Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 87

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192

USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 87

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In 1813 Pittsburg compriscd two election districts. The Democratic Repub- licans were still divided over the delegate system, and presented two candidates for the State Senate, Walter Lowrie and Samucl Power, while the Federal Republicans, formerly Federalists, nominated John Gilmore. At the ensuing election Mr. Lowrie received 269 votes, Mr. Power 35, and Mr. Gilmore 327, in Pittsburg. In all of Allegheny County Mr. Lowrie received 1,098, Mr. Power 321, and Mr. Gilmore 911. It will thus be seen that at this time the Federalists were stronger than the united Democratic Republicans, though the reverse was true in all of Allegheny County by over 500 majority. At this time there were seven candidates for sheriff presented by the Democratic Republicans-

Irish, Robinson, Davis, Woods, Steele, Baird and Jones. The committee of correspondence of the Federal Republicans consisted of John Wilkins, Thomas Bracken, Thomas Wallace, William Hays and John McDonald. The 4th of July, 1814, was celebrated in numerous places in Allegheny County. One of the notable features of the celebration here was the display of fireworks. "The pleasures of the day were closed in the evening by a number of skyrockets thrown from the public wharf at Fort Fayette, with a very pleasing effect" (i).

In 1817 three tickets were placed in the field in Allegheny County, called Independent Republican, Independent Delegate and Democratic Republican. The Independent Republicans nominated for the State Senate, John Gilmore, and for the Assembly, Walter Forward, John Robinson and William Wilkins; commissioner, William McCandless; auditor, John Neel. The Independent Delegate ticket was as follows: For the State Senate, John Gilmore; for the Assembly, William Wilkins, John Robinson and William Ayres; commissioncr, Alexander Logan; auditor, Henry Beltzhoover. Both of these tickets supported Joseph Heister for governor. The Democratic Republican ticket was as fol-

(i) Mercury, July 6, 1814.

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lows: For governor, William Findley; for senator, Walter Lowrie; for the Assembly, William Marks, Samuel Douglas, Archibald Coon and John Wilson; commissioner, Joseph Wilson; auditor, John S. Scully. The October election resulted as follows: In Allegheny County, Heister received 1,630 votes, and Findley 1,593; for senator, Lowrie 1,614, Gilmore 1,583. It would seem that at this election the Democratic Republicans were united, while the opposing party was divided upon the question of the delegate system. -

On Friday, September 5, 1817, Pittsburg was honored with a visit from President James Monroe. "A few miles from the city he was met by the com- mittee of arrangements and conducted to the ferry, where an elegant barge, rowed by four sea captains, awaited his approach. As he descended the hill to the river, a national salute was fired from the city, and a band of music attended the barge while crossing. On landing he was received with military honors by Captain Irwin's company of volunteer light infantry, and by the citizens with loud acclamations. A coach with four horses waited to convey him to his lodgings, but, observing that the authorities of the city were on foot, he chose to walk also." He was entertained at the house of William Wilkins. The following morning the city officials, whose spokesman was James Ross, formally waited upon him and thanked him for his efforts in behalf of the Western country; particularly in having been the instrument of opening up the Mississippi to the commerce of the interior. While here Mr. Monroe visited the Arsenal; on Sunday attended the Episcopalian Church in the morning, and the Presbyterian Church in the afternoon, and on Monday visited the leading manufactories (j).

The 4th of July, 1818, was generally celebrated in this vicinity. The Pittsburg City Guards fired twenty rounds from Grant's Hill, and were then joined by the Washington Guards of Birmingham. A band of amateur musi- cians had been marched to the grove above Birmingham, where a sumptuous dinner was enjoyed. Over twenty toasts were drunk. The troops made a merry day of it, but a local paper said that in the evening, notwithstanding the hilarious time they had had, they returned "in good marching order." One of the toasts was as follows: "The city of Pittsburg-Once the outpost of the scattered popu- lation is now the center of wealth and a fortress of industry and art." Another was, "Women, war and wine." Another celebration, largely attended, was held on Mount Independence, where some fifteen toasts were drunk.

