Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, Part 96

Author: Wilson, Erasmus, 1842-1922; Goodspeed, Weston Arthur, 1852-1926. cn
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Chicago : H.R. Cornell & Co.
Number of Pages: 1192


USA > Pennsylvania > Allegheny County > Pittsburgh > Standard history of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania > Part 96


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advocate, late Governor of Liberia, in Africa, on the following question: "Is the scheme of colonization worthy the confidence and patronage of the American public?" Several evenings were spent in debate in the different churches, and R. C. Grier and Rev. Charles Avery were moderators. On each occasion the church was crowded to the doors.


On March 7, 1837, "at a very large and respectable meeting, held without distinction of political party or religious sect," at the house of George Beale, John C. Grier was appointed chairman and W. B. McClure secretary. On motion the following persons were appointed to draft resolutions expressive of the sense of the meeting: W. B. McClure, Dr. H. D. Sellers, David Lynch, Dr. A. Hays, Chambers Mckibben, Henry Bears and Leonard S. Johns. The following were presented and adopted: "Resolved, That Pennsylvania is not responsible for the existence of slavery in the other sovereign States of this Union, and that all discussion in favor of immediate abolition within her bor- ders can serve no other purpose than to disturb the peace of this State and jeopardize the integrity of the Union. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States secures to the slaveholding States exclusive jurisdiction and entire control over the subject of slavery. Resolved, That to intermeddle with the constitutional adjustment of the acknowledged difficulties of domestic slavery under the plea of moral obligation or abstract right, or any other plea, is con- trary to the laws of God and nian" (b). Strong sentiments in favor of all opposed to slavery were expressed at this meeting. Those who favored the resolu- tions were styled "friends of the integrity of the Union." Nearly all of the leading men of the city took one side or the other on this question. The majority favored the colonization policy, owing to its freedom from turmoil and its likelihood of quieting the South and perpetuating the Union as it then was.


On May 8, 1837, the second anniversary of the local Colonization Society was held at the Third Presbyterian church, with Mr. Grier, president of the society, in the chair, and James Veech secretary. It was reported that during the year 1836 over $3,300 was raised by this society to aid the State society to meet its debts contracted in carrying out the policy it had formulated and put into action. In the spring of 1847 J. B. Pinney was appointed agent of the local society, and within a few months had collected nearly $800. At this time, in a meeting of the society, it was determined to continue the course previously pursued. An annual assessment for 1838 upon the members of the society was fixed at $770, and the same amount was also assessed for 1839 and 1840. In 1838 the president of the society was Robert C. Grier; corresponding secretary and agent, Rev. J. B. Pinney, and treasurer, G. R. White. The managers were Thomas Bakewell, George Darsie, Rev. C. Cook, Dr. J. R. Speer, James Veech, J. B. McFadden and Benjamin Patton, Jr. It should be understood that while many members of this society believed, as a matter of conscience, in the total extinction of slavery (which was abolitionisni) they did not believe that the violent measures of the Abolitionists were practicable under the Constitution. They therefore favored colonization as the easiest path out of the dilemma.


Late in 1837 the Abolition societies held inflammatory meetings, denouncing the atrocious murder at Alton, Illinois, at the hands of a pro-slavery mob, of Rev. E. P. Lovejoy. Upon the death of Mr. Lovejoy the Christian Witness hung out signs of mourning and advised its supporters to wear crape as an evidence of their sorrow at the lamentable murder. The paper called the act "the murder of a beloved brother." The Manufacturer denounced the course of the Christian Witness, and upheld the action of the mob which murdered Mr. Lovejoy,


(b) Gazette, March 9, 1837.


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though deprecating the necessity of the killing. The other newspapers here took various views of the question. In December, 1837, a meeting to commemorate the martyrdom of Rev. E. P. Lovejoy was held in Pittsburg, on which occasion Rev. Dr. Black, Rev. Dr. Bruce, Rev. Dr. Shinn, Rev. Samuel Williams, Rev. Mr. Elliot, Rev. Mr. McLeod and Rev. Charles Avery were present. Interesting ser- vices were held, eulogizing the character and public services of Mr. Lovejoy and decrying the evils of the institution of slavery. At this time there was in existence an anti-slavery society of the county, of Pittsburg, of Allegheny, and of more than one of the boroughs, and perhaps in the townships of the county.


