed by merchants of Boston according to the London market. They frowned on more spermaceti works " because present are more than sufficient." The arrangement was renewed from year to year until 1769, when the unit was changed from 100 gal- lons to one hhd. 112 gallons, the proportionate shares being the same. The Philadelphians dropped out and George Rome, of Newport and Narragansett, afterward the famous Tory, took a share of 12 8-10 gallons.


Titles, the marks of recognized honor, the familiar ex- pression of rank and reputation-though not established by authority-were the mode in this century ; when cus- tomary, they were strictly used in designating and address- ing citizens. Often, we cannot perceive the method of application, but the impressive force of the dignity pro- claims itself. They were sometimes cumulative, as if dig- nity could be augmented by prescription. An example appears in Furnace Hope on the Pawtuxet, organized in


11 Nicholas Brown & Co MS.


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1765, and which was to cast cannon in the Revolution. The organization revealed the scale of rank among the promoters, as it prevailed then. Stephen Hopkins, " Es- quire," was of the first part; his only appellation, and he alone had that title. Of the second part, were the four brothers Brown, called " merchants," Israel Wilkinson of Smithfield, " worker of iron," Job Hawkins of Coventry, " physician," Caleb Arnold of Smithfield, " yeoman."


This manufacture of iron was of the greatest service to the colony and state. In the fourth blast, 1770, the com- missions and expenses to N. Brown & Co. were £139. The net profit of the blast was £1157. In the seventh blast, 1773, net profit was £80, on the overturn of £3,946. Expenses and commissions were £150. Interest for £360, on value of estate £6,000. 1,091 tons ore were used, 384 tons pigs were on hand. The " piggs " were constantly wanted for ballast, Lopez and the Newport Jews, with others, appearing as purchasers. Captain Esek Hop- kins was ordered to get information of the kinds of cast iron needed in the Islands. The iron went to London- fifteen tons at once to Hayley & Hopkins-and the con- signees always insisted on certificates to show the " Planta- tion manufacture." At Bristol, England, Henry Cruger, in 1769, having sold Hope Pigs for £168, at 5% com- mission, would advance £3 per ton on any quantity. At this time exchange on London from New York was 70 to 722%. The meeting, May 30, 1767, shows some inter- esting methods in conducting a manufacturing business. John Brown was going westward and was to get an ex- perienced Founder and Refiner to adapt the pigs for ship- ment " home." Jabez Bowen was to go eastward for "8 tonage, Ward Moulders and Atherton, Moulder of Bakepans." The moulders and laborers were to receive { money and ą goods. If possible " all business was to


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Barter Instead of Money


1770]


be done without any money." The "fine ore only " was to be used for hollow ware. The Furnace also stimulated domestic trade. Peter Oliver, Middleborough, Mass., had sent Nicholas Brown & Co. good hoops, and could not receive some poor pigs in exchange. To Norwich, Ct., there were sent potash kettles, pearl-ash pans and four iron bars. Exchanges of merchandise, with Philadelphia, Virginia and Charleston were of vital importance to Rhode Island. The Southern ports took candles, rum, oil and iron, returning flour, corn, rice, etc. Our favorite sloop Four Bros. on one voyage from the Pamunkey River, Va. (whose banks the present writer afterward pa- trolled with a field battery ) brought 8 cwt. barrel staves, 10 bbls. flour, 2,058 bushels Indian corn. Archibald Cary had a forge in Virginia and took 58 tons of pig iron at once. He manufactured flour also. It was cus- tomary to ship candles, iron, etc., and take Virginia prod- uce after some six months' credit. In an earlier transac- tion, 12 boxes sperm candles were sent to South Carolina, the value to be returned in beeswax at 6s. 9d. " Dear- skins " or other goods.


The repeal of the Stamp Act in 1765 was joyfully re- ceived in our colony. The new measures for British taxa- tion in 1767 were detested in the same degree. The grow- ing spirit of resistance revealed itself in 1769, by the first overt act of colonial rebellion.13 The British armed sloop Liberty brought two Connecticut vessels suspected of il- licit trade into Newport harbor. The sloop was boarded from the shore, scuttled and sunk and the traders escaped.


The popular mind was being prepared by these overt acts for the rebellion and revolution which was gathering. Taverns were not politically so important as earlier in the century, when they were the only places where people 18 Brigham, p. 221.


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could meet. Now, Joseph Olney dedicated a great elm in front of his tavern as a "Liberty Tree." An oration was delivered advocating the patriotic cause.


Stephen Hopkins prevailed in local politics over Sam- uel Ward, in 1757, as has been noted. The growth of Providence in the decade succeeding had been remarkable. Commerce was nearly doubled, with trade and manufac- tures increased in proportion.14 This was coincidental rather than essentially political. There was revival of the old agitation in 1767, when the supporters of Hopkins were again under the Shibboleth of " Seekers of Peace " inscribed on their proxies. Certainly, the prospect of difference with Great Britain tended to pacify local poli- tics. Providence was much interested in this canvass, and the account of contributions for "sinews of war" is a vital document.15 The subscription was over $1,600, the four brothers contributing $100 each. Nicholas Cook and Nathan Angell the same, Jabez Bowen, Jr., Daniel and John Jenckes gave $50 each, Abraham Whipple, Daniel Tillinghast, Obadiah Sprague and many of the best citizens of Providence contributed. The money was disbursed in £, probably Old Tenor. To " Glocester " £24, Warren £68, Coventry £1040, Scituate £120, West Greenwich £11.5, Johnson £200, North Kingstown £800, East Greenwich, £320, North Providence £104, Bristol £212. There was paid out for proxies £160. Abraham Whipple carried to Wanton at Newport $60. Nicholas Brown & Co. kept the accounts in the scrupulous method used in all their affairs. Rum, sugar, a few nails, cloth for breeches, etc., were charged. A small, quaint receipt for one-third of a dollar shows that John Brown paid the town tax of J. Jones.




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