In 1818 Mr. Baldwin was perhaps the most prominent figure in the politics of the Western country. He became particularly conspicuous by reason of his advocacy of all measures contributing to the welfare of the interior. He pos- sessed sufficient ability to maintain his views with dignity and effect in the halls of Congress. He anticipated the injury to the interests of Pennsylvania, par- ticularly Pittsburg, certain to result from the completion of the Cumberland road, and was, therefore, instrumental in Congress in defeating the large appropriations in aid of that project. He favored manufactories, internal improvements, the protective system, foretold the injury sure to result from a sudden repeal of internal taxation, sustained the demands of the Revolutionary veterans, encouraged the Irish Emigration Association established here, secured the first branch of the United States Court, and worked with unceasing devotion to prevent the carrying trade of the Great West from passing through any other place than Pittsburg. Is it any wonder that he became the idol of this city? In the race for the governorship between Mr. Heister and, Mr. Findley he had supported the former. However, the latter was triumphant, but Mr. Baldwin continued to oppose his measures of government. This was a continu-

(j) Mercury, September 12, 1817.

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ance of the old battle between the Federalists and Anti-Federalists, though local issues largely predominated in the warfare. In the campaign of 1818 the Statesman, edited by Ephraim Pentland, supported the candidacy of Samuel Douglas for Congress, while the Gasette, conducted by Messrs. Scull and Neville, supported Mr. Baldwin. Mr. Douglas was a candidate of the Democratic Republicans, and Henry Baldwin of the Independent Republicans. These were the party names employed during the campaign of 1818. The Statesman declared, among other things, that Mr. Baldwin had been the attorney of the Croghan heirs "to the ruin of the people of this country." As a matter of history it must be stated that the success of the heirs of Croghan in securing the bulk of their claims was mainly due to the ability and persistence of their attorney, Mr. Baldwin, though this fact was carried into politics by his enemies, who endeavored to pervert it to his disadvantage.

In 1818 the delegate system was violently opposed by the Independent Republicans, but earnestly supported by the Democratic Republicans. Both parties in Allegheny County appointed committees of correspondence to pre- pare tickets and platforms and otherwise conduct an aggressive campaign. The Independent Republican committee consisted of David Logan, Thomas Baird, William B. Irish, Alexander McClurg, James Hall, John Spear and J. H. Hopkins; and the Democratic Republican committee of Ephraim Pentland, Noble Calhoun, William Leckey, Robert Hilands and Hugh Davis.

It was difficult for many to believe in the wisdom of selecting delegates who were themselves empowered to choose the candidate. The result was a continual clashing between factions of both parties on this question. Not infrequently the official character of the delegates was denied. In case they had been selected by a meeting of small dimensions, the opposition was almost certain to deny the official and representative character of the delegation. In 1818 Pittsburg could muster about 800 voters in the two wards, which were then called East and West. "We complain that a nomination is made by intrigue, and enforced by denouncing all who oppose it; we complain that the nomination is so made that it is intended to be actually an election of the party nominated; we object to it because a few individuals not only select the candidates, but enforce their nomination by proscribing and denouncing those who dare to possess sufficient independence to think for themselves. We are willing that the people or their delegates should nominate as many candidates as they please, but let the voters afterward have the right of deciding to which of those candidates they will give their votes. But this privilege is not allowed you by the friends of the present delegates system. They tell you that you must vote for the men who have been chosen for you, whether you think them com- petent to serve you or not. It is virtually placing in the hands of office-holders the right of nominating their successors" (k).

It was recognized in 1818 that Pittsburg, with the balance of the West, was opposed by the commercial interests of the East and the planters of the' South. It was argued, therefore, that a man of rare ability, a friend and advo- cate of protection, should represent this district in Congress. Mr. Baldwin, it was claimed, was such a man. Already, through his influence, the duty had been increased on iron, cut glass, nails, woolens and cottons. Mr. Baldwin had furnished the chief opposition to the Cumberland Road in Congress, and thus had favored the retention of the immense carrying trade in Pennsylvania, instead of permitting it to be diverted either to New York or to Baltimore. The question of the carrying trade was one of the utmost importance at that date. "It is, in fact, the support of all the country from this to Chambersburg" (1).

(k) Gazette, October 2, 1818.

(1) Gazette, 1818.

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Many people of this vicinity, without thinking seriously of what they were doing, favored the completion of the Cumberland Road, and thus indirectly were pursuing a course certain to result in injury to themselves. "The danger of this road is not ideal; already has the stage route for carrying the mail ceased between this place and Washington." On this important question Mr. Baldwin took a stand that was certain to result in great benefit to Pittsburg and Pennsylvania.

