Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 97

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192


USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 97


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It was stated at this time by the newspapers that the slavery question over- shadowed all others, and that it "must be settled, or it would settle the Union."


"First Fugitive Slave Case in Pittsburg .- Day before yesterday a Mr. Rose arrived here from Wellsburg, recognized a mulatto boy, George White, an apprentice for the last two years of J. B. Vashon, barber, as his slave, and claimed him. Rather than consign the child to bondage, Mr. Vashon, with a fidelity to his principles which does him honor, by means of his own and the contributions of others, paid the owner $200, and the boy is now free" (1). "Any of our Southern friends who want business done in their line in our dirty city should direct their communications, postpaid, to our good friend, Robert M. Riddle, or Judge Baird, with a special request for prayers for their success from Rev. Dr. Riddle. Now, it would be so nice to see our tall friend (m) in full chase down street after some such piece of property as the one last caught in Philadelphia-an old woman with a baby in her arms" (n).


The first case to be tried in Pittsburg under the Fugitive Slave Law was called before Judge Irwin in March, 1851. It was claimed that a colored man, Woodson, was the slave of Mrs. Byers, of Kentucky, and that he had escaped about two years before. The defense endeavored to establish a different identity, and several witnesses testified that his name was Gardener, and that he had lived here since 1848. The case was decided in favor of the mistress, and the slave was ordered kept in irons until delivered to his owner. This case occasioned much excitement, and a rescue was thought probable, whereupon Mr. Rust, agent of the claimant, took legal steps to prevent such finality. The Commercial Journal sustained the action of J. B. Sweitzer, United States Commissioner under the Fugitive Slave Law, for his activity in preventing rescues, whereupon the Tribune said: "The local columns of this morning's Journal contain a puff for J. B. Sweitzer, commissioner. Wonder if Mr. Com- missioner does not by this time begin to discover that his office is held in about


(j) Commercial Journal, September 23, 1850.


(k) Commercial Journal, October 1, 1850. (1) Commercial Journal, January 16, 1851.


(m) Robert M. Riddle, editor of the Commercial Journal.


(n) Commercial Journal, February 26, 1851.


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the same estimation as that of a headsman?" (o). The slave, Woodson, was thus sent away from his wife and two children. The Journal, Gazette, Post and nearly all the other papers insisted that the law must be maintained, while the Abolitionists and their organs at all times declared against it and in favor of rendering it nugatory. Woodson had been recaptured at Beaver, where he had preached for two years. He had bought a lot, had built thereon a small house and was a thrifty mechanic. He was decoyed to the steamboat landing, seized and put in a small boat, taken out in the middle of the river, and placed on board a steamer that was hailed for the purpose. Subscriptions at Beaver and in Pittsburg, for his purchase, were raised, and he was finally freed and brought back to his family.


On August 1, 1851, the colored people, as usual, celebrated in Oakland the emancipation of 800,000 colored people in the West Indies. Rev. Louis Wood- son, referred to above, was orator of the day, and Rev. John Peck, chairman. On this occasion, Rev. Samuel Ward, of Boston, colored orator, delivered a speech of great strength and eloquence. Mr. Ward afterward lectured here on "The Guilt of the North Touching Slavery."


In January, 1854, a large meeting was held in the Courthouse, over which Mayor Volz presided, to express the sentiment of this community in regard to the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, then pending in Congress. The call for this meeting demanded that all Free Soil men should arouse; that a great cutrage was contemplated in Congress; that the solemn covenant of the venerated fathers was about to be broken; and that the curse of slavery was to be extended over Nebraska. Cornelius Darragh was the first speaker. He denounced the course of Senator Douglas in a speech of great fire and eloquence. Dr. Gazzam, Aaron Floyd, Thomas Bakewell, George W. Jackson and D. N. White were appointed a committee on resolutions. William Shinn followed Mr. Darragh and spoke to a like effect. The resolutions declared that the Nebraska Bill was an outrage on public faith and honor, denounced the Northern politicians who brought it forward and advocated it, opposed the principle of Africanizing the American continent, and employed the severest expressions toward the slave power. J. E. Brady opposed the resolutions, owing to their severity; but Dr. Gazzam, "in a speech of great force and eloquence, sustained the propriety and wisdom of adopting the resolutions as presented." Others spoke against the resolutions, maintaining that they were unnecessarily violent and inexpedient. When put upon their passage, all present voted in favor of them except Messrs. Brady and Barnett. The resolutions pressed with great severity upon slavery generally, and upon the course of the Southerners, and particularly upon the introduction and consideration in Con- gress of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. In February, 1854, the Germans of Pitts- burg held a large meeting, of which C. Beurmann was chairman, and denounced the contemplated step to be taken by Congress in regard to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill. In March, 1854, the clergymen of the city held a meeting in Dr. Riddle's church, and adopted the following resolution, introduced by Rev. Dr. Elliot: "Resolved, That the undersigned ministers of the gospel, in the cities of. Pitts- burg, Allegheny and vicinity, in the name of God and religion, in the name of humanity and liberty, for the honor of our country and its influence over the world, respectfully and earnestly protest against the passage of the bill for the organization of new territories now before Congress, commonly known as the Nebraska Bill" (q). Meetings were held in all parts of Pennsylvania, par- ticularly in Pittsburg, Allegheny and the surrounding boroughs and in many