It was declared in resolutions adopted at the meeting of the Colonization Society in May, 1837, that friends of the Union could not, at the same time, be friends of abolitionism; that the two were incompatible; and that the support of abolitionism would inevitably force the Southern States to sever their connection with the Union. This view was taken by many members of the Colonization Society, owing to the recent course of South Carolina on the question of nulli- fication, etc., growing out of the institution of slavery. The resolutions that friends of the Union could not, at the same time, be friends of abolitionism, were vigorously opposed at a large public meeting held for that. purpose a short time afterwards. Of this meeting Benjamin Bakewell was chairman, John Hannen, S. Williams and S. Church vice-presidents, and John Dickson and H. Hannen secretaries. Resolutions were adopted denying that abolitionism meant the dissolution of the Union, asserting the right to free speech and free press and in other ways controverting the resolutions of the other meeting.


Late in 1837 Rev. Mr. Blanchard lectured here on the subject of abolitionism. His remarks took a violent course and inflamed the passions and prejudices not only of the pro-slavery element here, but of some of the members of the Colonization Society. He seems to have lectured more than once; at least, on one occasion, the pro-slavery element endeavored to break up his meeting, addressing to him insulting remarks and otherwise interrupting his lecture. At this time the Christian Witness was the organ of the local Abolitionists.


Early in 1838 Rev. O. Scott lectured on the evils of slavery before the Pittsburg and Allegheny Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society. For the first time in a political contest in the State the question of abolitionism was raised in 1838 against Mr. Ritner. Many important meetings of the various anti-slavery soci- eties were held here during that year. The Colonization societies also grew rapidly. It was claimed in October, 1838, that more than twenty Colonization societies had been organized in Western Pennsylvania. Late in October, 1838, a convention of all the anti-slavery societies of the western division of Penn- sylvania was held in this city, on which occasion many important addresses were delivered and resolutions adopted. Nearly all the leading citizens attended this convention, and in one way or another took part in the proceedings. The convention continued to meet for several days, and in the evenings listencd to lectures by Rev. O. Scott and other important anti-slavery agitators. In the State Constitutional Convention of January, 1838, an amendment, offered by Mr. Martin, confining the right of suffrage to white men, was adopted by that body. Messrs. Forward, Denny and Hays, of this county, voted against the measure, while Messrs. Rodgers and Purviance voted for it.


In 1839 the anti-slavery friends of this vicinity received the joyful intelli- gence that James G. Birney, who had previously lived in Kentucky, and later became Abolition candidate for the Presidency, had freed all his slaves, twenty- one in number, and had become an ardent Abolitionist. In January, 1839, the American Anti-Slavery Society boastcd of having 1,350 auxiliary societies, of which thirteen were State; that it had thirty-eight traveling agents, seventy- five local lecturers, raised annually $40,000, and distributed 646,500 books,


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circulars and pamphlets. At this time the local Abolition societies scoffed and derided the impotency of the Colonization societies. In January, 1839, the Union Anti-Slavery Society of Pittsburg and Allegheny, an organization which had resulted from a combination of the various smaller anti-slavery societies of this community, was organized, many of the most prominent citizens becom- ing members. Ladies were admitted to membership. Samuel C. Cole was secretary of the Union Society. The first annual meeting was held January 21, 1840, in Rev. Mr. Adair's church, in Allegheny. Late in 1839 Rev. Mr. Pinney, who had been colonization agent here for several years, was removed to other fields. At the October election, in 1839, the Abolitionists throughout the State exerted a strong influence.


In 1841 Professor Greene of the Western Theological Seminary, who had come from Kentucky the year previous, and had brought with him a number of slaves, voluntarily set them free. This act was published extensively by the Abolitionists. In 1841 the Christian Advocate, Presbyterian Advocate, Daily Advocate, Daily American and Pittsburg Visitor were also organs of the Abolition- ists. The Gazette supported the colonization policy of the anti-slavery people. The Democratic papers generally favored no interference with the institution of slavery. "The Abolitionists are a sturdy and determined set of fellows. We like them well enough, and if they were a little less exclusive we think they would make their cause more popular, and to them, converts are all impor- tant. They seem disposed to go for no good unless abolition is hitched to the cart" (c).


