USA > South Carolina > The history of South Carolina in the Revolution, 1780-1783 > Part 38
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opportunity of dealing a telling blow was missed, and Lee did not escape animadversion because of its loss.
Major Majoribanks was still standing firmly in the thicket on the right, and the original British line extend- ing considerably beyond the American left, as the opposite wing of the British gave way the two armies were swung round as it were upon the British extreme right as a pivot. General Greene saw that Majoribanks must be dislodged at every hazard, and orders were despatched to Washing- ton, who, it will be remembered, was in reserve, to push into the interval between the British and the creek and turn Majoribanks's right. Washington at once made the effort. Without waiting for Hampton, who was ordered to cooperate with him, he galloped through the woods and was soon in action. Colonel Hampton on receiving his orders also hastened to the scene of action, and making for the creek, endeavored to come in on Washington's left; before he got up Washington attempted a charge on Majoribanks's front, but it was impossible for his cavalry to penetrate the thicket. Failing in this, Washington turned to the left, endeavoring with Hampton to get into the interval between Majoribanks and the creek ; but in doing so he exposed his flank to the enemy, who by a well-directed and deadly fire brought to the ground Washington him- self, many of the men and horses, and all of his officers -- except two. The survivors of Washington's command rallied under Lieutenant Gordon and Cornet Simons, and united themselves to Hampton, who again led them to the charge upon Majoribanks, but without success. Kirk- th ca
wood had, however, come up with his veteran Delawares and rushed furiously to avenge their comrades of the cavalry, with whom they had so often served. They were more successful and pushed Majoribanks somewhat back, but he still clung to the thickets, while conforming his
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line to that of the left, which was still swinging back upon the settlement. Having at last to let go the thickets, he formed a new line with his rear to the creek, and his left on the palisaded garden.
The retreat of the British army lay directly through their encampment, where the tents were all standing, and unfortunately presented many objects of temptation to the thirsty, naked, and fatigued. Nor was the concealment afforded by the tents at this time a trivial consideration, for the fire of Sheridan's New Yorkers from the windows was galling and destructive, and no cover from it was any- where to be found except among the tents or behind a building to the left of the front of the house. The old story was repeated. The American line was soon in irretrievable confusion. When their officers proceeded beyond the encampment, they found themselves nearly abandoned by their soldiers, and the sole marks for the party who now poured their fire from the windows of the house. The infantry of the Legion appears to have been the only body which was not thus disorganized. Being far on the American right, it had directed its movements with a view to secure the advantage of being covered by the barn. The narrow escape of the British army is sufficiently attested by the fact that the corps was very near entering the house pellmell with the fugitives. It was only by closing the door in the face of some of their own officers and men that it was prevented; and in retiring from the fire of the house, the prisoners taken at the door were interposed as a shield to the lives of their captors.1
The demoralization of the American army was now com- plete. The fire from the house showered down destruction upon the American officers; and the men, unconscious or 1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 230.
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unmindful of consequences, perhaps thinking the victory secure, and bent on the immediate fruition of its advan- tages, dispersed among the tents, feasted upon liquors and refreshments they afforded, and became utterly unmanage- able. Majoribanks and Coffin, watchful of every advan- tage, now made simultaneous movements, the former from his left, and the latter from the wood on the right of the American line. General Greene, says Johnson, soon perceived the evil that threatened him, and not doubting but his infantry, of whose disorderly conduct he was not yet aware, would immediately dispose of Majoribanks, despatched Captain Pendleton with orders for the Legion cavalry to fall upon Coffin and repulse him. What took place is thus reported by that officer : " When Coffin's cavalry came out General Greene sent me to Colonel Lee with orders to attack him. When I went to the corps Lee was not there, and the order was delivered to Major Egleston, the next in command, who made the attack with- out success.
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" The truth is," he adds, "Colonel Lee was very little, if at all, with his own corps after the enemy fled. He took some dragoons with him as I was informed and rode about the field, giving orders and directions in a manner the General did not approve of. General Greene was apparently disappointed when I informed him Colonel Lee was not with his cavalry and that I had delivered the order to Major Egleston." 1
General Greene now realized the extent of his misfor- tune, and ordered a retreat. But Coffin, who had repulsed the Legion cavalry, was not disposed to allow the Ameri- cans to retire without inflicting upon them a final blow. to
He hastened on to charge their rear, now dispersed among fa of an
their tents. Hampton fortunately was on hand. He 1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 230.
