USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1780-1783 > Part 13
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1 King's Mountain and its Heroes, 163-164 ; Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 195 ; Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 161 ; Gordon's Am. War, vol. IV, 167. This work has recently been severely criticised by Orin Grant Libby, Ph.D., in a critical examination of it published in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1899, vol. I, 365, in which Professor Libby shows that it is made up, to a large extent, of excerpts from the Annual Register, without acknowledgment or reference. In this instance, however, Gordon's authority is not the Annual Register, but a letter of General Greene to Colonel Balfour on the subject of Colo- nel Hayne's execution. Jared Sparks, in his Life of Gouverneur Morris, vol. I, p. 255, observes " that Gordon suspected many things that never happened, as he wrote many things not worth recording."
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Another leader now took the field whose deeds were to rival those of Sumter and Marion, and who was to carry the war across the line of communication between Charles- town and the upper country, back into the region in which it had first been waged.
William Harden was a native of what is now Barnwell County. On the 23d of February, 1776, he had been elected captain of an artillery company, at Beaufort by the Provincial Congress, and had subsequently become a colonel of militia, in which capacity he served under General Bull in the early part of the war. Upon the fall of Charles- town he had joined Marion with a few followers whom he kept together. His small party had now been considerably increased by refugees from his old neighborhood, in the pres- ent counties of Barnwell, Hampton, and Beaufort, and now numbered seventy-six. With these and with another party -a band of Georgia patriots under Colonel Baker, who had also seen considerable service in the early part of the war - Harden conceived the bold design of leaving Marion on the Pee Dee, crossing the Santee and the country between Charlestown and the enemy's posts in the interior, and re- newing the war between Charlestown and Savannah, so as to cooperate with Pickens who, it was now known, was on his march to Ninety Six. He started upon this enterprise some time in March before the 21st, for Marion wrote to him on that day a letter which he received before the 7th of April.1 With his party numbering about one hundred men, he crossed the Santee, and then the Edisto at Givhan's Ferry, and took position near Godfrey's Savannah on the Ashepoo River. Here he was directly between Charlestown and the British post called Fort Balfour at Pocotaligo. From his camp at this place he reported to Marion that the British Colonel Ballingall had a few days before come up with one hundred regulars and sixty horse to Pon Pon, and
1 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 49. VOL. IV. - K
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said he would run him off. However, he had sent a small party to see how Colonel Ballingall was situated, as he proposed to surprise him that night; that his party had succeeded in bringing off two prisoners within three hundred yards of his main body, whereupon the British that evening had made a precipitate retreat to Parker's Ferry across the Pon Pon, as the Edisto is there called, and the next day to Dorchester. Harden had expected Marion to have followed him, for he writes: "I have been able to keep from Pur- rysburg to Pon Pon clear that two or three men may ride in safety, and would have gone lower down but was in hopes you would have been over the river, and been in their rear where we might have been sure of them. I shall re- main hereabouts till I can hear from you, as I have not been able to take orders from General Pickens at Ninety Six." 1
It is in this letter of Colonel Harden to General Marion that the name of the unfortunate Colonel Isaac Hayne first appears in connection with the events which were to end in his tragic death. This gentleman, it will be remembered, had been elected without his knowledge a member of the General Assembly which adopted the Constitution of 1778.2 He was a man of great popularity and a stanch Whig ; and when the State was invaded by Sir Henry Clinton, had raised a company of volunteer cavalry, which operated in the rear of the British posts during the siege of Charlestown. He had been appointed colonel of the Colleton County Regiment, of which his company formed a part, but in con- sequence of some intrigue had resigned his commission, and had served as a private soldier with great zeal and deter- mination, thus adding greatly to the discipline of the regi- ment and the encouragement of his fellow-citizens. After the surrender of the town, Hayne had returned to his plan-