(o) Commercial Journal, March 15, 1851.


(q) Commercial Journal, March 18, 1854.


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of the wards, denouncing, often in the most violent terms, the action of Congress in regard to the Kansas-Nebraska Bill.


When it became known that the Kansas-Nebraska Bill had passed both houses of Congress and would without doubt receive the approval of the President, great indignation was expressed here by members of all parties. "The South have had their triumph; now comes ours. They have repealed our Com- promise of 1820, we now repeal their Compromise of 1850. No more slaves go back to bondage from free States, There we stand; so help us God there we will stand" (r). "The Nebraska Bill passed-the deed is done! The astonishing perfidy to the Free States of this Union has been consummated by the aid of forty-four traitors to the rights, interests and honor of the North" (s). "We are willing to make any reasonable sacrifice of party ties to a great and overshadowing principle-that of an undying resistance to the further encroachments of slavery" (t).


The Gazette, Commercial Journal and other newspapers at this time ad- vocated the formation of a national party, founded upon principles opposed to the advancement of slavery. The Post took a different view of the situation, and declared that much of the excitement was unnecessary, and that no serious action threatening the perpetuity of the Union need be apprehended. "We believe with Old Bullion that not a single slave will ever be held in Kansas or Nebraska" (u). "All the clamor against the Nebraska Bill by Whigs and Abolitionists is a false alarm-a humbug-a mere attempt to make political capital out of a measure of no political importance" (v).


At the Whig county convention, in June, 1854, Thomas M. Marshall was chosen chairman. Resolutions were adopted to the effect that no law which aided or sustained slavery should be recognized; that no more compromises with slavery should be made; that the admission of any more slave States should be opposed; that the introduction of slavery into Nebraska should be ob- structed; and "we pledge ourselves as soldiers for the whole war with 'free men, free labor and free lands' on our banner." John Bell, of Tennessee, Thomas H. Benton, of Missouri, and Samuel Houston, of Texas, who had opposed in Congress the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, were warmly thanked by this convention. The following action was taken: "Resolved, That for the future the South must take care of itself-take care of its peculiar property ; supply its own bloodhounds and slave-catchers; the free men of the North (lesign and will crush and exterminate the breeds." Sam. Houston was pres- ent at this convention, and was called out and greeted with enthusiasm, but while expressing his thanks for the honor, declined to speak at length on the important issues of the day.


The struggle for the selection of a Speaker of the House of Representatives, in July, 1854, was rightly regarded here as a preliminary battle between the friends of slavery on the one hand and the friends of freedom on the other, and, consequently, the citizens of this community took great interest in that election and eagerly awaited the results. When, finally, John Covode, of Westmoreland County, who was then in Congress, telegraphed to Pittsburg the following message, it was received on the streets with great cheering by crowds of citizens: "Glory to God." No other words were necessary to express the situa- tion at Washington to the friends of liberty in this vicinity.


In June, 1854, James Wright, colored, while on a steamboat at New Orleans, was captured by a man who claimed to be his master, from whom he had escaped twelve years previously, and was immediately sold to a Cuban and taken


(r) Commercial Journal, May 30, 1854.


(t) Gazette. May 29, 1854.


(v) Post, May 30, 1854.


(s) Gazette, May 24, 1854.


(1) Post, May, 1854.


.


