USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 93
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At the January election of mayor in 1842 a faction of the Democracy nomi- nated Patrick McKenna. This nomination was denounced by the great major- ity of Democrats, who declarcd it unwise and unpopular to thus nominate a man who had reviled Andrew Jackson. A list of 250 names was published, dcnounc- ing the nomination on this ground. William M. Shinn was the regular nominee of the Democracy for mayor in January, 1842. He said: "If the use of my name as a candidate for the office of mayor is thought likely to subserve the pur- pose of separating the administration of our city affairs from the exciting conflicts of party politics, you are heartily welcome to it." Alexander Hay was the nominee of the united Anti-Masons and Whigs. During the canvass he ridiculed the so-called no-party ticket of the Democrats.
An immense meeting of the people of this vicinity was held in Pittsburg February 5, 1842, for the purpose of taking some action concerning the pro- posed tariff. Resolutions were offered by Richard Biddle and adopted. They recited that in 1785 an act was passed by Pennsylvania "to encourage and protect
(p) Extract from an address to the citizens of the country from the Anti- Masonic Committee of Correspondence, November, 1841.
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the manufactures of this State by laying additional duties on the importation of certain manufactures which interfere with them; that others of a similar inport were passed December 24, 1785, and April 8, 1786, and March 29, 1788, the latter entitled, 'An act to encourage and protect the manufactures of this State;' that Mr. Jefferson, who was sent abroad, confirmed the necessity of a dis- criminating tariff law against Great Britain, as did also Mr. Adams and Mr. Madison; that upon the adoption of the Constitution, Pennsylvania yielded her policy of protection to the General Government, with the understanding that the power could be more effectively wielded by Congress; that this sacred right was now denied the State-the right of encouragement and protection apart from the collection of a revenue; that the law of July 4, 1789, distinctly recog- nized the right of encouragement and protection; that the policy of Mr. Jefferson, which "places the manufacturer alongside of the agriculturist, is the only correct one: that the question now is not whether we shall enter on a system of pro- tection, but whether we shall withdraw the protection already afforded; that the course of England has ever been, by means of trashy reviews and lectures on political economy, to propagate the doctrine of free trade abroad, while adopting an opposite course at home; and that the proposed law is necessary for the prosperity of the country" (q).
In 1843 Allegheny County voted as follows on Congressman: Brackenridge (W.), 1,884; Craig (W. and A .- M.), 2,237; Wilkins (L. F.), 4,438; Penniman (Abol.), 379. At the special election held in the spring of 1844, to choose a candi- date for Congress to take the place of Mr. Wilkins, who had resigned, the vote stood as follows: Mr. Darragh, Whig, 4,315; Mr. Gazzam, Van Burenite, 3,541 ; Mr. Craig, Abolitionist, 634. Mr. Wilkins had been appointed Secretary of War. At the election for governor in 1844 the vote in Allegheny County stood as follows: Shunk, Democrat, 5,863; Markle, Whig, 8,105. In 1844 the vote for President in Allegheny County was as follows: Clay, 8,083; Polk, 5,740; Birney, 435.
In January, 1846, six wards were represented at the mayoralty election. In that contest William J. Howard was the Whig and Anti-Masonic candidate for mayor of Pittsburg, and Robert S. Cassat the same candidate for mayor of Allegheny. The Democrats nominated Dr. Kerr. In Pittsburg the vote stood as follows: Howard, Whig, 1,425 votes; Dr. Kerr, Democrat, 1,532. It was stated at the time that Mr. Howard's unsatisfactory police management and disposition of the fire relief fund were the cause of his defeat. Mr. Cassat, in Allegheny, carried every ward and had about 412 majority. It was contended that Mr. Howard was too strict and did not favor the politicians sufficiently to secure their favor, which further fact contributed to his defeat. Mr. Camp- bell was the nominee of the Democrats for mayor of Allegheny. Mr. Stodart, Native American candidate, and Mr. Benny, Abolition candidate, received less than 100 votes each.
