USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1780-1783 > Part 31
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One better qualified for the duties of this mission than the American commissary could not have been selected. He was liberal in all his ideas, and where reason would justify concession, willing to yield and conciliate; but against the encroachments of arrogance and injustice, firm as adamant.
The British, appreciating the great advantage which they had in the character and influence of many of the individuals within their power, were little disposed to lib- erate them, and so to encounter the effect of their return to their compatriots. Especially was this the case in re- gard to the exiles at St. Augustine, and those in the prison ships in the harbor. These latter Major Hyrne was in the constant habit of visiting, and at last informed them that his efforts to relieve them would, according to appear- ances, prove altogether abortive; and that they must en- deavor to support with patience and fortitude the evils they were destined to endure. But one hope remains, he added, of bringing the business to a happy conclusion, and that should be made without delay.
1 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 198, 200.
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The British officers who had been captured by Sumter, Marion, and Lee had all been paroled and allowed to re- turn to Charlestown. Of these there were a very consid- erable number, and they all were enjoying the comforts and society of the town; while our officers were confined, some to narrow limits at Haddrell's Point, without society, and with scarcely the means of support, others to the hor- rors of the prison ships, while the civil prisoners were exiles far away. Returning to his quarters, Major Hyrne ad- dressed a note to every British officer in the town enjoying the benefit of a parole, desiring that preparation should be made to accompany him immediately to the American camp, as every effort to accomplish an exchange had proved fruitless. It could not be expected that liberty should be longer granted to them while men of the first character and highest respectability in the State were subjected to all the miseries and inconveniences of the most rigorous confinement.
The effect of this notice was instantaneously perceptible. The doors of the commandant were besieged by petitioners, many of high rank and powerful connection, soliciting him to relinquish his opinions, and by relaxing in due season his severity, save them from the horrors and destruction which they deemed inevitable should they be compelled in the month of June to remove into the sickly interior coun- try. The clamorous and reiterated remonstrances of these officers could not be resisted; the dictates of policy yielded before them. The terms of exchange were speedily ad- justed.1 On the 22d of June Major Hyrne and Major Fraser, the commissaries, gave notice that in pursuance of power delegated to them to carry into execution the articles of cartel made on the 3d of May, they had agreed "that all
1 Garden's Anecdotes, 407, 408 ; Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 200.
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the militia, prisoners of war, citizens of America taken by the British arms in the Southern Department from the commencement of the present war to the 15th day of this present month of June, shall be immediately exchanged for all the militia, prisoners of war, subjects of Great Britain taken by the American army in the said department within the above-mentioned term." 1
There is no allusion, it will be observed, in this agreement as to the regulars on either side. These, it is to be supposed, were regarded as coming under the general terms of the cartel itself. It is further to be observed that the ex- change was only provided for those taken prior to the 15th of June. One cause of delay in the execution of this agreement was that the British insisted upon excepting from the cartel five individuals, three of whom, Captain Postell, Messrs. Smith and Skirving, like Pickens, Hampton, and Hayne, had resumed their arms after having been paroled and taken protection. Who the others were is not known. Postell's case was by the consent of the commissaries referred to General Greene, but he does not appear ever to have been released.2
Notice of the exchange was immediately sent to St. Augustine, where it was received on the 7th of July. It is time, therefore, to recur to the exiles there, and to inquire how they had fared in the ten months of their imprisonment at that distant place.
1 Gibbes's Doc. Hist. (1781-82), 122, 123 ; The Royal Gazette, June 29, 1781.
2 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 201; Gibbes's Documentary Hist. (1781-82), 128 ; James's Life of Marion, 113.
