Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 76

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192

USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 76

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directed a manor to be run out, including their said improvements, and they, therefore, prayed that they might receive legal titles to those lands on the same terms granted to inhabitants of the State for located or patented lands under authority of the Commonwealth. This petition was sent to the Legislature, and was ordered to lie upon the table.

Another of the early land companies was named the Pennsylvania Popula- tion Company, which seeured 804 tracts of land under act of the Assembly, April 3, 1792, northwest of the Ohio and Allegheny rivers and Conewango Creek. General John Gibson was agent of this company in Pittsburg. James Sample, a man of some property, held a large number of donation and depreciation land claims in various districts, which he advertised for sale. The Population Com- pany advertised to sell their land on Lake Erie, French Creek, and other naviga- ble waters to actual settlers at moderate prices and extensive credit. Josiah Colt and Ennion Williams were general agents for the company. The Pennsyl- vania Land Company was another organization that acquired large and valuable tracts in Western Pennsylvania and elsewhere. The North American Land Company and Pennsylvania Property Company likewise owned immense tracts in which the capitalists of Pittsburg became interested. As shown in the col- umns of the old Gazette, Mercury and Commonwealth, many of the business men of the town were agents for these companies, and at times several offered as high as 50,000 acres for sale. Messrs. O'Hara, Craig, Brackenridge, Gibson, Christy, Irwin, Pentland, Ormsby, Tannehill, Collins, Evans, Wilkins, Bed- ford, Bayard, Roberts and others offered large tracts for sale. The large sums of money which accumulated in the Branch banks were derived from the sale of Government lands either to the land companies directly or to individuals who transferred them to such companies.

In October, 1787, John Ormsby offered for sale, about two miles east of Pittsburg, 300 acres, of which 200 were bottom land, extending for a mile along the Monongahela. He announced that if the land was not sold during October about 100 acres would be laid out into five-acre tracts to accommodate the people of Pittsburg who desired pasturage. The whole tract was covered with heavy timber. This land was on the south side of the Monongahela, and comprised much of what is now Birmingham.

A company of forty men, under the command of Colonel William Butler, was hastily formed in Pittsburg, October 23, 1787, to pursue a band of Chip- pewa warriors, which, it was reported, was encamped at a place called "Kush- kushky," about sixty miles westward, and had four scalps in their possession. The company failed to catch them. Pittsburg had a billiard-hall as early as January, 1787, at which time old Guyasutha, king of the Senecas, took special pleasure in viewing the game. The old chief was given the privilege of the town and provided with three gallons of whisky and twenty pounds of flour.

Under the act of 1788, which created Allegheny County, the Courthouse was directed to be built in what is now Allegheny, but by the act of April 13, 1791, George Wallace, Devereaux Smith, William Elliot, Jacob Bausman and John Wilkins were authorized to purchase a tract of ground in Pittsburg, and to erect thereon a courthouse and prison. "I doubt there will be very dull sale for marriage licenses in this county, as no application has ever been made to us for any. If you think proper to send half a dozen of them I will dispose of them if there should be any demand" (1).

"Pittsburg, May 17, 1791.

"We, the subscribers, encouraged by a large subscription, do promise to pay one hundred dollars for every hostile Indian's scalp with both ears to it, taken

(1) James Brison to Secretary Biddle, October 19, 1789.

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between this date and the 15th day of June next by any inhabitant of Alle- gheny County. (Signed) George Wallis, Adamson Tannehill, Robert Elliott, William Wilkins, Jr., William Amberson and John Irwin" (m).

In 1794 the only market-house consisted of a "light, indifferent woodshed, hoisted on six wooden posts, and these withal rather tottering and overshad- owed on one side by a couple of old apple trees, with an ancient log cabin in the rear, leaning downward, standing on the ground now occupied by Colonel O'Hara's three-story double brick house, corner of Market and Second streets. The town did not look much like a Birmingham or any other place of busi- ness" (n). From November 23, 1796, to February 3, 1797, the Ohio River at Pittsburg was closed with ice. This winter was remembered for many years for its great severity, particularly in the Alleghany Mountains.

