USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 89
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In January, 1828, the candidates for mayor of Pittsburg were Messrs. Murray, Lowrie and Snowden, the two former being Administration men and the latter a Jacksonian. On the first ballot Murray received eight votes, Lowrie nine and Snowden three. On the second, Murray received eleven votes, Lowrie nine and Snowden none. At this election the principal question at issue was the national one of Administration or Jacksonism.
In 1827, during the progress of a trial before Judge Wilkins, a certain lawyer called Neville B. Craig a liar, whereupon the latter retaliated with a blow. Judge Wilkins fined each of them $150, but never exacted the fines, recom- mending their remission. It was shortly after this that Judge Wilkins was pre- vailed upon by Mr. Craig and others to run for Congress, which he did, and after a bitter and acrimonious campaign was elected. At a later date, when Judge Wilkins was elected to the United States Senate, Mr. Craig rejoiced at his success, declaring that his friendship for manufactures and internal improve- ment would prove of great benefit to Pittsburg. As was predicted, Judge Wilkins made his mark in the United States Senate, where, owing to his advocacy of measures in support of iron, as well as other manufactures, he became popularly styled the "iron knight," a name which clung to him for many years, despite his course in opposition to manufactures and internal improvement at a later date.
The November election of 1828 resulted as follows:
Jackson. Adams.
Pittsburg, East Ward.
655
298
Pittsburg, West Ward.
561
308
Allegheny Borough
223
75
Allegheny County .
3,866
1,666
767
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
It should be noticed that in October, 1828, there were five candidates for Congress in this district, all of whom were Democrats except Mr. Moore. At this election, so great was the rush to the Jacksonian ranks that both Pittsburg and Allegheny went Democratic by large majorities.
It was during the campaign of 1828 that the question of Anti-Masonry began first to assume a position of importance in this vicinity. It was seen that the question, owing to its widespread agitation, was destined to become of national significance. The disappearance of William Morgan, in September, 1826, who had supposedly been abducted and murdered by the Masons in New York, had attracted the attention of politicians here as well as throughout the country. Another case of much importance from a Masonic standpoint was that of Pluymart, who in 1818 had robbed the Farmers' and Mechanics' Bank of Pittsburg and had escaped punishment therefor until 1828, when he was brought to trial in Pittsburg and sent to the penitentiary for three years. It seems that Pluymart had been arrested on four different occasions, but had escaped three times, and after being sent to the penitentiary the fourth time had broken jail and was running at large and enjoying himself when pardoned by Governor Shulze. It was claimed by the Anti-Masons that the frequent escapes of Pluymart were due to the fact that he was a prominent Mason and had employed the influences of that order to free himself from the clutches of the law. While he was running at large, after having escaped from the peniten- tiary, strong petitions in his favor were numerously signed by prominent men in Philadelphia, New York, Columbus, Cleveland and elsewhere; and it was declared that many of the signers were prominent Masons, who were thus bound under their oaths to assist him. Even the Pittsburg Statesman, edited by John B. Butler, approved the pardon of Pluymart, whom it styled a perse- cuted man. As a matter of fact, it was shown that Pluymart was a professional blackleg and robber, and his associates were thieves and abandoned wretches; that he had swindled the merchants of New York out of from $60,000 to $80,000 by a systematic course of villainy; and that when arrested in Cleveland, himself and his associates were rioting on their ill-gotten plunder, quaffing champagne by the dozen and sporting thousands of dollars at the gaming-table. This was the man, the Anti-Masons declared, whom John B. Butler called a persecuted man, and whom the prominent citizens in various large cities of the country were determined should be set at liberty. It was at this time that all the secrets of the Masonic lodge were alleged by the Anti-Masonic papers here to have been revealed. It was asserted that the Masonic oath required one Mason to assist another, even to the extent of violating the laws of the country, and that, there- fore, members of that party should, under no circumstances, serve upon juries or be elected to any office of responsibility. It was declared that the Masonic sign of distress had been given by criminals to the jury from the dock of the Pittsburg courts. Whether these charges were true or not, and whether the course of the Anti-Masons, conducted through many years of warfare, resulted in checking what might have become dangerous practices of the Masonic order, it is not the province of this volume to record. One thing is certain, no more Masons disappeared as a consequence of having revealed the secrets of the order, nor were there any other serious rites practiced upon society by citizens who might be bound by oath or otherwise to place the welfare of a brother Mason or Odd Fellow above the pale of the law. The case of Pluymart is introduced here to show one of the principal reasons for the organization in this vicinity of the strongest section of the Anti-Masonic party in all of Pennsylvania. It was declared here by Mr. Lightner and twenty-six other Masons, and published in the newspapers, that some of the Masonic practices were calculated "to weaken all the securities of life, liberty and property." For many years after Pluymart
768
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
had been pardoned, persistent efforts were made to secure from Harrisburg the petitions praying for his release, in order that the same might be published, but such documents could never be found (a).