CHAPTER XVI
1781
UPON the capitulation of Charlestown in May, 1780, a military government had been established by the British. A commandant was appointed to superintend the affairs of the province. His powers, says Ramsay, were as undefined as those of the American committees, which took place in the early stages of the dispute between Great Britain and America, while the Royal governments were suspended and before the popular establishments were reduced to system. To soften the rigid and forbid- ding aspect of this new mode of administration and as far as possible to temper it with the semblance of civil authority, a Board of Police for the summary determination of dis- putes was instituted. James Simpson, the attorney- general at the breaking out of the Revolution, - one of those who had refused to sign the Association when ordered by the General Committee in July, 1775, and con- sequently had been compelled to leave the province, - had returned and was put at the head of the board as Inten- dant. One of the first measures of this board was the preparation of a table ascertaining the depreciation of the paper currency at different periods, from which the friends of the Royal government who had sustained losses by paper payments were induced to hope for reimbursement.1
1 Ramsay's Revolution in So. Ca., vol. II, 261, 263 ; Hist. of So. Ca. in the Revolution, 1775-80 (McCrady), 226, 228.
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This measure, observes the author from whom we quote, though just in itself, was productive of unexpected and serious consequences, fatal to the reviving fondness for the Royal interest. Among the new-made British subjects many were found who had been great gainers by the depre- ciation of the American bills of credit. These, when a second payment of their old debts was proposed, by this scheme, were filled with astonishment and dismay. From the circumstances of the country a compliance with it was to the most opulent extremely inconvenient, and to the multitudes absolutely impracticable. The paper currency, before the reduction of Charlestown, had supplanted the use of gold and silver and banished them from circulation. The ravages of war had desolated the country and deprived the inhabitants of the means of payment. Creditors
became clamorous from their long arrears of interest, and debtors had either lost their property or could not exchange it for one-half of its value. Many suits were brought and great numbers ruined. The distresses of the reclaimed subjects within the British lines were in many instances greater than those of their unsubdued countrymen who had forsaken all in the cause of liberty. Then, when the Americans had recovered possession of a considerable part of the State, it began to be feared that upon their ultimate success the proceedings of the board would be reversed. This redoubled their difficulties. Creditors became more pressing, and at the same time the increasing uncertainty of British titles induced a depreciation of real property not far behind that of the American paper currency. Fear and inter- est, says Ramsay, had brought many of their new subjects to the British standard; but in consequence of the plans they adopted in a little time both these powerful motives of human actions drew in an opposite direction. The Ameri- cans pursued a different line of conduct. In every period
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of the contest they sacrificed the few creditors to the many debtors. The true Whigs who suffered on this score consoled themselves with the idea that their coun- try's good required it, and that this was the price of independence. A disposition to suffer in behalf of the Royal interest was not so visible among the professed adherents to British government. That immediate justice might be done to a few great distress was brought on many, and the cause of his Britannic Majesty injured be- yond reparation.1
General Patterson, as has appeared, had been the first commandant at Charlestown. Upon his removal from the province Lieutenant-Colonel Nisbet Balfour, who at first had been sent to the command of the District of Ninety Six, was recalled to Charlestown and placed in command there. Of the character and services of this officer we have before spoken.2 Between himself and Lord Rawdon there was no good will. He established his headquarters in the house of Miles Brewton, the same in which Josiah Quincy had been entertained in 1773, as related in a former volume ; 3 and there, it was said of him, in the exer- cise of his new office, he displayed all the frivolous self- importance and insolence which are natural to little minds when puffed up by sudden elevation, and employed in functions to which their abilities are not equal. By the subversion of every form of the popular government, which had been set up without any proper civil establish- ment in its place, he with a few coadjutors assumed and exercised legislative, judicial, and executive powers over citizens in the same manner as over the common soldiery under their command. A series of proclamations and