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had been ordered up the road to cover the retreat, and now, coming up, charged upon Coffin with vigor. Coffin met him with firmness, and a sharp conflict, hand-to-hand, was for a while maintained. But Coffin was obliged to retire, and in the ardor of pursuit the American cavalry ap- proached so near Majoribanks and the picketed garden as to receive from them a fatally destructive fire. Colonel Hampton, nevertheless, rallied his men, and resumed his station in the border of the wood. But before this could be effected, Majoribanks had taken advantage of the open- ing made by his fire, to perform another gallant action, which was decisive of the fortune of the day.
The artillery of the second line had followed on as rapidly as it could upon the pursuit, and, together with two six-pounders abandoned by the enemy in their flight, had been brought up to batter the house. Unfortunately, in the ardor to do this, the pieces had been run into the open field so near as to be commanded by the fire from the house, and consequently drew all the fire from the windows upon the artillerists ; it killed or disabled nearly all of them. Majoribanks, as soon as disembarrassed of Hampton's cavalry, sallied into the field, seized the pieces, and hur- ried them under cover of the house. Then, being reën- forced by parties from the garden and the house, he charged among the Americans, now dispersed among the tents, and drove them before him. The American army, however, soon rallied after reaching the cover of the wood, and their enemy was too much crippled to venture beyond the cover of the house.
General Greene halted on the ground only long enough to collect his wounded, all of whom except those who had fallen under cover of the fire from the house he brought off ; and having made arrangements for burying the dead, and leaving a strong picket under Colonel Hampton in the
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field, he withdrew his army to Burdell's, seven miles distant. At no nearer point could water be found adequate to the comforts of the army.1
Both parties claimed on this occasion complete victory. But it is noticeable that the British commander begins his despatch with the announcement of victory, while the American reserves his claim to the conclusion of his report, rather as a deduction from the facts stated than as positive assertion of his own.
Colonel Stuart hastens, on the 9th, the day after the battle, to report to the Earl Cornwallis : -
" With particular satisfaction I have the honor to inform your lordship that on the 8th instant I was attacked by the rebel General Greene with all the force he could col- lect in this province and North Carolina, and after an obstinate engagement I totally defeated him and took two six-pounders." 2
General Greene was in no such haste to communicate the result of the action. He deferred his report to the Presi- dent of Congress, to the 11th, when, after a detail of his movements and of the incidents of the battle, he closes with the remark : -
"I think I owe the victory which I have gained to the brisk use the Virginians and Marylanders and one party of the infantry made of the bayonet. I cannot forbear praising the conduct and courage of all my troops." 3
The first and immediate results of the battle were clearly with the British, and Stuart's report doubtless expressed the opinion at the time, of all concerned, whether on the one side or the other. General Greene had broken up his camp, into which he had gone for the summer, for a sud-
1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 231.
2 Appendix to Tarleton's Campaigns, 508.
8 Ibid., 513.
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den and specific purpose, and that was to strike so crush- ing a blow upon the British power in South Carolina as would leave him free to meet and cut off Lord Cornwallis should he attempt to escape from Washington and the French troops in Virginia. For this purpose he had at last succeeded in gathering up all his forces, Continentals, State troops, militia, and volunteers, into one grand army, and for once arraying them all in line of battle. It was an imposing array for the times. Sumter was absent, suffering from his wound; and Huger, who had fought in every pitched battle in which the Continentals were engaged in the three Southern States from Fort Moultrie up to this time, was also away. But with these two exceptions, Greene had here collected around him all the great leaders of the war in the South. Huger's place was ably filled by that excellent officer, Colonel Otho H. Williams, of Mary- land, than whom no better soldier or braver man served in the war. There was Washington, the sturdy and dashing cavalryman, and Lee, brilliant and ambitious. Then there was Marion, fresh from one of his most effective partisan strikes, and Pickens, the hero of Cowpens, and Wade Hampton, already rivalling those who had been earlier in the field, and who, on this occasion, was to per- form the most signal service. With these he marched, as he persuaded himself, to certain victory. Against him was an untried officer who had yet to fight his first battle. But the battle was fought, and at night Greene found him- self collecting his shattered forces seven miles from the battle-field, with Hampton only standing picket between him and the enemy, who remained upon the ground the night after the action and the following day, with leisure to despatch from the battle-field itself a report of the vic- tory he had won.