In July, 1828, Matthew Carey, the great protectionist, visited Pittsburg and was honored with a public dinner. There were present, among others, ex-Governor Findley, Henry Baldwin, Benjamin Bakewell, James Adams, John K. McNickel, James S. Craft, Robert Burke, and, in fact, the whole city. In response to the toast, "Matthew Carey, Esq., the genuine philanthropist, who has exemplified charity at home by cultivating domestic industry and charity abroad in his efforts for Grecian liberty," that gentleman addressed the assem- blage at considerable length on the condition of the country "under the previous ruinous policy," and concluded with the following sentiment: "Frenzied be the head and palsied the hand that shall attempt a dissolution of the Union." After leaving Pittsburg Mr. Carey visited Steubenville to see the paper-mill of Henry Holdship and other enterprises therc, and was "chaired from the mill to the river" and greeted with cannon and cheers (b).
At the electoral college in February, 1829, Jackson received 178 votes, and Adams 83. At the Democratic convention held at Harrisburg in March, 1829, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for Governor, James S. Stevenson, of Pitttsburg, showed the greatest strength except two-Messrs. Barnard and Wolf. The latter received the nomination on the fifteenth ballot. The name of Mr. Stevenson was presented to the convention by David Lynch. On June 25, 1829, the Anti-Masons met in convention at Harrisburg and nominated Joseph Ritner for Governor.
In July, 1829, a number of manufacturers of this city addressed a letter of inquiry to Ross Wilkins, David Lynch, James Patterson and James S. Craft, who had a short time before been duly nominated for the General Assembly, requesting an expression of their views on several public questions, among which was that of the tariff; particularly their attitude toward prominent men of the Southern States, who opposed the protective system. Already a distrust, not yet severe, had fallen upon the manufacturers of the North by the hostility of Southern statesmen to the American system, and by rumors of the hostility of Jackson's administration to the United States Bank. An uneasy and appre- hensive feeling manifested itself in the transactions of business. This unrest, more than anything else, led the manufacturers here to request their nominees for the Legislature to publicly express their views on these questions. They met the questions squarely and to the satisfaction of the inquirers. They said: "We hold that the ingenuity and industry of this people, fostered in their first efforts, can manufacture at home whatever can be manufactured abroad, and that it is the duty of the Government to protect the industry by such duties as will secure its free and full exertion, until it reaches that maturity of production and cheap- ness of price which experience in every protected article demonstrates can be attained." The letter of inquiry was signed by the following men: A. and J. Murray, satines and woolen-cloth manufacturers; Thomas Bakewell, flint-glass manufacturer; Benjamin Page, ditto; Hamilton Stewart, cotton-cloth manufac- turer; Mark Stackhouse, steam-engine maker; Asa Waters, scythe, shovel, etc., manufacturer; Blackstock, Bell & Co., cotton manufacturers; Freeman & Miller, iron-founders; John Gallagher, bell and brass founder; Henry Jones & Co., cotton-cloth manufacturers; Abner Updegraff, cutler and whitesmith; James Shaw, cotton-cloth manufacturer; Joseph McFadden, miller; James Thompson steam-engine maker; George Cochran, agent for Pittsburg Manufacturing Asso- ciation; Hilary Brunot, white and red lead manufacturers; B. McAlenin, ditto;
(a) Gazette, August 30, 184I.
(b) Niles Register, July 19, 1828.
769
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
J. Tilford & Son, cotton-cloth manufacturers; Jacob Hays, farmer and dis- tiller; Mahlon Rogers, steam-engine maker; McGill & Darsie, cabinetware manufacturers; M. S. Mason & Co., Pennsylvania Rolling Mill; Kings- land, Lightner & Co., the Jackson Foundry; John Arthurs, steam-engine maker; R. T.„Stewart, late of Sligo Iron Works, now salt manufacturer.