1 Ramsay, supra.
2 Hist. of So. Ca. in the Revolution (McCrady), 715.
8 Hist. of So. Ca. under Roy. Gov. (McCrady), 706.
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orders were issued, not only in violation of the terms of capitulation of the city, but as little in accord with the principles of the British constitution as of those of justice, equity, and humanity. Upon the surrender of the city it had been stipulated, it will be remembered, that the militia should be regarded as prisoners upon parole, which parole, so long as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their property by the British troops. The spirit and intent of this stipulation unquestionably was that as long as the prisoners observed their paroles they might pursue their business and avocations, and be protected in so doing in their property. But, presumably, now drawing a distinction between one's property and one's calling or business, Balfour, as we have seen, now ordered that no paroled prisoner should be allowed to work at any trade or profession for the support of himself or his family. A more iniquitous measure can scarcely be conceived. Prisoners on parole confined to the town were thus denied the right to make a living in the town, unless they would forswear the cause and return to the allegiance of the king. For light offences and upon partial and insufficient information citizens were arrested and confined without trial of any kind.
The middle part of the cellar under the Exchange-now the old post-office in Charleston-was the place chosen for the imprisonment of those arrested. It was called the pro- vost. The dampness of this unwholesome place, without any means of warming its temperature, caused great sickness and suffering and some deaths among those confined within its walls. It was in this place that the citizens arrested in August, 1780, and sent to St. Augustine, were first con- fined. Citizens marched from distant parts of the interior in irons were thrown into this prison. Among these were Colonel Starke, Colonel Beard, Captain Moore, and Mr
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Pritchard.1 So, too, were here confined Major Peter Boc- quet, Samuel Legare, Jonathan Sarrazin, Henry Peronneau, and Daniel Stevens. Not only men, but women also were indiscriminately cast into this place. Among these, two young ladies of most excellent character and respect- able connections, on a groundless suspicion of giving in- telligence to the Americans, were for a short time subjected to the same indignity. These were crowded, together with the sick laboring under contagious diseases, with negroes, deserters, women of infamous character, to the number of fifty-six, within narrow limits. So little regard was paid to decency that the calls of nature could not be satisfied but in the open view of both sexes promiscuously collected in one apartment. The American state prisoner and the British felon shared the same fate. The former, though for the most part charged with nothing more than an active execution of the laws of the State, or having spoken words disrespectful or injurious to the British officers or government, or of corresponding with the Americans, suf- fered indignities and distresses in common with those who were accused of crimes tending to subvert the peace and existence of society. Such was the administration of police by Lieutenant-Colonel Balfour. His conduct on the whole tended greatly to strengthen the Whig interest and to diminish the number of Royalists.2
Far from subduing the spirit of those whose circum- 1 Ramsay's Revolution in So. Ca., vol. II, 264. Colonel Robert Starke, who had commanded the lower regiment of militia in the fork of Saluda and Broad rivers. (See Hist. of So. Ca. in the Revolution, 1775-80 [McCrady ], 123.) There were two other Starkes, or Starks, who fought in the Revolution under Sumter, Captain John Starke and a lad, Robert Starke. Johnson's Traditions, 502, 503. Colonel Jonas Beard, who had succeeded Colonel Starke in command of his regiment. James Pritchard had been sheriff of Ninety Six District.