Opposition to the Excise Law of the United States, passed in March, 1791, was the cause of the defection of 1794, generally known as the Whisky Insurrection. There was much to excuse those who took part in that mem- orable occurrence. Farmers who raised grain found little market, except in converting their product into whisky, in which form it found a ready sale, not only in Western Pennsylvania, but across the mountains in the eastern portion of the State. This is an important fact in considering the degree of guilt of the participants. There is nothing to show, particularly during the early stages of the insurrection, that the defectionists contemplated anything more serious than securing, by vigorous protest, the repeal of the law. At later stages of the movement the mob spirit, to a large extent, dominated motives and actions and swept the insurgents into the vortex of incipient revolution. When that stage arrived the leaders were powerless to direct the movements of the mob. In fact, they were then forced by the sheer intensity of the lawless spirit to advocate measures which, under any other circum- stances, they would never have thought of sustaining.

Previous to the passage of the act of 1791 opposition to the State Excise Laws had been manifested in Western Pennsylvania by resistance to the writs of the officers and by violent refusals to pay any amounts thereunder to the collectors. The law of 1791 still further kindled the wrath of the Western people. Objections to the law were so well known and so pronounced that the State Legislature, while the act was pending in Congress, passed a reso- lution, by a vote of thirty-six to eleven, opposing the adoption of the law. Many of the people living in the Western country had fought in the Colonial Army during the Revolution and had learned to detest the Stamp Act which precipitated that conflict; and they could not distinguish the difference between the Excise Law and the act which occasioned the Revolution. They looked upon the law of '91 as an act of oppression, and as the manufacture of whisky was almost the only source of revenue from their products, it seemed to them a matter of self-defense and justice to oppose the law and in every way resist its execution. Not merely a few entertained this view, but all the inhabitants, with scarcely an exception, opposed the execution of the law as a rank injustice. What made the matter much worse was the fact that the writs which were served upon delinquents were made returnable to Philadelphia. At this time average farms were worth from $300 to $500; therefore a trip to Philadelphia in answer to the writ meant an expenditure to the delinquent of a sum almost equal to the value of his farm. It was rightly regarded that the enforcement of the law meant the ruin of the farmers, either by compelling them to go to Philadelphia for trial, or by depriving them of the market for their produce, under a taxation too great to make the raising of grain profitable. In addition

(mn) Boston Gazette, June 28, 1813.

(n) Cumming, 1808.

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to this it 'may be stated that the country was new and wild, laws were lax, principles of conduct unsteady, and the inhabitants for many years had been accustomed to regard theniselves almost as independent as they would be in a state of nature. They had become accustomed, owing to the unconcern of the Philadelphia Quakers in their welfare, to rely almost wholly upon them- selves from Indian incursions, and, owing to the boundary dispute between Pennsylvania and Virginia, had refused to recognize the laws of either colony, and, while the dispute lasted, by first siding with one party and then with the other, had managed in many instances practically to nullify all law and to evade taxation. They had come to regard this unsettled state of affairs as the normal condition, and were therefore prepared to oppose any system which seemed like oppression. However, notwithstanding the sentiment in opposi- tion to taxation which prevailed, it is probable that no serious results would have followed had not blood been shed at the Neville house. It must be borne in mind that the outbreak was not sudden and violent, but was the outgrowth of several years of gradual, but increasing, opposition to the law. Every neighborhood had its still, where farmers could have their grain converted into whisky upon shares or otherwise. The new law created many local officers, who, in the discharge of their duties, necessarily were required, greatly to the indignation of the farmers, to spy upon their affairs.

The French Revolution, which was still in progress, was used by the insurgents as an example to illustrate their own condition. There were the Government, its excise officers and the wealthy classes to represent the aris- tocrats, and there were the oppressed farmers and laborers to represent the Jacobins. These terms-aristocrat and Jacobin-were used constantly by the insurgents in their arguments to prove the injustice and oppression of the Excise Law. The people were jealous of their rights, hostile to all forms of oppression, and rightly concluded as unjust and tyrannous any law that placed upon them a tax that rendered their principal source of revenue unprofitable, and compelled delinquents to go to Philadelphia to answer for their derelictions.