The following was the result of the October election:
Ritner.
Wolf.
Pittsburg, East Ward.
I39
333
Pittsburg, West Ward
20I
408
Allegheny
88
II3
In the autumn of 1829 William Wilkins, who had been elected to Congress, resigned, which necessitated the election of his successor. The Congressional district at that time comprised the counties of Allegheny, Armstrong, Beaver and Butler. After his election to Congress Mr. Wilkins had been requested by many members of the bar, by the jurors and by many citizens generally, to resign his seat in Congress and to resume his judicial office. After some delib- eration he consented, whereupon Henry Baldwin was publicly requested to become a candidate for the vacant seat. Two large meetings of the citizens were held, one of which, as a friend of domestic industry, nominated Mr. Bald- win, and the other, as the friend of the Jackson Administration, nominated Mr. Stevenson. Shortly afterward a third meeting was held, at which Harmar Denny, as an avowed enemy of Masonry, was nominated to the same position. A committee of Anti-Masonic citizens, consisting of Benjamin Bakewell, Mark Stackhouse, John Arthurs, Thomas Liggett, James Arthurs and John McKee, had addressed an open letter to Mr. Baldwin, requesting him to accept the Congressional nomination. of that party. Upon the resignation of Mr. Wilkins the friends of protection in this vicinity had turned with one accord to Mr. Bald- win as the champion of the American system. It was concluded that the require- ments of this district demanded, above all else, a man qualified to oppose meas- ures already at work in Congress to cripple or annihilate the tariff of 1824. He had been thoroughly tried, and although he had become somewhat estranged from Henry Clay, he was still an advocate of the protective system. But other causes and elements were at work under the surface in this community. Mr. Baldwin was past deputy grand master of the Grand Lodge of Masons, and had deprecated the persistent force of a large faction of his party against that organ- ization. He replied that, while under ordinary circumstances he could not refuse to accept a public station so generously offered, he could not receive such nomination from a party of his fellow citizens whose course was committed to a rigid proscription of the old society (Freemasons) which for ages had survived the enmity of inquisitions and tyrants, and whose principles had been respected amidst the wildest civil discord and party vengeance. He said: "If the people of this powerful and respectable district shall think proper to stamp Masons and Masonry with the seal of infamy, I hope it may never be attributable to me or my friends, and that the responsibility may rest exclusively on those who have commenced the excitement." He ended by stating that having candidly expressed his views, he was willing to abide by the decision of his fellow citizens. His refusal compelled the Anti-Masons to select. another can- didate, which they did in the person of Harmar Denny. At this time party lines were sharply drawn in Pittsburg. It is doubtful whether, at any time before or since, so much feeling was manifested as during the various cam- paigns of the year 1829. The result of the special Congressional election was as follows:
40
770
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
Denny.
Stevenson.
Pittsburg, East Ward.
23I
3II
Pittsburg, West Ward
321
322
Allegheny .
I30
IIO
Northern Liberties
32
II2
Allegheny County.
2,17I
1,550
Denny's majority .
621
In December, 1829, Mr. Craig, editor of the Gazette, admitted that he had much difficulty in deciding whether to advocate Masonry or Anti-Masonry dur- ing the special Congressional election, owing to the fact that his party here was almost equally divided on that question and that his patrons were numerous among both factions. He finally said, on December 4: "After much deliberation, therefore, we have determined that the Gazette shall not become the advocate of either party in the present contest." The Mercury declared that the Gazette tried to remain neutral so as not to be compelled to come out against James S. Stevenson, a high Mason, because Mr. Stevenson was considered the ablest representative this district, under the circumstances, could send to Congress to support local manufactures; but the subsequent course of Mr. Craig proved that he was no friend of the Masons. Soon after this election the Gazette came out as an avowed organ of Anti-Masonry, and so continued until that question was wholly obliterated from American politics. In fact, Mr. Craig soon became the strongest Anti-Masonic editor in the Western country. His persistency, his adherence to principles he believed to be correct, his dogmatic method of fight- ing in behalf of any cause, coupled with, his irascible temper and his strong regard for law and religion, gave him a national reputation as an Anti-Masonic supporter.