In 1840 the Abolition party in the United States, for the first time, placed a ticket in the field. The vote in Allegheny County for that ticket was so small as not to be counted. However, the anti-slavery sentiment grew rapidly from this time forward. During 1841 many societies, devoted either to colonization or to abolitionism, were organized throughout Allegheny County. Meetings for the discussion of the subject were often held. In July, 1841, a large anti- slavery meeting was held in the Baptist Church, of Pittsburg, to listen to lectures from C. C. Burleigh, of Philadelphia, and another was held soon afterward in the East Common Methodist Episcopal church, in Allegheny, to listen to Rev. Edward Smith, of Ohio. At this time the number of free colored males in Alle- gheny County was 1,076, and the number of free colored females, 1,042. Aboli- tionism continued to grow with great rapidity. "This cause is now enlisting in its service the highest order of talent and character" (d). Mr. Burleigh, who had edited the first abolition paper here, delivered several lectures, and on each occasion the church was filled to overflowing. One was held in Dr. Bruce's church. Attempts were made to interrupt the proceedings, but were repulsed. It was stated in the newspapers that Mr. Birney, the Abolition candidate for President in 1840, received in Allegheny County a total of 343 votes. In 1841, Dr. Le Moyne, Abolition candidate for governor, received 793 votes in Allegheny County. That number was returned, but it was declared that many had not been counted. Soon after this the underground railroad began to be heard of in this vicinity. In the spring of 1844, Mr. Craig, Abolition candidate for Con- gress, at a special election, received 634 votes. In December, 1846, a large fund was raised here by subscription, to be used in defraying the expense of capturing the kidnaper of some colored children who had been taken from Brown County, Pennsylvania. In November, 1846, the colored people of this community met and organized in behalf of the enfranchisement of their race. They took steps to circulate, as well as their means would afford, Abolition pub- lications of all kinds. In January, 1847, an attempt was made by several white men from Virginia to kidnap a negro named Briscoe, in Allegheny. They were


(c) Daily American, June, 1841.


(d) Daily American, July 30, 1841.


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assisted by members of the police force, but the colored man, with the assistance of friends, succeeded in making his escape (e). Great excitement was caused here in April, 1847, by the arrest of a negro named Daniel Lockhart, by three men, one being his alleged owner, Lloyd Logan, from Winchester, Virginia. Lockhart was rescued by his colored friends, whereupon he promptly and expeditiously left for the North Star. The owner was arrested for a breach of the peace, but his case coming up on a writ of habeas corpus, he was released by Judge Lowrie (f). The performance of a negro tragedian here in November, 1847, aroused general comment, owing to its excellence. Many were sur- prised that a negro could perform so well (g). In March, 1847, the Legislature passing a law severely punishing the crime of kidnaping, but in April, 1852, this law was repealed, owing to the pressure brought upon the State by the friends of slavery, who had recently secured the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law. In April, 1847, the owner of four slaves, in passing through Pittsburg with his property, was interfered with by the anti-slavery and colored element, and three of them were rescued and set free. Other rescues in 1847, similar to this, occurred. About this time, Frederick Douglas, the famous colored orator, lectured in Pittsburg, and surprised pro-slavery partisans by his eloquence, logic and literary ability. He lectured in Temperance Hall in defense of anti- slavery doctrines, and continued to speak for several days under the auspices of the anti-slavery and temperance elements. "The address of Mr. Douglas was characterized by sarcasm, invective, simile and argument. He spoke boldly in favor of a dissolution of the Union-this was, in fact, his theme. He denounced the Federal Constitution, and all the men now at the head of the Government. He was particularly severe on those who are now leading the American armies in Mexico" (h). Mr. Douglas was assisted on each occasion by William Lloyd Garrison and other prominent anti-slavery agitators.


Prior to 1847, slaveholders passing through the State could retain their slaves herein for six months, but after that date it was made unlawful to hold them in Pennsylvania. Under this law it was held that slaves so brought were ipso facto free. If the slaveholder should attempt to hold his slave under those circumstances, he became at once amenable to the judicial authority.


On February 22, 1847, the friends of universal liberty met in the new Courthouse, called William Larimer, Jr., to the chair, appointed Robert Wallace and Aaron Floyd secretaries, and passed a strong set of resolutions, offered by John A. Wills, one of which read as follows: "Resolved, That the recent anti- slavery efforts of Thomas J. Bigham and his associates in our State Legislature, and the glorious perseverance of David Wilmot and the Pennsylvania delegation in Congress-with five exceptions, well-known members of the white slave gang of the South-deserve our hearty thanks and merit the gratitude of their country" (i).