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south. He had formerly lived for nine years in Penn Township, Allegheny County, and his wife was chambermaid on the steamer at the time of his capture. In March, 1855, Cassius M. Clay lectured here on the subject of "The Despotism of Slavery." The lecture was a wonderful exhibition of fire and eloquence, and the largest audience of the season enthusiastically greeted the great orator. In his lecture he quoted Theodore Parker, who said, "When we want a President, the South takes a piece of dough and makes one." In March, 1855, Leonard Boyd, accompanied by his wife and colored nurse, stopped at the St. Charles Hotel. The servants attempted to rescue the girl, but were prevented by the crowd. Mr. Boyd had intended to remain three days, but, fearing the loss of his property, left by boat at once. On the way to the landing desperate attempts at a rescue were again made, but upon the presentation of arms by the police officers and others, the rescuers were driven back and the slave was safely placed on the boat. During the progress of this attempt at rescue, severe struggling and rioting ensued. It was stated that the attempt "for boldness and success has never been surpassed in Pittsburg." "The char- acter of this city should not be stained nor its business injured by negro mobs. Its business has suffered severely enough from other causes within the last year, without adding the curse and disgrace of negro riots. We hope that the next riot of the kind will be suppressed by the strong arm of the law; or be met with plenty of well-charged revolvers in ready and resolute hands" (p).


The Slaymaker case in March, 1855, was a notable one. Colonel Slay- maker's wife visited friends here, accompanied by a colored female, presumed to be a slave. However, the information was given out that she was free. This was denied by the colored people, who attempted a rescue in the dining-room of the hotel one morning at breakfast. The colored waiters and a colored barber named Davis suddenly seized the colored girl, and hurried her back through the hotel. The Slaymakers declared that the girl was already free, and pro- duced papers proving such to be the case, whereupon, within two hours, she was reproduced and returned to Mr. Slaymaker. The hotel was exonerated from all blame, although the head waiter was discharged. At this time Mrs. Swisshelm was particularly severe against slavery. In November, 1855, Wendell Phillips delivered a powerful lecture before the Young Men's Mercantile Library Association on "The Philosophy of the Reform in Slavery." In July, 1855, a report to the effect that a slave-catcher was stopping at the Monongahela House occasioned great excitement among colored people. The Abolitionists and the colored people called meetings, and appointed a committee to wait upon the gentleman to ascertain the nature of his mission. He proved to be H. B. Northrup, of New York, one of the most active anti-slavery agitators of the day. He had rescued from slavery the colored man, Solomon Northrup, author of "Twelve Years of Slavery." The committee were thus taken aback. It is notable that in nearly all the churches the day before the ministers had stated from their pulpits that slave-catchers were in the city. So great was the fear at this time that slave-owners and slave-catchers would descend upon this com- munity, that Mr. Northrup had great difficulty in convincing the people of his identity. In fact, so obstinate were the anti-slavery people, that Mr. Northrup finally took offense, and declared that "it was mortifying to him, who had spent so many years in the cause of anti-slavery, to be so considered." But he declared that Pittsburg, at least, was on the right side of the question. What made the excitement greater at this time was the fact that two runaway slaves had reached here the day before the arrival of Mr. Northrup, and the fears of the community pointed to the conclusion that the stranger at the hotel might be a slave-catcher in pursuit of them. It was openly asserted here at this time


(p) Post, March 14, 1855.


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that no slave-catcher could succeed or even remain in this community. In July, 1855, George W. Ferris, colored, who formerly lived in Pittsburg, but had gone to St. Louis with a company of singers, was enticed into Alabama by a Mr. Shaw, who returned him to a Mr. Raglan, the latter claiming to be his owner. Ferris was to all appearances a white man, and had married a white woman named Mary Ann Wickham, whose miother resided on Fifth Street at that date. A short time after this event, Mr. Shaw, who turned out to be a professional slave-catcher, was arrested here while trying to kidnap Mr. Ferris' three-year-old child. Soon after this, five informations for kidnaping were on file in Pittsburg at one time against Shaw.