Nevertheless, though General Greene had failed appar-
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ently of his purpose, the ultimate advantages were with the Americans, for while the losses were great on both sides, the waning power of the British could less afford the great loss of this bloody and hard-fought action.
Colonel Stuart's return of killed and wounded was 3 commissioned officers, 6 sergeants, 1 drummer, 75 rank and file, killed; total, 85 killed; 16 commissioned officers, 20 sergeants, 2 drummers, 313 rank and file, wounded; total, 351 wounded ; 15 sergeants, 8 drummers, 224 rank and file, missing ; total, 247 missing. In all 683.1
General Greene reported his loss: Continental Troops : killed, 1 lieutenant-colonel, 6 captains, 5 subalterns, 4 ser- geants, 98 rank and file ; total, 114 killed. Wounded, 2 lieutenant-colonels, 7 captains, 20 lieutenants, 24 sergeants, 209 rank and file, total, 262 wounded. Total, 376. 'State Troops and Militia : killed, 1 major, 4 subalterns, 4 ser- geants, 16 soldiers; total, 25 killed. Wounded, 3 lieu- tenant-colonels, 6 captains, 5 subalterns, 3 sergeants, 91 soldiers ; total, 108 wounded and 8 missing; total, 141. The whole loss of Greene's army was thus 517.2
1 Appendix to Tarleton's Campaigns, 513.
2 Ibid., 517, 518. Appended to the above tabular statement is another by Charles Thomson, secretary of the Continental Congress, giving the total of the killed and wounded and missing at 554.
Names of the Continental and militia commissioned officers killed and wounded in the action of Eutaw, the 8th of September, 1781, as given in Gibbes's Documentary Hist. (1781-82), 157, 158 : -
" Maryland Brigade, Captains Dobson and Edgerly, Lieutenants Dewall and Gould killed ; Lieut. Col. Howard, Captain Gibson, Capt. Lieut. Hugon, Lieutenants Ewing, Woolford, and Lynn, Ensign Moore wounded.
" Virginia Brigade, Lieut. Col. Campbell, Capt. Oldham, Lieut. Wilson killed ; Captains Edmonds and Morgan, Lieutenants Miller and Jowitt wounded.
" North Carolina Brigade, Captains Goodman, Goodwin, and Potter- field, Lieut. Dillon, killed ; Capt. Hadley, Lieutenants Dixon, Andrews, and Dudley, Ensigns Lamb and Moore wounded.
" South Carolina Line, Lieut. Col. Henderson wounded. Cavalry,
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Colonel Stuart admits a loss of 683, including only 247 missing. But to these, however, it is fair to add 70 of his wounded who fell into the Americans' hands when he fell back on the 10th. It is also fair to add, on the other hand, that while the official report above returns the missing of the Americans at 8 militia, the British claimed to have taken 60, and the Americans admitted a loss of 40.1
The loss in officers on both sides was very severe. Colonel Stuart was himself wounded, so that he was soon compelled to retire from his field, and Major Majoribanks fatally. He died on the march to Charlestown, and his tomb is still seen on the roadside where he expired and was buried:2
Lieut. Col. Washington wounded and prisoner of war; Capt. Watts, Lieutenants Gordon, Simons, King, and Steward, Mr. Carlisle, volunteer, killed. Artillery, Capt. Lieut. Finn wounded, Lieut. Carson wounded mortally, Lieut. Drew wounded, Lieut. McGurrie wounded and prisoner of war. Legion Infantry, Lieut. Manning wounded. Mr. Carrington, volunteer, wounded. O. H. Williams, D. A. G.
" South Carolina State Officers, Major Rutherford, Lieut. Polk, Adjutant Lush killed, Lieut. Col. Henderson commanding Brigade, Lieut. Col. Middleton, Captains Moore, Giles, N. Martin, and Cowan, Lieutenants Erskine, Culpeper, Hammond, and Spragins wounded.