1 Gibbes's Doc. History of the Am. Revolution, 1781-82, 49-51.
2 History of So. Ca. in the Revolution, 1775-80 (McCrady), 212.
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lation on the Edisto under the protection of the Articles of Capitulation, which provided that "the militia now in garrison shall be permitted to return to their respective homes as prisoners of war on parole," which provision, it was claimed, applied to the outposts as well as to the garrison."1 When, however, Sir Henry Clinton issued his extraordinary proclamation revoking paroles to all but those who were actually in garrison at the time of the capitulation, Colonel Ballingall of the Royal militia in this district waited on Hayne, and informed him that he had orders to require him to become a British subject or report instantly to the commandant at Charlestown. Hayne claimed the benefit of the terms of capitulation under which he had surrendered. But his popularity and patriotism caused a rigid enforcement of the terms of the proclamation in his case, and although small-pox was raging in his family, - all of his children being at the time sick, one having just died, and his wife being at the point of death, - even under all these cruel circumstances and distress, this amiable and upright citizen was compelled to choose between the abandonment of his sick family or of his country's cause. Finding remonstrance unavailing, he declared to Ballingall that no human force should remove him from his dying wife. The discussion terminated in a written stipulation by which Hayne engaged "to demean himself as a British subject so long as the country should be covered by the British army." Had matters rested thus it would have been well for the unfortunate gentleman. But from some necessity of his sick wife and children he repaired to Charlestown, presented himself to General Patterson with the written agreement of Colonel Ballingall, and solicited permission to return home. This was peremptorily refused, and Hayne was told that he must either become a British subject or submit to close confinement. He was in great
1 Southern Review (1828), vol. I, 76.
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distress at this, not on his own account, for he would readily have submitted to the threatened imprisonment had it not been for the condition of his family. He must return to his wife, who was supposed to be dying, and who did actually die shortly after. In this embarrassing situation he consulted with Dr. David Ramsay, one of the patriots, soon after sent into exile, and who was subsequently the historian, and left with him the following paper declaratory of the motives under which he acted : -
" If the British would grant me the indulgence which we in the day of our power gave to their adherents, of removing my family and prop- erty, I would seek an asylum in the remotest corner of the United States rather than submit to their government; but as they allow no alternative than submission or confinement in the capitol at a distance from my wife and family, at a time when they are in the most need of my presence and support, I must, for the present, yield to the de- mands of the conqueror. I request you to bear in mind that previous to my taking this step I declare that it is contrary to my inclinations and forced on me by hard necessity. I never will bear arms against my country. My masters can require no service of me but what is en- joined by the old militia law of the Province, which substitutes a fine in lieu of personal service. This I will pay as the price of my protec- tion. If my conduct should be censured by my countrymen, I beg that you would remember this conversation, and bear witness for me that I do not mean to desert the cause of America."
In this state of distress, Colonel Hayne subscribed a dec- laration of his allegiance to the king of Great Britain, but not, says Ramsay, without expressly objecting to the clause which required him " with his arms to support the Royal government." Whereupon the commandant of the garri son, General Patterson, and James Simpson, the Inten- dant of the British police, assured him that this would never be required, and, it is said, added further " that when the regular forces could not defend the country without the aid of its inhabitants, it would be high time for the Royal army to quit it." Having thus submitted and taken pro-
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tection, Hayne obtained permission to return to his family. The British authorities, however, did not respect the reser- vation which he had made in regard to military service, with the assent, as he claimed, of those who took his alle- giance, but in violation of it repeatedly called upon him to take arms against his countrymen, and finally threatened close confinement in case of further refusal.1
Affairs were in this condition with Hayne when Harden appeared with his party and established himself in his im- mediate neighborhood. Hayne, it is said, regarded the refusal of the British authorities to recognize the special condition under which he had given his allegiance as re- lieving him from its obligation, and also that Harden's appearance presented the condition under which he had been assured that it would be no longer binding; but he was not yet prepared to act upon these views. He wavered. Harden had expected that he would take the field and join him and had brought him a commission of colonel. By Paul Hamilton,2 one of the party, and an intimate friend of Hayne, Harden sent to invite his cooperation ; but Hayne refused to receive the commission or even to allow Hamilton a few horses, of which he had a fine stock. Indeed, he in- formed Hamilton that the moment he heard of Harden's approach he had ordered all his horses removed lest assist- ance might be obtained in violation of his parole.3
Harden was very much disappointed at Hayne's course, and impatient under it. In his letter to Marion he writes :-
" You will receive a letter from Col. Hayne with the commission. You will hear his reason for not accepting it. This gentleman has