A case which attracted the attention of the country and was often cited in the courts, was tried here in November, 1847, in the Circuit Court of the United States, before Hon. R. C. Grier and Hon. Thomas Irwin, justices. The case was that of Garrett Vanmetre, of Virginia, vs. Dr. Robert Mitchell, of Indiana. Pennsylvania. The case was an action for debt for harboring and concealing a runaway slave, the penalty therefor under the law of 1793 being $500. It was proved that the slave was the property of the Virginia owner, and that he was employed, as well as concealed, on the farm of the defendant. George S. Selden delivered the first speech for the plaintiff, and was followed by Walter Forward "in a speech in favor of the defendant, which, for eloquent


(e) Post, January 28, 1847. (f) Post, April 20, 1847.


(g) Post, November 15, 1847.


(i) Dispatch, 1847.


(h) Post, August 13, 1847.


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argument, could not well be excelled, and would do honor to the most gifted orator." These speeches concluded the day, but on Monday, Mr. Loomis, for the defendant, delivered a speech of unusual power of one hour and a half in length, and was followed by Mr. McCandless, in a very strong speech of one hour. The judge then charged the jury strongly in favor of the plaintiff, where- upon they soon returned with a verdict against the defendant of $500. Intense interest was shown in this case during the trial, the courtroom being crowded to suffocation. The friends of the anti-slavery movement became at once dis- satisfied with the charge of Judge Grier to the jury. He gave a construction to the law of 1793 which the anti-slavery element was unwilling to allow or recognize. So much opposition to the position of Judge Grier was taken that on November 30, 1847, a large meeting was held in Temperance Hall to consider the question. The Gazette said: "This verdict has given great offense to some of the anti-slavery party, and has roused it to the importance of taking cfficient steps to prevent a similar construction being put upon the law of 1793 again. During the meeting the debate was angry, and serious charges were made against Judge Grier, the jury and the officers of the court." The principal speakers at the meeting were Messrs. Robb, Marshall, McClelland, Fleeson and Kerr. Mr. Marshall afterward denied through the newspapers having made "serious charges against Judge Grier, the jury and the officers of the court." A committee of three was appointed to collect the facts in the case, including the charge of the judge, and have the same read at a future meeting, to be acted upon. It was proposed also at this meeting to raise funds to carry the case to the Supreme Court of the United States. James McClelland was chairman of this meeting. On a final settlement of the case, it was again tried in the United States Court here, in November, 1851, on which occasion the jury returned a verdict of $50 and costs in favor of the plaintiff.


In February, 1848, Judge Lowrie, upon the trial of a runaway slave case, decided that such slave could be retaken without warrant. In January, 1848, a Southern merchant stopped at the Merchants' Hotel with two female slaves, one of whom was prevailed upon to escape and could not be found by the owner. She was undoubtedly rescued by the anti-slavery element. In July, 1848, a runaway slave from Virginia, who had resided here for several years and had married, was induced by another negro to take a buggy ride, whereupon they were met by the master and others and the slave was recaptured. However, he raised such an outcry that a crowd collected and succeeded in freeing him, whereupon the master was told that it was impossible to prevent rescues, and that slaveholders should know better than to bring their slaves to Pittsburg.


At this time the question of the dissolution of the Union was again promi- nently before the country. The Southern States were alert and dominant, and persistent in their efforts to spread the institution of slavery, not only to new territory, but, apparently, to the free sections of the Union. Some persons pro- fessed not to believe in the sincerity of the Southern men when they announced that they would dissolve the Union in case their peculiar institution was inter- fered with; but closer observers felt that such talk was not idle and was made with cold deliberation. The people of this county were not asleep in regard to the subject of slavery, and observed with solicitude the various aggressive acts of the South and the determined course of the abolition movement in the North. It was openly declared by some that no Southern man would hesitate for a moment to sacrifice the institution of slavery, if such sacrifice was necessary for the preservation of the Union. This view was not taken here by the majority of the Whig party. They felt that the paramount interest of the Southern States would be considered identical with the institution of slavery and not with the Union as it then was under the Constitution. However, divergent


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views of all varieties were held by thoughtful men of this community on the overshadowing subject of slavery.