" South Carolina Militia, Brig. Gen. Pickins, Lieut. Col. Horry, Cap- tains Gee, Pegee, Lieutenant Boon wounded. Lieutenants Holmes and Simons killed."
In the above list Washington's cavalry and Lee's Legion infantry are incorrectly credited to South Carolina. Lieutenant-Colonel Henderson, wounded, is twice mentioned, and so is Lieutenant Simons killed. The name of Lieutenant-Colonel Middleton should be spelled Mydelton.
1 Johnson's Life of Greene, Vol. II, 232.
2 Major Majoribanks (pronounced Marshbanks), by whom, in conjunc- tion with Sheridan, the British army was saved, lies buried on the Santee Canal Road, about half a mile below the chapel (Biggin Chapel ?) ; he was a brave and generous enemy, and on an old headboard the following inscription is still (1821) to be seen : "John Majoribanks Esq., late Major to the 19 regt. inf'y and commanding a flank bat'n of his Majesty's army, obiit. 22 October, 1781." - James's Life of Marion, 137.
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On the American side Colonel Campbell of Virginia fell as he was leading his men to the charge; and it is related of him that, drawing fast to his end, he inquired how the battle went, and being informed that the enemy were routed and flying, he exclaimed, "I die contented." Lieutenant John Simons was also among the slain. General Pickens, Colonels Washington, Howard, Henderson, Hugh Horry, and many others were also wounded. Sixty-one officers were killed or wounded, twenty-one of whom died on the field of battle.
General Greene had gone into this battle, as he had done into that of Hobkirk's Hill, confident not only of victory, but also of the surrender of the British army in the field.1 Upon what such an expectation could have been based it is difficult to conceive. The armies were, as at Hobkirk's Hill, very nearly equal, and the British all regulars or veterans. So, too, as usual, he was equally confident that, had not something unforeseen happened, he would have been entirely successful. To Washington he wrote, “ We obtained a complete victory, and had it not been for one of those incidents to which military operations are subject we should have taken the whole British army."2 The general was happily constituted. He was one of those who could always find plausible reasons why he did not succeed, and was thereby entirely consoled. At Guilford Court-house it was the North Carolina militia. At Hobkirk's Hill it was Gunby's fault, and Sumter's failing to join him. At Ninety Six it was Jefferson's fault in withholding the Virginia reën- forcements. And now it was " one of those incidents to which military operations are subject." The incident in this case happened to be the want of discipline in his Continentals, who broke their ranks to secure the spoils of the enemy's camp.
1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 233. 2 Ibid., 240.
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The heroes of this battle undoubtedly were Majoribanks, Sheridan, and Coffin on the one side, and Wade Hampton on the other. Majoribanks cut to pieces Washington as he was assailing the last point of resistance in the British line. Then, turning upon the disordered Americans among the tents, he routed them. Coffin it was who repulsed the Legion cavalry, and delivered the final blow upon the retreating Americans. It was Wade Hampton that finally pushed Majoribanks from his position in the thicket on the left; and it was he who alone interposed between Coffin and the retreating Americans as Majoribanks drove them from the field.
It admits of no doubt, said the Annual Register, in its account of the battle, that the conflict was exceedingly severe, and abounded with instances of the highest gal- lantry on both sides. The Americans were now inured to arms and danger ; and the provincial militia, who alone led on the attack in the first line, not only fought with all spirit, but with all the perseverance of old, well-tried soldiers.1
1 Annual Register, 1782, vol. XXV, 191.
CHAPTER XX
1781
IT was Greene's intention to have renewed the action the next day ; but Stuart, calling up McArthur from Fair Lawn, and leaving seventy of his wounded to the enemy, many of his dead unburied, breaking the stocks of one thousand stand of arms and casting them into the spring, and destroying his stores, retreated towards Fair Lawn. Upon this Greene turned back from Burdell's plantation, and followed him for some distance; but as Stuart contin- ued his retreat, Greene halted and detached Marion and Lee by a circuitous route to interpose between the two British forces. This, however, failed. So hurried was Stuart's retreat for fifteen miles that he brought his first division within a few miles of McArthur, coming to his aid before Marion and Lee reached Ferguson's Swamp, their point of destination. The British officers effected a junction, and Stuart halted at Wantoot, Mr. Daniel Rav- enel's plantation, twenty miles from Eutaw.1 On the day of the battle Greene had received intelligence by ex- press from Governor Burke of North Carolina, which for- bade him continuing longer south of the Santee than was necessary to ascertain whether his adversary would wait another attack; then, recrossing the Santee at Nelson's Ferry on the 12th, on the 15th he resumed his former
10. H. Williams's account, Gibbes's Documentary Hist. (1781-82), 156; Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 232; James's Life of Marion, 136.