This seems to have been an era of political good feeling, when partisan spirit was almost wholly dormant, and when patriotic and local considerations controlled the views and movements of politicians. In 1818 James Lea, John Spear, D. S. Scully, John Douthett, P. Doran, Thomas Liggett, Thomas Fairman, Walter Fortune, James Dallas, Peter Beard and Walter Glenn were selected at the house of Mrs. McCullough, in Pittsburg, as a committee of Democratic Republicans to prepare a ticket of their party for the coming elec- tion. They recommended Henry Baldwin for Congress; Walter Forward, William Marks, John Wilson, Assembly; James Hilands, commissioner; Robert S. Leckey, coroner, and Silas Engles, auditor.

The overshadowing question here in 1818 was protection to American manufactures. This statement vitally concerned Pittsburg, which was the center of the peculiar manufactures which required assistance from Congress. It was at this time that the people of this community first learned that it was necessary for them to combat the manufacturers of New England as well as . the cotton producers of the South. While it was known that Pittsburg was destined to become a great iron center, it was not so well known that this vicinity could secure a large portion of the manufacturing interests of woolen and cotton goods. In its ambition the city determined to expand its manu- facturing interests to all possible branches. In addition to its manufacturing interests, the city had now become an immense depot for supplying all the . Western country with merchandise as well as manufactures. Inasmuch as no national question of importance was before the people here, local considera- tions prevailed. In 1812 Samuel Douglas had opposed the regular or caucus nominations. In 1816 he supported Findley, who was the regular nominee, and in 1818 was regularly nominated himself. He had thus completely changed in his views concerning party measures.

In 1818 the Gazette congratulated the population of Allegheny and Butler counties on the election of Mr. Baldwin, and among other things said: "We have found a gentleman high in office strongly advocating the Cumberland Road, and really indifferent about the success of manufactures. Yes, a Sen- ator (Lacock) of the United States from Pennsylvania! It behooves us under these circumstances to be doubly alert. We have everything to hope from the exertions of our member; if he succeed, the country around Pittsburg for 200 miles will flourish as the rose. But we find we will have much to contend with, as an enemy is likely to rise up among ourselves. We must call in the people east of the mountains to our assistance" (m). In 1818 Mr. Baldwin was elected to Congress over Mr. Douglas by over 500 majority, Pittsburg giving the former 716 votes and the latter 258 votes. The vote for Mr. Baldwin in Allegheny County was 1,821, and for Samuel Douglas 1,268. William Marks, Walter Forward, John Gilmore and John Wilson were elected to the Legisla- ture; Robert S. Leckey, coroner; Robert Magee, commissioner; and Silas Engles, auditor.

The opposition to Mr. Baldwin adopted the views advocated by the Southern members of Congress. The importance of protection was denied by both the Mercury and the Statesman, and during the campaign Mr. Douglas

(m) Gazette, October 2, 1818.

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decried the advantages likely to result from the adoption of a protective schedule. But the people of the Western country could not be deceived in this matter. While it was true that the claims of Mr. Douglas may not have been supported by the facts, it is equally true that the claims of Mr. Baldwin and his supporters were more or less extravagant and based upon the prosperity of Pittsburg, regardless of what might happen to the manufactures of New England or the cotton fields of the South. The supporters of Mr. Baldwin were too apt to think that Pittsburg was the center around which revolved as satellites the other cities and interests of the country. It will be noticed that, although the protectionists succeeded in this vicinity by a large majority, the country was yet several years removed from the adoption of a protective tariff and from a discontinuance in assisting in the completion of the Cumberland Road. In other words, while the protectionists succeeded in the vicinity of Pittsburg, they failed wholly, for the time being, in the country at large.