1 Ramsay's Revolution in So. Ca., vol. II, 277-280.
2 This Paul Hamilton, who was afterwards Secretary of the United States Navy, was a nephew of the Paul Hamilton who was one of the addressees of Clinton and whose estate was amerced by the General Assembly of South Carolina. 8 Memoirs of the War of 1776 (Lee), 451-452.
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kept many from joining me, and is staying on too much formality. I have given the command of the Regiment to Major Ladson, who turned out the day I crossed the river, without hesitation. I hope you will not take it amiss, as Col. - wont be seen, and the Lieu- tenant Colonel, Saunders, is to the northward- Ladson to act as his major on his old commission. I find the leading men very back- ward, which keep many thus, so hope you will send me or some other officer some proclamation, or orders what is to be done. They all say they wait for your army to come their way, then they will all turn out, but I found too many of them are waiting for commissions - they can't turn out without," etc.1
Though disappointed in the support which he received from the people in the neighborhood, Harden entertained no idea of abandoning this field. The very day he wrote the letter just quoted - that is, Saturday the 7th of April -he succeeded in capturing a captain and twenty-five men at a muster field on the Four Holes.2 He then pushed on to another small post, and on Sunday night, the 8th, got within six miles of it. This was garrisoned by Captain Barton and six men. Major Cooper was detached by Harden with fifteen men, who surrounded the house and demanded a surrender. This was refused, and a fire opened on the attacking party, a brisk fight ensued, in which Cooper was wounded, one of his men killed, and another wounded. Barton was also wounded and taken, three of his men killed, and the other three taken.3
Hearing that Colonel Fenwick with a corps of dragoons was at Pocotaligo, Harden moved at once to surprise him, but Fenwick heard of Harden's approach and advanced to meet him. Harden attempted an ambuscade. As the advanced parties met he ordered his men to turn into the
1 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 50.
2 Ibid., 53. This date is fixed by notice in The Royal Gazette of April 11th. From date of Harden's letter (18th) it would appear to have been the 14th.
$ Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 54.
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woods, but unfortunately they went too far; and when he attempted to bring them back to an attack, they gave way before a charge of the enemy. Fenwick, however, did not pursue his advantage, but retreated, leaving one man killed, and having seven wounded, to which must be added two taken prisoner the next morning. Harden lost one man taken and two wounded.1 The Royal Gazette claimed that the Americans had lost fourteen killed and wounded and some horses.2 Harden fell back about ten miles and rested a few days, then rapidly crossing the Combahee or Salkehatchie, as the river is here called, he marched upon Fort Balfour at Pocotaligo, which he came in sight of at twelve o'clock on Friday, the 13th. At once posting his men, he sent ten of the best mounted to draw out the garrison. It happened that just at this time Colonel Fenwick and Colonel Lechmere, another British militia officer, were visiting their hospitals at Vanbiber's house, a short distance from the redoubt. Harden's party surprised and took them prisoners with seven dragoons. Having thus secured the principal officers of the garrison, Captain Harden was sent to demand the surrender of the fort. This Colonel Kelsell, who was now in command, refused, saying that he would not give it up. A second demand was sent with a message that if he was obliged to storm the post he would give no quarter. Colonel Kelsell desired half an hour to consider and Harden allowed him twenty minutes; at the expiration of which the fort sur- rendered upon terms. In two hours the fort was given up. The garrison, consisting of one militia colonel, one major, three captains, three lieutenants, and sixty privates, and one lieutenant and twenty-two dragoons, marched out and piled their arms outside of the abatis ;
1 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 54.