Under the law of 1791 General John Neville was appointed inspector for this district. He lived about seven miles from Pittsburg, in a fine mansion, and was considered the wealthiest man in Western Pennsylvania, owning large tracts of land and many slaves. His son, Colonel Presley Neville, lived in Pittsburg. The first general opposition meeting was held in July, 1791, at Redstone, on which occasion delegates were appointed to attend a meeting to be held in Pittsburg in the following September to consider the Excise Law. At the Redstone meeting Findley, Marshall, Cook, Gallatin and Smiley were present. The meeting at Pittsburg in September passed strong resolutions against the Excise Law, and authorized the preparation of a petition for its repeal. So much opposition was shown to the law at this meeting that imme- diately thereafter all excise officers began to be treated with disrespect, and soon with outrage. There is no doubt that many, if not all, of the best citizens of Pittsburg at this time favored the repeal of the law. On the other hand, the inspector and his assistants rightly concluded to do their duty and collect the tax. Matters continued in about this condition until August, 1792, at which time another largely attended meeting was held and a series of resolu- tions passed demanding the repeal of the law, and on this occasion much severer and more ominous language was used. Mr. Gallatin took part in these meetings, except the one held in 1792, and thus far favored the course of the insurgents. No other public meetings were held until 1794, but opposition and resistance to the law continued to increase. The result of these first meet- ings served to indicate the extent of the opposition and to give to the lawless a chance to ignore and violate the Excise Law and commit other depredations.

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Numerous outrages occurred in consequence. Collectors were tarred and feathered and compelled to destroy their commissions and resign their offices. Men who paid the excise, or in any way countchanced the law, were often insulted and abused. By the summer of 1794 the law was almost wholly inoperative in Western Pennsylvania. The insurgents were not hostile to the Government, but were simply bent on having the law repealed. So many delinquencies existed in the Western country that in July, 1794, the Federal sheriff, Major David Lennox, arrived in Pittsburg, after having served upon delinquents of this vicinity thirty-nine out of forty writs to appear in Phila- delphia on a given date to answer to their violations of the law. He arrived in Pittsburg on the 14th, and on the following day returned some distance in the country, accompanied by General Neville, and served the remaining writ upon a Mr. Miller .. Upon leaving the harvest field he was followed and fired upon by one or more men in a party of somc half dozen, who evidently had no intention of hitting him, but wished to scare him out of the neighbor- hood. On the same day a military parade was in progress on Mingo Creek, and late in the evening the news was received on the ground that Mr. Lennox had been fired upon. Considerable excitement ensued. The following day about thirty-six men, at the head of whom was Mr. Holcroft, who became later known as Tom the Tinker, went to the house of General Neville, seven miles from Pittsburg, and demanded the return of the writs which had been served. They were refused, and, beginning to show spirit, were fired upon and six of them wounded, one mortally. This act was wholly unwarranted and precipitated events, and from this time forward the insurrection passed beyond the control of the leaders. The first blood was thus shed by the "aristocrats," and not by the insurgents. An immense crowd collected the following day at Couche's Fort, four miles from Neville's country residence, and prepared to attack his house. General Neville called for assistance from Pittsburg, whereupon Colonel Neville, Mr. Brackenridge, General Wilkins, General Gibson, Marshal Lennox, young Mr. Ormsby, the sheriff, and perhaps others, in two separate parties, started for Couche's Fort to endeavor to pacify the infuriated mob which had collected there. The party of Colonel Neville was dissuaded from going to Couche's Fort, but went to the country resi- dence of General Neville instead. Before the party which had started for Couche's Fort could arrive the mob assembled there had started for the Neville residence, and upon their arrival, after demanding the writs and being fired upon, had opened fire upon the house, which was warmly returned by the inmates, among whom were Major Kirkpatrick, a relative of the Nevilles, and eleven soldiers from the garrison at Pittsburg. After about fifteen minutes of desultory firing, the leader of the insurgents, James McFarlane, was killed, under condi- tions, it was claimed, tantamount to the sacredness of a flag of truce. This act thoroughly roused the fury of the mob, whereupon, after notifying the inmates to leave the house, which was done, they burned the residence, barn and outbuildings to the ground. The mob consisted of about 500 men, the most of whom were armed. Gencral Neville had left the house previous to the attack, but Major Kirkpatrick and his squad of soldiers and Colonel Neville and his party were captured, but after considerable delay were permitted to escape. There is nothing to show that the insurgents, even up to this time, (lemanded anything more than the surrender of the writs, the destruction of the inspector's commission, and the repeal of the odious Excise Law. They had not shed one drop of blood. On the other hand, the inspector and his son and the United States marshal were equally determined not to yield.