At an adjourned meeting, held August 5, 1829, of all persons who were opposed to Freemasonry, the Anti-Masonic party of Allegheny County was formally organized. David McKee served as chairman of the meeting, and John Willock secretary. The creed of the party was laid down as follows: "The institution of secret societies in a republican government has always been viewed by our wisest and best patriots as unnecessary and dangerous.
We will not, upon the present occasion, refer to the truly alarming case of William Morgan. We will confine our attention to the situation of the high offices in the city and county, and from that alone every impartial individual must be satisfied that Freemasonry is a combination whose ruling spirit is greedy, exclusive and monopolizing. . . In the city of Pittsburg there are six good salary offices: Recorder, mayor, treasurer, street commissioner, gauger and wharfmaster, and they are all held by Masons. There are also twelve aldermen; eight are Masons. The judge of our County Court, our pro- thonotary, our register and recorder and the clerk of the Orphans' Court are all Masons. Of the present delegate ticket, three at least are Masons. This surely cannot be accidental. It is produced by combined and concerted influi- ence upon the appointing power, not used in their Masonic character, but regu- lated and directed in secret, having the united influence of all those bound by the 'mystic tie.' The members of the meeting have no disposition to proscribe or injure their fellow citizens even though they obstinately adhere to the secret fraternity. While their proceedings are such as to eschew the penalties of the law, they may pass unmolested and undisturbed. At the same time, we deem it our right and our bounden duty to protest against placing the whole governing powers of our country in the hands of members of a secret society, a society united together by a tie known to themselves and unknown to the rest of the world, a society who form an imperium in imperio, a society having an interest
-
771
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
different from, and perhaps hostile to, the rest of the community; therefore, Resolved, That this meeting do protest against the clection of Freemasons to the Legislature of this Commonwealth. Resolved, That we do solemnly pledge ourselves to oppose by all honorable means the clection to any office of any individual so long as he continues a member of the Masonic Fraternity."
The meeting announced that it would support for the Assembly Joseph Patterson, James Logan, Thomas Mckown and Francis C. Hannagan, and approved of the nomination of Joseph Ritner for governor. A committee ' was appointed to prepare an address to the citizens of the county.
In the autumn of 1829, during the special campaign for Congress, Harmar Denny strongly advocated the claims of Anti-Masonry. It was stated that out of 6,000 taxables in the county, there was not to cxceed 500 Masons, and that the number of offices then held by members of that fraternity was out.of all' proportion. In fact, it was declared that in the city and county, out of a total of twenty-six elective offices, nineteen were held by Masons and seven by persons not members of that organization.
In January, 1830, M. B. Lowrie, Anti-Masonic candidate, was elected by the City Councils mayor of Pittsburg. In the spring of 1830 the local papers published in full the speeches of Colonel Hayne and Daniel Webster in Congress on the subjects of nullification and of State's rights under the Constitution, and commented upon the same. The views of Colonel Hayne met with con- siderable support in this vicinity, the Democratic papers supporting the claims advocated by the members from South Carolina. On the other hand, the great body of citizens appreciated the strength, wisdom and patriotism of the position taken by Mr. Webster.
It was in the spring of 1830 that the city was first divided into four wards, and an election district was established in each ward. In 1830, for the first time here, the policy of organizing a Workingmen's party and of formally nominating a county ticket was adopted. First, the Democratic Republicans assembled in convention and nominated a ticket; and second, a short time afterward the so- called Workingmen held their convention and nominated exactly the same ticket. The Democratic Republicans claimed that they were actuated by former political considerations, and the Workingmen declared that they disregarded all former party distinctions, and wished merely to have Workingmen properly represented in the various offices. At this time there was a great cry against party influences or the party lash, and in favor of a voluntary selection of can- didates for office. For Congress, the Anti-Masons nominated Harmar Denny and William Ayres; the Workingmen nominated Walter Forward and John R. Shannon, and the Democratic Republicans nominated John Gilmore and James Patterson.