"Nothing has more surprised us than to learn that persons who had been among the most bitter Anti-Masons in this county had united themselves with the Sons of Temperance, a secret institution, which, however worthy in its original object, is liable, from its very feature of secrecy, to be prostituted to improper purposes" (r).
A meeting was held February 5, 1846, in the rooms of the Board of Trade to consider the proposed change in the tariff of 1842. Thomas Bakewell was made president, James S. Craft and L. S. Waterman vice-presidents, Hart Darragh and Morrison Reppart secretaries. Resolutions expressing strong
(q) Commercial Journal, February II, 1846.
(r) Gazette and Advertiser, February 22, 1846.
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opposition to the repeal of the tariff of 1842 and providing for the preparation of a memorial to be sent to Congress were adopted. Among the speakers were Morgan Robertson, W. M. Shinn, James S. Craft, J. B. Sheriff, Charles Shaler, Richard Edwards, Walter Forward, Judge Baird, Henry S. Megraw and others. Another meeting was called to be held the following Saturday at 3 o'clock p. m. The meeting of Saturday was largely attended. John B. Butler was chosen chairman and James S. Craft and E. D. Gazzam appointed secretaries. "The resolutions which were adopted were offercd by two different persons, Charles Shaler and John B. Sheriff. Mr. Shaler's resolutions alleged that a tariff looked primarily to revenuc. These were first offered and passed. But the meeting immediately afterward, on motion of Mr. Sheriff, adopted his resolutions as additional to the others. It was thought that the first resolu- tions were not explicit enough upon the right of protection as protection; and for this reason Mr. Sheriff urged the passage of his. His arguments and declarations were heard with much approbation, and the votes of the meeting leave no doubt of the sentiments of Pittsburg, not only in relation to the tariff of 1842, as a tariff for revenue with discrimination for protection, but a tariff for protection itself. We are glad that the protective principle asserted in the resolutions moved by Mr. Sheriff was adopted.
The passage of the protective resolutions was not achieved by the force of eloquence nor the power of ingenious argument. The mover and advocate of them-for Mr. Sheriff alone spoke in favor of his resolutions-is a plain mechanic. But his simple senti- ments had their response in the hearts of his hearers" (s).
The gist of the Shaler resolutions was that the primary object of a system of duties was revenue; that any legislative action seriously injuring the tariff of 1842 would be greatly deplored, and that, while the wisdom of protection to home industry had been provcd, free trade had not received the sanction of a solitary experiment. The Sheriff resolutions were more pronounced in the prin- ciples of protection. Three of them were as follows: "Resolved, That the adoption of free trade in theory has been followed by national beggary in practice. Resolved, That we can never consent to put the honest exertions of American freemen on the same footing as the labor of the white slaves of European aristocrats or the black slaves of Southern cotton-planters. Resolved, That self preservation is the first law of nations as well as individuals, and the first duty of government is to render its citizens able to feed, clothe and protect them- selves" (t).
The argument of the frce traders herc was that protection as a principle sanctioned by the Constitution was an absurdity. The advocates of protection opposed this declaration with all their power. Pittsburg, however, occupied the unique position of being, of all cities in the United States, the one most in need of high protection. So manifest was this fact (that the prosperity of the city and environs was absolutely dependent upon protection) that few men who hoped for political preferment or political prominence dared offer any opposition. It is thus found that prominent Democrats here supported the protective system-were forced to do so by the almost overwhelming senti- ment of the community. Of course there was pronounced opposition to the system, but it could never hope for much support and might expect strenuous opposition in this vicinity. The Post, in 1850, complained of the persecution to which it was subjected by opposing protection and favoring free trade. More than once it occurred that the manufacturers of Massachusetts joined the South in opposing protective measures, of which Pennsylvania, particularly Pittsburg, stood so much in need. The free traders here declared that in no case, 110
(s) Commercial Journal, February, 1846.
(t) Commercial Journal, February 10, 1846.
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matter how high the protection, did manufacturers of this vicinity increase the wages of employes. This was strongly advanced by the Post during the factory strike of 1848. This paper and its supporters also insisted that high protection favored manufactures at the expense of other branches of industry.