2 Moultrie's Memoirs, vol. II, 301-302 ; Ramsay's Revolution, 261, 265 ; Gibbes's Documentary Hist., 121.
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stances had compelled their remaining in the town, Bal- four's treatment but strengthened them in the cause of freedom. This was especially the case with the women. In this crisis of danger to the liberties of America, says Ramsay, the ladies of South Carolina conducted them- selves with more than Spartan magnanimity. They gloried in the appellation of rebel ladies ; and though they with- stood repeated solicitation to grace public entertainments, yet they crowded on board prison ships and other places of confinement to solace their suffering countrymen. While the conquerors were regaling themselves at concerts and assemblies, they could obtain very few of the fair sex to associate with them; but no sooner was an American officer introduced as a prisoner than his company was sought for and his person treated with every possible mark of attention and respect. On other occasions the ladies in a great measure retired from the public eye, wept over the distresses of their country, and gave every proof of the warmest attachments to its suffering cause. In the height of the British conquests, when poverty and ruin seemed the unavoidable portion of every adherent to the independence of America, the ladies in general dis- covered more firmness than the men. Many of them, like guardian angels, preserved their husbands from falling in the hour of temptation when interests and convenience had almost got the better of honor and patriotism. Among the numbers who were banished from their families and whose property was seized by the conquerors many ex- amples could be produced of ladies parting cheerfully with their sons, husbands, and brothers, exhorting them to forti- tude and perseverance; and repeatedly entreating them never to suffer family attachments to interfere with the duty they owed to their country. When in the progress of the war they were also comprehended under a general sentence
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of banishment, with equal resolution, they parted with their native country and the many endearments of home, - fol- lowed these husbands into prison ships and distant lands, where, though they had long been in the habit of giving, they were reduced to the necessity of receiving charity. They renounced the present gratification of wealth and the future prospects of fortunes for their growing offspring, adopted every scheme of economy, and, though born to affluence and habituated to attendance, betook themselves to hard labor.1 The foreign historian, Botta, concludes a paraphrase of this passage from Ramsay with the obser- vation that to this heroism of the women of Carolina is principally to be imputed that the love and even the name of liberty were not totally extinguished in the Southern provinces.2
The exiles in St. Augustine, though with the exception of Christopher Gadsden, who was still immured in the dun- geon, because of his refusal to give another parole, and for a part of the time also of Jacob Read, for some alleged offence, upon their paroles were allowed some freedom, but within very narrow limits, in the inner square of the town. They were obliged to attend roll-calls twice a day at the State House. Their correspondence which they were allowed to carry on with their friends and families in Carolina had all to pass under the eye and examination of the commandant of the garrison. The inhabitants of the town were advised by the military authorities to have no communication with them, which advice, coming from the source it did, was scarcely less than an order, and was so regarded and obeyed. Soldiers were forbidden to associ- ate with them under penalty of court-martial. The lieu-
1 Ramsay's Revolution in So. Ca., vol. II, 123, 125.
2 Botta's History of the Independence of the U.S. of Am., vol. II, 261, 262. -
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tenant-governor of East Florida, John Moultrie, the brother of General Moultrie, though closely connected with some of the prisoners, and doubtless well known to most of them, kept himself aloof. The fourth Sunday after their arrival the different messes met together for religious worship, and Mr. James Hamden Thomson, the schoolmaster, read some prayers from the Book of Common Prayer of the Church of England, and a sermon from a printed collection, no way relating to their present position. The next Sunday the Rev. Mr. Lewis delivered a very moving discourse, it is said, of his own from the text, "If I am bereaved of my children, I am bereaved." These services it was proposed to continue every Sunday; but on the following Friday evening Mr. Brown, the commissary of prisoners, informed the gentlemen that the governor had taken offence at their having public worship, and that it was his pleasure they should discontinue it in the future. This they re- fused to do unless prohibited in writing. Upon this Gov- ernor Tonyn wrote to Mr. Brown, the commissary, that having been informed that the rebel prisoners, forgetful of their parole, had very improperly held private meetings for the purpose of performing divine service agreeable to their rebellious principles, and as such proceedings were thought highly injurious to his Majesty's government, and of a seditious tendency, and an infringement of their pledge of honor, he desired the commissary to acquaint them that such meetings would not be allowed, that seats would be provided for their reception in the parish church, where it was expected that they would observe the utmost decency. The commissary was also directed to say that messages delivered by him were of sufficient authenticity ; that it was in compliance with his request only that the governor condescended to write this letter. The exiles were then put in the position of having to
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forego all religious services or joining in the prayer for his Majesty the king, and against their own cause.