The following day the mob, which had continucd to increase, sent a message to Pittsburg demanding that Marshal Lennox should surrender the writs which

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he had recently served, and that Inspector Neville should deliver his commission and resign his office. The latter refused to comply, whereupon it was inti- mated that the insurgents would destroy Pittsburg and take the writs and com- inission by force. The position taken by the insurgents at this time was deter- mined, they insisting that it was even better that the United States marshal should die than that hundreds of citizens should lose their plantations. So threatening became indications it was deemed best for the marshal and the inspector to temporarily leave the town, which they did, going down the Ohio River in a boat.

Negotiations were opened between the insurgents and the inhabitants, look- ing to a termination of the differences and the establishment of peace. The insurgents requested the attendance upon one of their meetings of a delega- tion from Pittsburg, and, accordingly, H. H. Brackenridge, George Robinson (chief burgess), Colonel William Semple, Peter Audrain, Josiah Tannehill and William H. Beaumont met the insurgents late in July at the Mingo meeting-house. They found them in a state of intense excitement and anger, and at this time they made frequent use of the language and methods of the Jacobins of France. They considered themselves the victims of aristocrats, and many threats were made against the wealthy classes. At this meeting speeches were delivered by Benjamin Parkinson, Mr. Marshall and David Bradford, the latter of whom, in an inflammatory speech, sustained the action of the insurgents. Mr. Brackenridge spoke on behalf of the citizens of Pittsburg, and took a middle ground, offering no violent opposition to the course of the insurrection, nor distinctly favoring their methods or objects. The meeting terminated without the settlement of the vexed question. A few days later, under the orders of Mr. Bradford, United States mail bags from Pittsburg to Washington and Greensburg were intercepted, opened and read by the insur- gent leaders. This mail contained strong letters against the course of the insurgents from prominent residents of Pittsburg, directed to high officials in the East, with the object of having the reign of terror in the West terminated, and of having the leaders brought to punishment. The objectionable letters were from Colonel Neville to General Morgan, General Gibson to the Governor of Pennsylvania, James Brison, prothonotary, to the Governor, Edward Day to the Secretary of the Treasury, and Major Butler, in charge of the Arsenal, to the Secretary of War. No sooner had the contents of these communications become known to the insurgents than the leaders took steps to stir up all of Western Pennsylvania in opposition to the Excise Law, and to have ban- ished from Pittsburg the writers of the objectionable letters. The insurgent leaders called out militia, and whole regiments responded, fearing to oppose the popular will. The insurrection at this stage grew with great rapidity. The leaders called for a meeting to be held July 28th at Braddock's Field, and it was understood that measures would be put into effect to seize Pittsburg, the Arsenal, and to arrest and imprison the writers of the objectionable letters. At this meeting James Ross, in a speech of two hours in length, opposed the progress of the insurrection, but was unable to stem the torrent that had set in. The leaders of the insurrection were now powerless, had they been so disposed, to oppose its progress. It was declared that Pittsburg must burn like Sodom, and that opposition to the objects of the insurgents must be pun- ished.

Pittsburg at this time was almost paralyzed with fear. A town meeting was hastily called, of which General Gibson was chairman and Mathew Ernest secretary, to consider friendly messages which had arrived from Washington concerning the proposed or probable action of the mob. A committee was appointed to confer with the leaders. The messengers stated that the insurgents

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would not be content unless the writers of the objectionable letters were ban- ished from Pittsburg, and that unless it was done the town was likely to be burned, in which case many lives would probably be lost. The meeting unani- mously resolved that the writers of the letters should submit in the interests of security and leave Pittsburg temporarily, whereupon those individuals made preparations to accede to the public demand. Resolutions were passed also as follows:

Whereas, It is a part of the message from the gentlemen of Washington that a great body of the people of the country will meet to-morrow at Brad- dock's Field in order to carry into effect measures that may seem to them advis- able with respect to the Excise Law, and the advocates of it; Resolved, That the above committee shall at an early hour wait upon the people on the ground and assure them that the above resolution with respect to the proscribed per- sons has been carried into effect. Resolved, also, That the inhabitants of the town shall march out and join the people on Braddock's Field, as brethren, to carry into effect with them any measure that may seem to them advisable for the common cause. Resolved also, That we shall be watchful among ourselves of all characters that by word or act may be unfriendly to the common cause; and when discovered will not suffer them to live amongst us, but they shall instantly depart the town."