There was much excitement here when the news was received in July, 1846, that the new tariff bill had passed the House. People generally did not disguise the fact that they regarded the change as a national calamity, and all felt that ruin of local manufactures was impending. Even the Post said the change was very objectionable. "When, in 1842, the tariff bill was adopted there was universal gloom hanging over our country. Not six months had rolled away after its adoption before a change most welcome was observable. Commerce, manufactures and the mechanic arts began again to prosper. The partisan catchwords of 'Two dollars a day and roast beef' were literally realized. We have now scarcely a hope left" (11). Mr. Forward, in reply to a public letter of inquiry in 1846, took the position that in a tariff for revenue, revenue was . the primary object and protection incidental. This was the view also of Judge Shaler. But this view did not prevent either from favoring a primary protective policy. Both took the ground that in case the tariff was so high as to keep importations from passing the custom-house, a tariff primarily for revenue would liave to be enacted and could be made to embrace incidentally a tariff for protection (v).
In June, 1846, the Native American party nominated Thomas Howard for Congress, while the Anti-Masons and Whigs nominated Moses Hampton, and the Liberty party John A. Wills. The Whig and Anti-Masonic convention of June, 1846, declared that the tariff of 1846 was an unwise measure, and favored its repeal and a return to the schedule of 1842; that Congress should vigorously prosecute war with Mexico in order to settle the claims of the United States against that government; that the pay of soldiers should be increased to from $8 to $10 per month, with a bounty of 160 acres of land; that the rights of the . United States concerning the Oregon question should be maintained against Great Britain; that a better state of navigation should be kept up in the rivers; that all secret, oath-bound societies should be made to disappear; that the course of the Allegheny representatives in the last Legislature in voting to charter Odd Fellows' societies was unwise; and that the course of Mr. Darragh and Mr. Darsie in the last Legislature should be discountenanced.
In July, 1846, the Democrats held a large convention, on which occasion William Wilkins presided. He delivered a short but characteristic speech, out- lining the course and cause of Democracy. Charles Shaler was called for up- roariously, and responded with an eloquent speech, which apparently tore to tatters the claims and pretensions of the Whigs. He declared that the tariff should not be a party question, and that if the subject was placed in the keeping of the Whigs they would kill it. At the conclusion of his speech he was given rousing applause. E. D. Gazzam, chairman of the committee on resolutions, declared that the prosperous times had not come until after the passage of the tariff of 1842, and insisted that the Democracy of the State had pledged them- selves, in 1844, not to repeal the tariff of 1842, but that Dallas, as presiding officer in the Senate of the United States, had deserted Pennsylvania and cast his de- ciding vote against the tariff and in favor of Southern interests. Benton Kerr delivered a strong speech, as did also Mr. Watson, who declared that the cotton factories of Allegheny County were veritable slave shops, and asked what benefit the tariff of 1842 was to the workingman. He insisted that the iron manufac- turers and the capitalists generally were the only persons benefited by the tariff
(u) Commercial Journal, July 7, 1846.
(v) Commercial Journal, February 18, 1846.
797
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of 1842, and that the law made the poor poorer and ground down wages with long hours and other unbearable exactions. He was a young man, but delivered one of the strongest speeches in the convention, and, apparently, his views were received with the greatest favor by the audience. He was answered by Mr. Gazzam, who spoke sarcastically, but in a second speech Mr. Watson upheld with great eloquence the cause of the workingman, and assailed the course of manufacturers with a fierceness rarely surpassed here. Mr. Callan delivered a rousing speech amid great uproar, and Mr. Wilkins, the presiding officer, was compelled to interfere again and again to calm the storm. It was, all in all, one of the most exciting conventions ever held in Allegheny County.