In 1830 the Democratic Republicans were so split up that a faction of them, among whom were Samuel Fahnestock, Owen Ashton, Charles Von Bonnhorst, Benjamin Troost, Robert Stewart, John S. Irwin, Samuel Wood and John Anderson, addressed a letter to Walter Forward, who had been nomi- nated by the Workingmen for Congress, requesting him to resign in the interest of harmony, and thus prevent the defeat of his party. A counter request was addressed to him, signed by Charles Shaler, James Cuddy, Isaac Harris, Robert Christy, William McCandless, Samuel Hamilton, Ephraim Pentland, Robert Burke, G. W. Holdship and others, requesting him not to so resign. He determined to follow the latter course, and so notified those who had requested his withdrawal.
At the October election Harmar Denny and William Ayres, Anti-Masonic candidates for Congress, werc duly clected. In the district Denny received 6,296, his majority being 1,552. In Allegheny County he received a total of
772
HISTORY OF PITTSBURG.
2,770. Mr. Ayres received in the county 2,062, Mr. Stewart 1,852, Mr. Gilmore 1,505, Mr. Forward 1,184. At the October election, 1830, the following number of votes was polled in Pittsburg: North Ward, 608; East Ward, 510; South Ward, 962; West Ward, 368. The principal Democratic papers at this time were the Mercury, Allegheny Democrat and Manufacturer, and the Anti-Masonic papers were the Gazette, Advocate and Statesman. In December, 1830, the Legis- lature chose William Wilkins for United States Senator. Ten other candidates opposed him. On the first ballot he received six votes, and on the twenty-first received 72, which was sufficient to nominate. Among the rival candidates were Messrs. McKean, Stevenson, Ingersoll, Hawkins, Denny and Dallas. The nomi- nation of Mr. Wilkins met with approbation generally of the members of all parties in this vicinity. The Gazette, on December 27, said: "No election has ever given more general satisfaction." Inasmuch as Mr. Wilkins at this time had not long been a member of the Democracy, he was opposed by many Demo- crats of this vicinity. Mr. Craig supported him in order to secure his services in Congress in support of special legislation needed by the manufacturers of Pittsburg and the Western country generally. In January, 1831, Magnus M. Murray was elected by the City Councils mayor of Pittsburg.
On August 27, 1831, the National Republicans met in Pittsburg, and recommended Henry Clay and William Wirt for President and Vice-President. General William Marks was chairman of the meeting, and Ephraim Pentland and Charles H. Israel were secretaries. Charles Shaler and Walter Forward were appointed delegates to the general convention of the party at Baltimore, and William Marks, James Riddle, W. W. Fetterman, Thomas Gibson, Christopher Cowan, David Coon, Walter H. Lowrie, James Adams, Robert Christy, Thomas Carter, Charles H. Israel, Robert Burke, William Robinson, Jr., John Pollock and John B. Butler were appointed a general committee of correspondence. The names employed by the two principal parties during the campaign of 1831 were Anti-Masons and National Republicans. The National Republicans nomi- nated for the State Senate Colonel James Johnston, and for the Assembly Hugh Davis, James S. Craft, Samuel Gormly and F. C. Flannagan. The Anti-Masons nominated for the State Senate William Hays, and for the Assembly David Gilleland, Francis Kerns, James Hultz and Andrew Bayne. One of the notable features of this campaign was the war waged by the Gazette against James S. Craft, candidate for the Assembly.
In 1832 a split occurred in the ranks of the local Democracy over the attitude of the Administration toward the Bank of the United States and the removal of the Government deposits. The seceding Jackson men formed a branch, which came out with a ticket for Clay and Sargeant. This meeting was held in September, 1832, John Tassey being chairman, Louis Peterson and Thomas Scott vice-presidents, and Samuel Gormly and John F. Greer secretaries. One resolution adopted at this meeting read as follows: "Resolved, That we will make use of our most strenuous exertions to defeat the reelection of Andrew Jackson to the Presidency of the United States." This meeting also passed resolutions against the election of George Wolf, a friend and supporter of Gen- eral Jackson, to the governorship of Pennsylvania. The resolution favored the nomination of Ritner for governor and Harmar Denny for Congress. Previous to July, 1832, sixty-four citizens, who had been zealous Jackson supporters, renounced him publicly, owing to his refusal to renew the charter of the Bank of the United States. The following was the language of these men: "We do hereby, in obedience to the dictates of true patriotism, and in the discharge of a painful but imperative duty, forever renounce our support of him as a candidate for reelection." An invitation was extended to all others of similar views to join the ranks of this seceding faction. Soon the number reached
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