But upon the whole, as matters usually go with pris- oners, they had little cause of complaint beyond the fact that they were deprived of their liberty and exiled from their families and homes. The commissary of prisoners, Mr. William Brown, a Scotchman by birth, was an up- right, honorable king's man, faithful to his Majesty, but ever kind and indulgent to the prisoners under his care as far as was consistent with his duty. When entire satis- faction could not be afforded, he would soothe their feel- ings and console them in a friendly and gentlemanly manner.1 The messes into which they were divided were furnished with rations. Their servants whom they were allowed to retain were permitted to fish for their subsistence ; and they were allowed to purchase other supplies in Charlestown, where they had agents for the purpose, who shipped the goods to them. The men- tion of a few items from one of the orders to the agent of one of the messes will indicate that their living at first was by no means that of anchorites. " Hhª of Old Jamaica Rum, divided into 2 or more small casks, &c., to be packed up in Rice Barrils among corn &c." "A quarter Pipe Port wine," "8 dozen Fowls full grown and as many lay- ing hens among them as possible." "Two gross Fresh Laid Eggs to be packed up in Fine Salt." "A Cheshire Cheese," " 6 Quart bottle Sweet oil." " A case of 5 gallons French Brandy." "12 Packs Playing cards." "Fish Hooks, &ct., &ct." 2 The order amounted to £85 sterling, to be paid by their friends and families in Charlestown.
But all this was very much changed before their release. Their estates were confiscated under the orders elsewhere mentioned, and their families and friends at home had no
1 Johnson's Traditions, p. 321. 2 Diary (MS.) of Josiah Smith, Jr.
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means with which to supply their necessities, still less their luxuries.
By the spring of 1781 the condition of the exiles had changed very much for the worse, the sequestration of their estates had cut off supplies from home, and deprived them of the means of paying for the lodgings they had been allowed to have for themselves at great expense. Upon the arrival, therefore, of Colonel Allured Clarke, the Commandant-in-chief of the provinces of Georgia and East Florida, with reinforcements, under an expectation of an invasion of the Spaniards, the exiles memorialized him, stating their inability longer to pay for their lodgings, - that they had been informed by the commandant of Charlestown, both previous to their removal, and since their arrival, that they should be supplied with full ra- tions ; but those received were found to be insufficient, not only for their comfortable, but even necessary, support, and submitting to him whether from this state of matters they might not reasonably expect to be accommodated with quarters and competent supplies. They represented that the paroles given were effectual ties upon their honor without the annoyance of daily roll-calls, and asked for an extension of their limits. This application was partly answered by a permit to any ten of them to fish daily upon the river within certain limits at any time between gun-fire in the morning and four o'clock in the afternoon.
The information of the execution on the 3d of May of the cartel for a general exchange of all prisoners had reached St. Augustine, and the exiles were all in hopes of a speedy release, when on the 5th of July they received an order to prepare themselves to march to the St. John River, where they would be provided with boats to take them to Savannah. Great consternation was caused by this order. The exiles met and again memorialized the
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commandant, now Colonel Glazier, to consider the distress the execution of such an order must necessarily involve - that many among them were aged and infirm, and all since their captivity more or less enervated by an inactive and sedentary life, that in such circumstances a fatiguing march in that sultry season, through a wilderness desti- tute of every accommodation, even of water, and now to be confined for near a fortnight on small boats exposed to every inclemency of the weather, would be attended with fatal consequences to many.
To this memorial no other answer was given than a verbal declaration of the commissary, that as official orders might be on board a man-of-war then off the bar, the commandant deferred their journey until such orders should come to his hands. Early Saturday, the 7th, sig- nals were hung out that several vessels were in sight, but the winds being contrary they did not get up to the town until Sunday evening, when, to the great joy of the exiles, they brought the intelligence of the exchange agreed upon on the 22d of June.1 But the joy at the prospect of their near release was greatly embittered when, upon receiving The Royal Gazette of the 27th, they found published therein the following order by Colonel Balfour : --
" As many persons lately exchanged as prisoners of war and others who have long chose to reside in the colonies now in rebellion, have notwithstanding (such there absence) wives and families still remain- ing here the weight of which on all accounts is equally impolitick as inconsistent should longer be suffered to rest on the government estab- lished here and the resources of it:
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