At a large meeting of the Colonization Society here, in January, 1849, Rev. William M. Hall, agent of the Pennsylvania Colonization Society, delivered a speech which attracted gencral attention. He declared that the object of the society was not to interfere with slavery, but was to provide the slaves with a country. His position did not satisfy the anti-slavery element. Wilson Mc- Candless, on this occasion, contended that colored people should either not be taxed, or should be allowed to votc. Mr. Albert, another speaker, declared there was no patriotism in the act of sending a black man out of his native land, and that the Colonization Society presumed a black man did not possess the same inalienable rights as a white man. Walter Forward spoke at this meeting and declared his faith in the principles of the Colonization Socicty, and announced as his opinion that if adopted generally. they would end in driving slavery from the United States. In March, 1850, a slave held by Mr. Bagolt of Ncw Orleans, while on a steamer at Pittsburg, escaped with the aid of friends and was not recaptured. At an anti-slavery meeting held in Philo Hall, in July, 1850, Frederick Douglas and other prominent anti-slavery men delivered speeches. In July, 1850, John Drennen, of Van Buren, Arkansas, who had registered at the Monongahela House, suddenly announced to the proprietor that a female slave, fourteen years old, whom he had brought with him, was missing, and had disappeared while he and his lady were at dinner. Mr. Drennen became violent, and an investigation by the landlord disclosed the fact that the young slave had been induced to leave her master by the colored employes of the hotel. It was stated that the girl was fairer than a mulatto, and that she had taken Mr. Drennen's trunk. The trunk was recovered, but the owner failed to see his slave again.


In September, 1850, after the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law, the colored people of this vicinity, who had escaped from Southern masters, fearing that they would be reclaimed and sent back to bondage, began to leave in squads for Canada. On September 24th, thirty-five negroes, who had resided in the Third Ward, in Allegheny, left for Canada in one group. The newspapers expressed great surprise that there should be in Pittsburg so many fugitive slaves as shown by their haste to leave for Canada. But this view was explained by the fact that one slave often had many relatives who were free, and, as all de- sired to remain together, the free slavcs, as well as the others, departed for Canada. The Commercial Journal said: "We are told that the scene preceding the flight mentioned above would have excited the sympathy of the most cold-hearted. Mothers and daughters, fathers and sons, brothers and sisters, were clinging to one another in despair at the thought of a scparation which they seemed to feel would be for life." It was predicted that the scare was without foundation, because the Fugitive Slave Law would be rendered inopcrative in Pennsylvania. "If the people of Pennsylvania say that their State shall not be made a field for kidnapers, it will be as they wish, and no act of Congress can make it otherwise." By the 27th of September it was estimated by the Commercial Journal that from 150 to 200 colored people had already left the two cities and suburbs, and that many others were preparing to follow. The situation at this time was exciting in the extreme, and numerous meetings were held denouncing the passage of the Fugitive Slavc Law, and regretting the hapless condition in which it placed the colored people. "The passage of the Slave Bill has caused much more excitement than we had anticipated. The opinion that the law must be repealed seems to be universal in this neighborhood." "Fugitive Slaves .- We are informed that a large number of the negroes of this city, who


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were formerly slaves in the South, started for Canada on Saturday. They have been frightened away by the Fugitive Slave Law" (j).


On September 30, 1850, an immense meeting of the citizens of this vicinity was held in the Market-house, Allegheny. Hugh Fleming, mayor of Alle- gheny, presided, and upon taking the chair delivered a strong speech in favor of the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law. A. Alexander, J. Callen and Thomas Elliot were appointed a committee on resolutions. Thomas M. Howe, Repub- lican candidate for Congress, delivered a powerful speech in opposition to slavery, as did also Mr. Salisbury, Democratic Workingmen's candidate for Congress, and Israel Cullen, Native American candidate for Congress. Thomas Cullen also spoke in opposition to the law. Strong resolutions were passed by this meeting, covering all features of the slavery question, and denouncing it in the severest terms. John Ferral, representing the work- ingmen, offered separate resolutions, denouncing the law and asking for an amendment of the State Constitution giving colored males the right to vote. His resolutions were adopted. Messrs. Stewart Delaney and General Larimer also spoke against the law, declaring that its repeal meant the freedom of the whites as well as of the blacks. "We have never seen a larger or more enthusiastic meeting in Allegheny. The demonstration is a proof that the indignation of the people is deeply aroused" (k).




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