It will thus be seen that party considerations did not cut so great a figure in the Western country as did the question of protection, transportation, rev- enue, etc. During the campaign of 1818 the Mercury and Gazette supported Mr. Baldwin, while the Statesman advocated the election of Mr. Douglas. Among those who supported Mr. Douglas were Ephraim Pentland, Noble Calhoun, William Leckey, R. Hilands and Hugh Davis; and among the supporters of Mr. Baldwin were David Logan, Thomas Baird, William B. Irish, Alexander McClurg, Jamcs Hall, John Spear and John H. Hopkins. During the cam- paign the Independent Republicans were kept busy denying that their candi- date for Congress, Mr. Baldwin, was a Federalist. They claimed that his conduct had always been consistent with the principles of the Democratic Republican party. This was a local intrigue to secure as many votes as possible "for Mr. Baldwin from the ranks of the Democratic Republicans. The Inde- pendent Republicans favored the system and comprised the largest number of that party.

In December, 1818, Walter Lowrie succeeded Mr. Lacock as Senator of the United States from Pennsylvania. It was during this campaign that William Wilkins first began to attract attention by his ability as a thinker on public questions and as a popular orator. It was recognized that his future in the political arena was destined in all probability to be one of usefulness and brilliancy. In 1819 Messrs. Wilkins, Gilmore, Stewart and Brackenridge were elected to the Legislature. Samuel Power was chosen State senator for four years, and William Marks for two years. Morgan Neville was elected sheriff of Allegheny County. Three distinct shades of political opinions were shown

at the election of 1819, as follows: Federalist, Republican Delegation and Democratic Republican Delegation. To state the distinctions between them would, no doubt, meet with emphatic contradictions from students of history. The candidates for sheriff in 1819 were William McCandless, Morgan Neville, William Leckey, Hugh Davis, William B. Foster, Edward Achelle, Jamcs Crossan, Edward W. Smallman, David Glenn, James Park and James Blashford.

It was in 1819 and 1820 that Western Pennsylvania first began to assume a position of State and National prominence in political affairs. Henry Bald- win, in Congress, was accomplishing results wholly unexpected to his most ardent supporters here, and of immense advantage to Pittsburg, as well as to the State generally. Walter Lowrie, in the Senate of the United States, was also attracting attention by his ability and his efforts in behalf of the Western country. In the State Legislature, Messrs. Powers, Wilkins, Brackenridge, Gilmore and Stewart were also accomplishing excellent results in aid of manu- factures and internal improvements, and were attracting the attention of the State by the ability with which they urged the claims of Pittsburg and vicinity

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upon the consideration of the Legislature. In May, 1820, public meetings were held in more than one place in Allegheny County to publicly thank the local representatives in the Legislature and in Congress, for their intelligent efforts and splendid success in securing so much beneficial legislation for West- ern Pennsylvania and the United States generally. In one of the meetings held in Pittsburg, William Wilkins was prominently mentioned in connection with a Congressional nomination. At this time Mr. Baldwin's speech on the tariff question in the House was published in full in the local newspapers, and received, without regard to party, the plaudits of this entire community. It was recog- nized as a masterly effort, and as presenting the tariff question upon a basis never before accomplished so successfully in Congress.

In 1820 William Wilkins was formally nominated for Congress by the Democratic Republicans. He had previously been a Federalist and an Inde- pendent Republican. Whether his views on the subject of protection and inter- nal improvements had undergone a change, or whether his ambition had been overshadowed by the success of Mr. Baldwin is difficult now to determine. At any rate he came out in opposition to Mr. Baldwin, which fact was deplored by the Independent Republicans, owing to his success and splendid record in the State Legislature, and owing to the fact that this Congressional district was already so well represented in Congress. His nomination by the Demo- cratic Republicans looked too much like the course of a disappointed man, who seeks the best results obtainable when other results more desirable cannot be attained. Mr. Baldwin had accomplished so much in Congress that it was generally thought here a matter of wisdom to continue him a member of that body. This view did not reflect in any way upon the ability of Mr. Wilkins. It was considered best to continue Mr. Baldwin in Congress and Mr. Wilkins in the State Legislature until the great measures then before the public were placed upon a substantial foundation. But the supporters of Mr. Wilkins appar- ently had other objects in view, and, accordingly, he was brought forward, and his election to Congress in the place of Mr. Baldwin was urged with great ability and persistency.