2 The Royal Gazette, April 11, 1789.
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Harden and his party marched in and took possession. That night and the next day they destroyed the fort, as they had received intelligence of a relief for the garrison coming from Charlestown.1 This proved to be true. Colonel Ballingall with 100 of the Seventy-first, 30 High- landers, and about 40 militia soon made his appearance. Harden did not consider himself strong enough to give battle to this force, as he had detached Captain Barton with a party in pursuit of some boats going up the Savannah to Augusta. Harden had thus secured 100 prisoners with their arms, and the horses of the dragoons, and had destroyed a British post without the loss of a man. In a week's operation, with a party originally but 100 strong, Harden had broken into the enemy's lines in the rear of Charles- town and had in four engagements killed, wounded, and taken prisoners of the enemy as many as he had in his own ranks. Harden reported to Marion that the enemy had left Pocotaligo and were then lying at Blake's plantation, he supposed, for some of the Tories to join them. He hoped, however, that but few would do so, as he had been among them and they had all taken to the swamp. He proposed to move off southwardly. He writes again : -
" The men about Pon Pon are the backwardest, though when I first went there I learned they were all to be in arms only waiting till they could send a man to you for commissions, when they were to turn out. I beg you will send some immediately with your orders, it seems they wait for Colonel Hayne's and he says he can't act without a commis- sion, and is sure if he turns out at least two hundred will join him. If so I am very sure that this part of the country can be held." 2
He closes his letter with reporting he had not yet heard from General Pickens.
1 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 54; The Royal Gazette, April 14, 1781.
2 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 53, 55.
1
CHAPTER VI
1781
SINCE the 1st of January, 1781, the volunteer partisan bands of South Carolina under Sumter, Marion, Pickens, and Harden had now added twenty-six more engagements to the list of twenty-six they had fought in 1780.1 In eight of these affairs the reported casualties among the British and Tories amounted to 340, and in the five in which the numbers are given, the Americans lost but 53. In those affairs in which there are no reports of casu- alties on the British side, there was some of the hardest fighting, as in Watson's engagements at Mount Hope and Black River. There can be little doubt, therefore, that the . loss inflicted upon the enemy in the year 1781, up to this time, amounted to something over 500. And it may be as safe to compute the loss of the partisan bands at 200. So that in the fifty-two battles, great and small, which these volunteer soldiers in South Carolina had fought in the ten months from the fall of Charlestown, they had killed, wounded, and taken prisoners of the enemy at least 3000, at a loss to themselves of about 1000. Between Lord Rawdon, at Camden, on the frontier, as it was termed, and Balfour's command at Charlestown, Sumter, Marion, and Harden had worked up the whole country from the Pee Dee across the Santee, and Congaree to the Savannah - from the Waxhaws to Beaufort; and now Pickens was
1 See Tables of Engagements in 1780, History of So. Ca. in the Revolu- tion, 1775-80 (McCrady), 850-853.
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hastening to bring into the field the increasing friends to the American cause in Ninety Six. But far beyond the achievements which these numbers indicate, these volunteer soldiers, with the assistance of their brethren from North Carolina on the one side and Georgia on the other, had accomplished much for the cause of freedom against the invaders. They had, as has been shown, by their own unaided efforts broken up the plans of the enemy, and disconcerted their schemes of campaign for the whole country. The advantages of their uprising had not been confined to South Carolina, or even to the South. It is not presumptuous to say they had done much to save Washington's army from destruction in the time of its weakness, and to render Yorktown possible.