The various parties and factions of parties in this vicinity at that time were Democrats, Whigs, Anti-Masons, Tariff Advocates, Anti-Tariff, Abolitionists, Free Soilers, National Reformers, etc. In 1846 Wilson McCandless was the candidate of the Democracy for Congress. All the members of that party in Allegheny County believed that the tariff of 1846 was not strong enough to be of satisfactory benefit to the manufacturing interests of Pittsburg. They sup- ported it because it had been brought forward as a party measure. As a matter of history, the tariff of 1846 was largely devised by Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury, who had previously practiced law in Pittsburg and Western Pennsylvania. In August, 1846, when it became known that George M. Dallas was responsible for the passage of the tariff bill of that year, he was burned in effigy in Pittsburg and in many other cities throughout the State. At the Con- gressional election in 1846, in Allegheny County, Moses Hampton, Whig, ceived 5,461 votes; Wilson McCandless, Democrat, received 4,047; John A. Wills, Liberty, received 487; and Thomas Howard, Native, 506.
In December, 1846, William J. Howard was brought forward again by the Whigs as a candidate for mayor, but withdrew, whereupon Gabriel Adams was nominated. Alexander Jaynes was the Native American candidate for mayor. The Democrats nominated Andrew McIlwaine. The principal issue was advocacy or opposition to the war with Mexico. In addition to that, the Demo- crats made a strong and successful attempt to win the workingmen's vote. However, the strength of the Whigs was too great to be overcome, and Mr. Adams was duly elected. Mr. McIlwaine stood second, and Messrs. Jaynes and Cook were far in the rear. In Allegheny, Mr. Campbell, Whig, was elected, and Mr. Whiston, Democrat, defeated. At this election the Whigs carried every ward in Pittsburg, and the new license law was sustained by a majority of about I,200.
On April 17, 1847, a large meeting convened in the old Courthouse to pub- licly celebrate the victories of Monterey, Buena Vista and Vera Cruz. Dr. Josiah Ankrim was chairman of the meeting. Messrs. Guthrie, Shaler, Mc- Candless, Mckibben and Snowden were appointed a committee on resolutions. This demonstration was wholly Democratic in character, although the resolu- tions adopted concerning the war with Mexico reflected the sentiments of the community generally, but the meeting should be regarded as political. The principal speakers were Samuel Hamilton, Charles Shaler and Wilson Mc- Candless, all of whom warmly advocated a continuance of the war and the maintenance of the rights of the United States (w). The Democrats favored the war with Mexico. All others, particularly the Reformers, among the leaders of whom was Mrs. Swisshelm, opposed it, owing to the small pay given to the soldiers, and to the fact that the soil to be acquired as a result of the war was destined to be slave territory. The Democrats favored, as it was said, the three K's -- Kalifornia, Kuba and Kanada. At this time the slave power in
(w) Post, April 19, 1847.
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America was dominant, and was pressing forward to acquire new territory for its particular institution in California, Cuba, Texas and Canada. In 1847 the vote for governor was: Irvin (W.), 5,753; Shunk (L. F.), 4,453. In December, 1847, an immense war meeting was held in Pittsburg, and was chiefly attended by the Democrats. The principal speakers were Thomas Hamilton, Mr. Watson, Wilson McCandless, Charles Shaler and R. H. Kerr. All delivered strong speeches upon the various questions then agitating the country, and particularly upon the subjects of the war, slavery, the tariff and the labor question. Reso- lutions setting forth the general views of the meeting and of the Democrats of Allegheny County were adopted. The committee on resolutions were J. B. Guthrie, C. B. Scully and L. Harper. This committee violently disagreed on the measures presented in the resolutions, Mr. Scully submitting a minority report. The meeting was conducted in an uproar, although peace was finally secured and the resolutions of the majority were duly adopted. The Post advo- cated a vigorous prosecution of the war, while all the Whig papers, with various degrees of lukewarmness, opposed it, and a few came boldly out with severe strictures against the Administration for levying such an unnecessary and unholy war. Mrs. Swisshelm in her paper, the Weekly Visitor, was particularly severe against the Administration in declaring war and in continuing it.