Thus the whole town, except Colonel Butler and his garrison, unanimously surrendered to the insurgents. In this emergency twenty-one citizens were chosen by the meeting to do whatever seemed best for the safety of the town and its inhabitants. This committee consisted of the following men: George Rob- inson, H. H. Brackenridge, Peter Audrain, John Scull, John McMasters, John Wilkins, Sr., Andrew McIntyre, George Wallace, John Irwin (merchant), Andrew Watson, George Adams, David Evans, Josiah Tannehill, Mathew Ernest, William Earl, Alexander McNickel, Colonel John Irwin, James Clow, William Gormly and Nathaniel Irish. Messrs. Brison and Day were particularly obnoxious, owing, doubtless, to the severe terms in which they had couched their letters, and Major Kirkpatrick to the same extent, as he was held responsible for the death of McFarlane at the time of the attack on the Neville residence. As a matter of fact, the citizens in mass meeting assembled unanimously banished these citizens temporarily from the town as a measure to conciliate the insurgents.

On the Ist of August the committee of twenty-one, on horseback, unarmed, followed by the town militia to the number of about 250, under the command of General Wilkins, started out to join the "enemy" on Braddock's Field. This was an extraordinary spectacle, and one, it is to be hoped, the citizens will never again be called upon to witness. Its wisdom at the time cannot be ques- tioned. Seven thousand men, all armed, were drawn up on Braddock's Field, and all were inflamed with passion and all resolute with their intention concern- ing the Excise Law and the banishment of the objectionable letter-writers. Many to this day maintain that the town should have resisted; that the garrison under Major Butler and the town militia of nearly 300 men, under capable officers, should have resisted to every extremity the demands of the insurgents. It is not probable, owing to the determination and anger of the mob at this stage of the insurrection, that the defense of Pittsburg would have been suffi- cient to insure the safety of the people and their property. Unquestionably, in this doubtful state of affairs, discretion was the better part of valor, and the town was justified in yielding temporarily to the demands of the insurgents, just as an inferior force on the field of battle often finds it wiser to surrender to a superior force rather than be slaughtered. The course pursued by individ- tials has little to do with the general problem presented for solution. The succeeding discussions as to the guilt or innocence of individuals, often con-

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clucted with the severest acrimony, should, in the light of impartiality, be brushed aside as unworthy of a serious place in history. The mob spirit on the one hand, or the suspense and fear which then prevailed, on the other, should not be held accountable in the case of individuals to a greater degree than prevails at the present day in the case of industrial strikes. The distortions of individual motives and conduct in a war waged between hostile families should no longer be permitted to masquerade as just and impartial history.

The committee of twenty-one and the militia of Pittsburg managed to avert the threatened attack upon the borough by representing that they had come to join the insurgents and to discuss with them what was best to be done for the general good. The entire day and night were spent in discussion by the people generally and by a special committee of three appointed from each regiment. Many favored violent measures, but the majority finally agreed upon a milder course, and on the second day, upon invitation of the Pitts- burg committee and militia, the crowd was invited to visit Pittsburg. It was estimated that about 7,000 men were present on the ground, although only about 4,500 visited the town. They were led by Colonels Cook, Bradford and Blakeney, officer of the day, with the Pittsburg militia forming the rear guard. They entered the town, which then comprised nearly 1,200 population, on the Fourth Street road, thence marched to the Monongahela, thence along the river and by a roundabout course to the open plain east of the town. In the meantime all the citizens had made preparations for possible disaster by burying or otherwise concealing their valuables, and by making preparations to furnish refreshments of food and drink to the large array of hungry men, who afterward were known as the "whisky boys." In spite of the strictest orders to the contrary, small squads left the main army, entered the town, and in several instances were troublesome and insulting to the inhabitants.

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Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 76

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn Publication date: 1898 Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co. Number of Pages: 1192

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192