The exertions of Mr. Baldwin in Congress in behalf of the domestic system of manufactures were, up to that time, unparalleled in that body. Perhaps he did more than any other man to cement the wavering and uncertain frag- ments of a national policy on that subject. Although baffled and crushed by the enemies of the system, he sprang into prominence again and again with the elasticity of steel, and with some new resolution, some new artifice, sup- ported with consummate skill and ability and with an unwavering persistency that kindled the admiration of his associates and filled his constituents with hope. However, his tarifi bill of 1820 was defeated, as was also the same bill, considerably improved and again introduced by him in 1822. After the session of 1821-2 he suffered a severe illness at Washington and came near dying, and during convalescence traveled for the benefit of his health. On October 16, 1822, he returned to Pittsburg, and never was a king or conqueror received with greater manifestations of respect and joy than he by his fellow citizens. The entire city and surrounding country, with spontaneous outpouring, turned out to welcome him. "A salute of thirteen guns was fired. The Mayor and City Council were suddenly convened, and the volunteer companies ordered out. At a spot about two miles from the city line he was met by the city authorities, the battalion of volunteers and a large concourse of citizens, and welcomed in a speech by Judge Walker, who, among other things, said: 'You ask the cause of this assemblage of your fellow citizens; they answer, their gratitude for your tried services in the national council, which, while they have given you a distinguished place among the American statesmen, have

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reflected their luster on the district and the country; they regret that they are about to lose a representative who broke the first ground in a system of finance and national policy which will form an era in the political history of the republic; their sympathy for your protracted indisposition, produced in your and their country's cause, prosecuted with all the labor and industry of council, and all the zeal and eloquence of advocacy; their joy at your restoration to health and home.' Mr. Baldwin replied that he was unable to express his feelings on this occasion, but that he could never forget it, and had but one source of regret-that he had been able to effect so little for those who had honored him so much. Then the long procession, under the order of the mar- shals, moved down through the city to the residence of Mr. Baldwin" (n).

On the 5th of August, 1824, the leading manufacturers of Pittsburg gave an honorary banquet to Henry Baldwin, in testimony of their appreciation of his eminent services in Congress in securing the passage of the tariff of 1824. "A large number of people sat down to a splendid entertainment." To the toast, "Our distinguished guest, Henry Baldwin," he spoke at considerable length, and gave the principal credit of the success of the measure to Henry Clay, and ended by proposing the toast, "Henry Clay and the American system," which was "received with great applause by the company." Several volunteer toasts were offered, during which it appeared that both Henry Bald- win and John Todd were natives of Connecticut. Judge Shaler, also a native of Connecticut, near the close of the entertainment, offered the following: "The State of Connecticut; whilst she can manufacture such domestic fabrics as Baldwin and Todd, she will scarcely need a tariff for the protection of genius and perseverance" (o). The vote in Congress on the tariff of 1824 was as follows: All the Free States-For tariff, 89; against tariff, 32. Slave States- For tariff, 18; against tariff, 70.

In 1824 the vote of Allegheny County for Congressmen was as follows: Stevenson, 1,524; Allison, 1,421; Moore, 1,276; Forward, 1,296; Sutton, 390; Negley, 190. The first two mentioned were elected. At the same time Messrs. Brown, Patterson, Gilleland and Sullivan were elected to the Assembly. This was a triumph of the Jacksonians. It was said later of the campaign of 1824 that the Jacksonians at their outdoor meetings "covered a four-acre lot." At the Presidential election Pittsburg gave Jackson 1,386 votes, Crawford 402, Adams 19 and Clay 26. The city might as well have made the vote unanimous.

The Legislature in 1824 took a decisive stand on the question of domestic manufactures by enacting "that the senators of this State, in the Senate of the United States, be, and they are hereby instructed, and the representatives of this State in Congress be, and they are hereby requested, to exert their influ- ence in establishing a tariff for the protection of our domestic manufactures and agricultural interests" (p). In the preamble to this act it was stated that "in the progress of events experience has fully demonstrated the inadequacy of the present rate of imposts to protect domestic manufactures against a foreign competition enjoying the advantages of capital, experience, matured skill and the artificial encouragement of premiums and bounties, and that, without additional protection from the General Government, the country must continue indebted to foreign supply for even many articles of manufacture immediately connected with the defense and independence of the nation;" that it was the duty of the General Government to cherish and foster internal indus- try; that Congress should countervail, by protecting duties, all foreign regula- tions which operated injuriously upon the business interests of this country; that the United States in this respect should become independent of foreign

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Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 87

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn Publication date: 1898 Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co. Number of Pages: 1192

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192