In January, 1847, Mr. Adams was renominated for mayor by the Whigs and Anti-Masons. A. C. Alexander was nominated as an Independent Whig candi- date against Henry Campbell, regular candidate for mayor of Allegheny. Mr. Campbell received 532 votes and Mr. Alexander 367. In the nine wards of Pittsburg, Mr. Adams, Whig, received 1,642 votes; Dr. Kerr, Democrat, 1,555, and Mr. Stackhouse, Native American, 312. "Well, Mayor Adams is re- elected. The rigid impartiality which has characterized the administration of the police during the last year will be repeated during the present, and we are heartily glad of it. We like to see the genteel 'rowdy' punished with the same severity as the 'loafer' and the 'rat,' and Mayor Adams has his name up for this species of justice" (x).
In February, 1848, an immense meeting of the Whigs was held in Mc- Fadden's warehouse to recommend the nomination of General Scott for the Presidency. Many interesting speeches were made by the leading Whigs, and great enthusiasm prevailed. A fine portrait of General Scott, under which were enrolled the names of his principal battles- Fort George, Lundy's Lane, Chip- pewa, Vera Cruz, Cerro Gordo, Contreras, etc .- was suspended over the speaker's stand. This meeting gave an emphatic and unqualified endorsement for the nomination of General Scott for the Presidency. In February, 1848, another branch of the Whigs held a meeting, which advocated the nomination of Henry Clay for the Presidency. A resolution was adopted to secure the services of Trevor McClurg, artist, to go to Ashland, Kentucky, and there paint, in oil, the portrait of Mr. Clay, and pledged $600 for the services of the artist. Of this meeting William J. Howard was chairman. In March, 1848, upon the passage through here of Mr. Clay, he was given a magnificent reception, Mr. Loomis delivering a most eloquent welcoming speech.
In June, 1848, the Whig and Anti-Masonic county convention was large and enthusiastic. Moses Hampton was nominated for Congress, but coupled with the nomination was a request that he should give his views concerning the Wilmot Proviso, and his nomination was understood to depend upon his answer. It was clearly the sentiment of the convention that no man who opposed the Wilmot Proviso could receive the nomination or the support of the party. The reply of Mr. Hampton was satisfactory, and he was accordingly nominated.
(x) Commercial Journal, January 13, 1848.
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At the Whig ratification meeting in June, 1848, Cornelius Darragh and Walter Forward were the principal speakers, dilating at length upon the merits of the Whig candidates, Taylor and Fillmore. At this time the Whigs opposed, as one of their party measures, the excessive use of the veto power by the President of the United States. On June 16th John J. Crittenden spoke in Pitts- burg on the issues of the day. At this time a Rough and Ready club was formed. Opposing factions of the Democratic party had strong followingshere in 1848. The most of them had previously been Democrats, but had recently come out against slavery and in favor of the election of Martin Van Buren to the Presidency. In July, 1848, the Visitor, edited by Mrs. Swisshelm, favored the coalescence of the Liberty men and the Barn Burners. Much was made of the announcement that Mr. Cass had stated that, if elected President of the United States, he would consider as unconstitutional an act similar to the Wilmot Proviso and veto it accordingly. The officers of the Rough and Ready Club for the county of Allegheny were as follows: P. A. Madeira, president; Messrs. Dumars, Wash- ington and Leslie, recording secretaries; Messrs. Woods, Boyd and Parmer, corresponding secretaries; and among the members were Messrs. Bigham, Ritchie, Singer, Crossan, McKnight, Allen, Buckmaster, Rea, Beck, McKee, McCantley, Bell and Walker.