In February, 1855, the American party met in county convention, with B. C. Sawyer in the chair, to express the views of that organization relative to the United States senatorship. David L. Smith, in a spcech of great strength, declared that the Whig party was rotten and defunct, but this position was hissed by the delegates. Resolutions were adopted demanding a senator from Western Pennsylvania, owing to the fact that the present United States Senator resided in the eastern part of the State. Colonel Foster introduced separate resolutions to the effect that the candidate should be a member of the American party. His resolutions also declared against the aggressions of slavery and in favor of the protective system; asserted the right of all citizens to a writ of habeas corpus; denounced the existing system of importing foreign criminals and paupers; insisted upon the repeal of the naturalization laws; espoused the cause of prohibiting slavery in the territories-all of which were adopted by the convention. The committee on resolutions consisted of J. B. Sweitzer, C. O. Loomis, T. J. Bigham, Alexander Nimick and John Small. In this convention Mr. Smith was taken to task for having, as a member of the Legislature, voted for Simon Cameron for the United States Senate, but he declared that he was compelled to do so, owing to the fact that no man in the Western country could by any possibility hope to succeed, and that he had voted for Mr. Cameron as the least of several evils presented. He gave as another reason that the tariff of 1842 had been supported by Mr. Cameron, who had, during the fierce debates in Congress, vehemently opposed any change in such tariff, and had gone so far as to shake his fist under the nose of George M. Dallas, who favored the repeal of the law. Mr. Smith declared also that Mr. Cameron sup- ported the Wilmot Proviso, was a friend of the West, and in nearly all instances advocated the measures best calculated to benefit that portion of the country. In his speech he satisfied the convention of the sincerity of his motives and of the wisdom of the course he had pursued. However, he was taken severely to task by David Curry, C. O. Loomis, J. Herron Foster, Mr. Brady and others. The American party of this vicinity demanded a candidate free from any inclina- tion toward the Whig or Democratic party.


Early in 1855 reports came of the trouble existing in Kansas. The war between the anti-slavery and pro-slavery partisans of that section had begun. In June, 1855, there passed through here several companies of United States troops, bound for the scene of trouble. As the months passed away the excite- ment continued to increase, and soon this conimunity was provoked to a high degree of indignation against the slave power.


In Junc, 1855, it began to be noticed by the local newspapers that the fusionists of all parties in different parts of the United States commenced to call themselves Republicans, and that the watchword of these elements was unwavering hostility, cven to the extent of war, 'against the aggressions of slavery. In Ohio the Know-nothings became disrupted and were generally known as Republicans. In June, 1855, such a meeting of fusionists, calling themselves Republicans, was held in Ashtabula, on which occasion Benjamin F.


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HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.


Wade and Joshua R. Giddings were active participants. At this meeting Salmon P. Chase was recommended for governor, and delegates were named to a Republican State convention to be held at Columbus, July 13. Another of a similar character was held at Cleveland. The Gazette, Commercial Journal and other newspapers called for such an organization and such action in this county of all persons opposed to slavery and to Know-nothingism, the meeting to be held in Pittsburg.


At the National Know-nothing convention, held about this time in Phila- delphia, the delegates from twelve frce States scceded, and it was therefore concluded that having repudiated the measures of their party they could not do otherwise than stand upon the pro-slavery platform. "It is to be hoped that those who have withdrawn from the national council will abandon all the objectionable features of Know-nothingism, and lend their aid in the formation of a great Republican party such as is demanded by the suffering interests of freedom. It is time now to lay mummery aside, and act the part of men" (w). In their next issues both the Gazette and Commercial Journal asked: "Shall we have a Northern or Republican party?" It was stated at this time that whcrea's three years ago three parties were in the field: Democratic, Whig and Free Soil, now the Whig and Free Soil parties were wholly disorganized and a new party (Know-nothing) had suddenly grown up, but, in its first attempts to form a national platform, it had broken into fragments. It was declared that the Know- nothing party, owing to its peculiar organization, had no strength except in the South, in New York and in Pennsylvania; and that in the latter two States it was weak and liable to fall to pieces at any moment. The opposition journals here, therefore, pertinently asked, "Shall we not then have a great Republican party and platform like that of Cleveland?" (x).


The Republican State Convention of Ohio was held at Columbus, July 13, 1855, and cvery county in the State, on that occasion, was represented. The great anti-slavery agitator, Joshua R. Giddings, was called to the chair to emphasize the character and proceedings of the convention. In a speech of great power he outlined the principles and organization of a new party. John Sherman was made permanent chairman of the convention. Resolutions were adopted denouncing slavery and the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and appointing a State central committee to correspond with other States in regard to the organ- ization of a national Republican party. Salmon P. Chase was nominated for governor. About the same time a similar convention was held by the Repub- licans at Indianapolis.