But notwithstanding their unselfish heroism and the es- sential services they had rendered to the country at large, the conviction was growing even among their own leaders, and the most patriotic of themselves, that this system of warfare could no longer be relied upon, nor indeed could it longer be endured. From its very nature it was pro- ductive of great evils. Fighting without pay, clothing, or provisions furnished by a government of any kind, their necessities engendered irregularities in the best of their or- ganizations. Serving as volunteer militia, it was impossible to preserve any more discipline than their patriotism would impose upon them. Coming and going from their homes to the battle-field, compelled to be caring for their families, as well as providing for their own wants, fighting to-day and ploughing to-morrow, not even their patriotism could afford the discipline necessary to an army. Then, be- yond these evils, which afflicted the virtuous and the true, there was the still greater evil that the means of sup- plying the necessities of the good soldier opened the door to the rapacity and cruelty of the evil. There came with
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the true patriots a host of false friends and plunderers. And this was true of both sides in this terrible struggle. The outlaw Whig and the outlaw Tory, or rather the outlaws who were pretended Whigs or Tories, as the occa- sion served, were laying waste the country almost as much as those who were fighting for the one side or the other.
There was no civil government in the State beyond the precinct of the British Intendant and Board of Police in Charlestown, and they administered a military rule.1 Gov- ernor Rutledge, embodying in himself all that remained of the civil power and authority under the new State constitu- tion, wisely and properly remained beyond the limits of immediate danger of capture. He had come from Phila- delphia with Gates in the hope that the Continental army would restore at least a part of the State to his government, and when that hope was frustrated by the defeat at Camden, he had retired to Hillsboro, there counselling with the authorities of North Carolina and the Congress. Then he had come to Charlotte with Greene, from which point he was in close communication with Sumter and Marion.
On the 8th of March the Governor wrote to Sumter from the camp on Haw River, North Carolina : -
"The present situation of affairs rendering it impracticable for me to return immediately into So. Carolina, not seeing any prospect of being able to go thither very soon, and it being impossible if we sd penetrate that country to reestablish the civil government for some time; & my remaining here being of no service to our State, I have determined to set off in a few days for Philadelphia with a view of procuring if possible some supplies of clothing for our militia (whose distress for want of it give me the greatest concern) and of obtaining such effec- tual aid as may soon restore both Che Town & and the country to our
1 This court, established by military authority, assumed civil jurisdic- tion ; but after the Revolution it was repeatedly adjudged an illegal body, and all acts under its authority void. - Brisbane v. Lestarjette, 1 Bay's Reports, 113.
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possession - my utmost endeavor for these purposes shall be exerted, & I flatter myself that I may succeed by personal application - I am persuaded of your utmost attention & that you will pursue such meas- ures as may be most serviceable to the State, & I doubt not that Gen1 Marion (to whom I have wrote) & Gen1 Pickens (to whom I have spoke on the subject) will forward your views to the utmost of their power - I shall be glad to hear from you under cover to Gen1 Greene when any material occurrence offers, & shall write to you under cover to him when I have any material to communicate."
He promised to send blank commissions as soon as he could procure them, and in the meanwhile he authorized Sumter to give brevets, and " in order," he wrote, " that you may carry sufficient authority over the several officers of your brigade you may remove any of them and appoint others in their stead, from time to time, as you think proper."1 His Excellency wrote a similar letter to General Marion, indeed almost in the same words. In the letter to Marion he adds : -
"I am persuaded of the continuance of your utmost attention, and hope you will cultivate a good understanding with Gen'ls Sumter and Pickens, and do everything in your power to forward the former's views, and shall be glad to hear from you when anything material offers, under cover, to him," etc.2
Governor Rutledge had probably some good reason for thus carefully enjoining the line of precedence and com- munications among his generals, and urging a cordial co- operation between them, for Marion does not appear to have been anxious to subordinate his movements to the direction of Sumter. The latter had made strenuous efforts and earnest appeals to Marion for counsel and co- operation. From his camp at Friday's Ferry, on the 20th of February, he had written to Marion, " If you can with propriety advance southward so as to cooperate or corre-
1 Sumter MSS.
2 Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 1781-82, 32.
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spond with me it might have the best of consequences."1 Again on the 28th he had written : -
"Nothing can at this time be more essentially necessary to the interest of this country than to form a well-regulated army in the interior part of this State, while the enemy's principal force is so far removed. I hope it will not interfere with any plan that you have laid to come this way. From the idea I have of the state of things in this quarter I think it expedient for you to proceed to this place. I shall wait impatiently for the happiness of an interview with you." 2
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