At the election for governor in 1848, William F. Johnston, Whig, received 8,856 votes; Paintcr (L. F.), 6,130; Morris Longstreth (Democrat), 6,164; Cleaver (N. A.), 523 votes in Allegheny County. At this time Moses Hampton, Whig candidate for Congress, was elected over Samuel W. Black, Democrat. Mr. Jackson, the Free Soil candidate for Congress, received about 440 votes in the county, while Mr. Cullen, Native candidate, received about 260 votes for the same office. Allegheny also gave a majority for Moses Hampton. Man- chester, Lawrenceville and South Pittsburg gave a majority for Colonel Black, while Birmingham gave a majority of five for Mr. Hampton. At the Presi- dential election in 1848 Taylor received in Pittsburg 3,158, Cass 1,977, and Van Buren 230. In the county Taylor received 10, 112, Cass 6,591, Van Buren (F. S.) 779. Seven votes were polled in the First Ward, Allegheny, for Gerrett Smith, candidate of the Abolitionists for President. John Herron was elected mayor of Pittsburg in January, 1849, and it was due to his good management that "the reign of terror from incendiaries" was ended. Thousands of dollars' worth of property had previously been destroyed.
In August, 1849, great preparations were made here to receive Zachary Taylor and W. F. Johnston. Walter Forward was appointed to make the welcoming speech. President Taylor was met at Turtle Creek, twelve miles from the city,. by General Darragh and other dignitaries, where he was welcomed in a short speech, and then conveyed in a buggy by Colonel Rody Patterson to the city, passing along to the Hand Street bridge, thence to Allegheny, thence to the St. Clair Street bridge, and again to Pittsburg, finally stopping at the Monongahela House. Here the welcoming speech of .Mr. Forward was delivered one of the most eloquent ever uttered in Pitts- burg. In October, 1849, Salmon P. Chase, the new Free Soil United States Senator from Ohio, delivered a two-hour Free Soil speech in the Market- house, Allegheny, to an immense crowd.
It was in 1849 that Joseph Barker was again brought into prominence by his arrest and conviction upon the charge of obstructing the streets, using indecent language and causing a riot. In spite of the commands of the officers Mr. Barker had insisted upon delivering his harangues from the Courthouse steps and other public places, and in one of his speeches the court was derided and the judge even menaced with hanging to a lamppost. During the trial Mr. Barker reviled the counsel for the prosecution, and finally consigned the jury to
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utter condemnation. The motion of Mr. Barker's counsel for a new trial and arrest of judgment was overruled. It should be stated as a matter of history that Mr. Barker was not insane, as many claimed, but was a reformer of the violent class to which old John Brown belonged. Revs. Kirkland and Sharp were reformers a little less violent than Mr. Barker, and were convicted for the same offense. They persisted in delivering reform lectures, or sermons, on the streets on Sundays, and always succeeded in drawing immense crowds and in creating great disturbance. The remarks of these men covered all questions then before the people, such as slavery, Catholicism, the social evil, the observ- ance of Sunday, the rights of labor, Fourierism and other prominent subjects; but the addresses were delivered with such violence and such a destruction of established custom that they did not meet the approbation of the majority of this community. Besides, the course adopted by the speakers was usually more or less a violation of municipal laws. The sentence passed upon Mr. Barker was that he should pay a fine of $250 and be confined in the county jail for twelve months, to pay the costs of the prosecution and stand committed until the fine was paid. The case was tried before Judge Patton. Many persons believed in the visionary principles advocated by Mr. Barker and other violent reform- ers, and, accordingly, they were not without friends. It came to be believed that Mr. Barker was a persecuted man, in fact, was a martyr, and soon his sup- porters outnumbered any other political faction. He was brought forward in November, 1849, as the no-party candidate for mayor, and received, in January, 1850, a total of 1,854 votes in Pittsburg, while Mr. Guthrie, Democratic can- didate, received but 1,584, and Mr. Mccutcheon, Whig candidate, but 984. At the time Mr. Barker was thus elected he was still in the county jail, and was pardoned by the Governor, and immediately thereafter was inaug- urated mayor of Pittsburg. The following extracts explain themselves: "Barker leaves jail to go most triumphantly into the mayoralty. If there is any relish of salvation in the fellow he has now a chance to triumph over us by proving himself adequate to the duties of the office, and disclosing traits of character which heretofore have not marked him-moderation and prudence. We are entirely disposed to give Joe a chance, although we cannot but deplore his election, and desire to be understood as regarding the result as a severe but just chastisement of both parties" (y). . "The mail of yesterday did
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