Immediately succeeding these momentous events a Republican conven- tion was called at Pittsburg, and a document containing a declaration of prin- ciples was circulated for signatures. It was stated in this call that all other con- siderations should be laid aside, and that all persons opposed to the extension of slavery should assemble and unite upon that one principle of action only. The object was to disrupt the Whig, Anti-Masonic, Know-nothing and Ameri- can parties, and blend them all in the new Republican party. On August 14, 1855, the Whigs assembled in county convention, but instead of nominating a ticket, they recommended the complete disorganization of that party, and the formation of a Republican party. Of this inceting James Carothers was chair- man. Delegates werc, appointed to the Whig convention at Harrisburg, and were instructed to use their efforts to induce the State organization to join the ranks of the Republicans. Among those who sigiicd the call for a convention to organize the Republican party of Allegheny County were George Darsie, John W. Riddle, William Robinson, Jr., Charles Avery, Edward D. Gazzam, Edward


(w) Gazette, June 16, 1855. (x) Gazette, June 18, 1855.


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Campbell, David Wilson, D. N. White, James Carothers, James Marshall, Russell Errett, T. H. Nevin, R. C. Fleeson, D. C. Stockton, J. W. F. White, John Harper, J. B. Herron and others to the number of more than 180. A call for a Republican State convention, to be held at Pittsburg, September 5, 1855, was issued, and the call was signed by George Darsie, William Robinson, Jr., and Charles Avery, on behalf of Allegheny County. Fourteen counties were represented in this call. The meeting was styled a mass convention, the object of which was to cooperate with other States in a National organization of Republicans. The old line American party of Allegheny County was not so easily disrupted. Members of that party assembled in county convention in July, 1855, and although great opposition was interposed, they succeeded in nominating a county ticket; but a large faction of the convention seceded, which placed the whole party in a position to be easily captured by the enthusi- astic Republicans.


"When Pennsylvanians undertake to resist the Fugitive Slave Law, it is the sworn duty of the President to execute it, and employ all the force necessary for that purpose. We shall never take part in such resistance. If anti-slavery means to ask whether we would aid a fugitive by such means, we answer, No. But if a man comes to us hungry or in distress we shall be very apt to help him a little, asking no questions for conscience sake" (y).


On August 1, 1855, the Independent Free Democratic convention assembled in Pittsburg, and was called to order by George W. Jackson. James Robb was elected permanent chairman, and E. H. Irish and R. C. Fleeson secretaries. On motion of James H. McClelland, a committee of five was appointed to prepare an order of business. Such committee consisted of Mr. McClelland, E. D. Gazzam, William M. Shinn, Aaron Floyd and J. B. Sanderson. Speeches were delivered by William E. Stevenson, Rev. Mr. Bacon, R. C. Fleeson and others. The Free Soil platform of 1852 was read and discussed. This convention declared in emphatic terms against the extension and pretensions of slavery, and denied all connection with the Know-nothing party. It was declared emphatically to be a convention of Free Soilers and Democrats, and the watchwords of the party were announced to be, "Free soil, free speech, free labor and free men." In this convention Mr. Flecson declared that he had been an Abolitionist since 1840. The other speakers made statements of a similar import. A clause in the platform of 1852, relative to emigrants, caused violent opposition, but was finally left in the resolutions, and the platform of 1852 as a whole was adopted! On August 4, 1855, a mass meeting of the American party was held in Pitts- burg, and a large crowd assembled. R. P. McDowell was chairman, and elo- quent speeches were delivered by Thomas Howard, ex-Governor Johnston, J. H. Hampton and B. J. C. Morgan. All declared against the extension of slavery. The county committee of correspondence of the Democratic party assembled August 15, 1855, to take action to banish from their ranks all per- sons belonging to the Know-nothing organization. From persons supposed to be tainted with Know-nothingism, a severe test of renunciation and denunciation was required. There were two tests of renunciation, called severe and modified. J. B. Hamilton, William M: Porter, James A. Irwin, John Birmingham, Francis Felix, Thomas J. Keenan, Jack McCollister, Thomas Farley, Charles Barnett, D. R. Williams and L. B. Patterson, it was declared, had never belonged to the Know-nothing organization, and were therefore required to take only the modi- fied test. At this time many members, who represented themselves to be straight-out Democrats, but who had really joined the Know-nothing organ- ization, were read out of the former party. At this convention all delegates were




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