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position on the benign Hills of Santee, as Lee called them, from which he indulged his literary propensity in com- municating with his friends at the North upon the battle, for which, with some reason, he now claimed the honor of victory.1 But, as usual, something had happened to mar his fortune. Writing to Lafayette amongst numerous others, he says, " We obtained a complete victory, and had it not been for one of those incidents to which military opera- tions are subject we should have taken the whole British army." We are left, says Johnson, his biographer, to con- jecture what this "incident" was to which he so often alludes, as the cause of his failure to capture the whole army.2 The intelligence which hastened his return to the north of the Santee was the renewal of the report that Lord Cornwallis was meditating a return to South Caro- lina. This intelligence was apparently confirmed by the movement of Colonel Stuart, who, collecting all the reën- forcements he could gather from below, strengthening his cavalry to the number of two hundred, had once more ad- vanced to the Eutaws, and was pushing the American detachments both up and down the Santee. Hampton above, and Marion below, were both obliged to return across the river.3
Governor Burke of North Carolina was exerting him- self to the utmost to meet the anticipated movement of Lord Cornwallis, when a most extraordinary event oc- curred. A band of Loyalists, not exceeding three hundred, headed by the celebrated partisan Hector McNeill, issuing from Wilmington, penetrated the country as high up as Hillsboro, and, seizing the Governor and some of his council and every Continental and militia officer in the place, made good their retreat to Wilmington, and from thence the Governor was immediately shipped to Charles- 1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 239. 2 Ibid., 240, 241. 8 Ibid., 243. VOL. IV. - 2 H
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town as a State prisoner. Lord Rawdon on his voyage to England had just fallen into the hands of the allies at sea about a fortnight before, and as his lordship had been men- tioned as a fit subject for retaliation for the execution of Hayne, and as the St. Augustine prisoners had been re- leased, it became necessary, it was said, to procure others.1 The capture of Governor Burke put into the hands of the British a hostage of sufficient importance to insure the life of Lord Rawdon.
The success of this adventure had the effect, not only of producing a great excitement among the Loyalists of the State generally, but especially in arousing into activity those on the Pee Dee, with whom, through Major Gainey, Marion and Horry had entered into treaty. These began to assemble again and to renew their ravages, and to harass the Whigs in every quarter. To quell this upris- ing, General Greene despatched General Sumner as soon as he received the intelligence of the Governor's capture, with instructions to promote and carry on the measures undertaken by that active governor, and to counteract the evil consequences of his capture.
In the meanwhile the condition of Colonel Stuart's wound caused him to leave the field and to turn over his command of the army to Major Doyle. Under this officer the British army returned to the Santee, and took post at Fludd's plantation, three miles from Nelson's Ferry. According to all the intelligence of the day, after all the reductions which it had sustained from battle and disease, the British army under Doyle consisted of two thousand men besides a detachment at hand of three hundred under Major McArthur at Fair Lawn. The Loyalists also who had retired with Lord Rawdon to Charlestown were re- quired with little discrimination to engage in active ser-
1 Johnson's Life of Greene, vol. II, 244.
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vice. Many of the lower and poorer order of these joined the Royal regiments; the more adventurous of them furnished very efficient bands of mounted infantry, which were sent out to harry and harass the Whigs. It was from this class that Major William Cuningham, Colonel Hezekiah Williams, and other partisan leaders in the Royal cause had raised their corps, with which, following the examples of Sumter and Marion, they penetrated be- hind the American lines ; but unlike Sumter and Marion, who conducted their warfare upon the most civilized rules, and with all humanity permissible in warfare, the Tory leaders not only carried fire and sword into the back coun- try, but, not content with their own atrocities, called in the Indians to inflict their barbarities upon their unfortu- nate countrymen.
The history of the notorious William Cuningham, whose cruelties have given him a name in the annals of his state as that of "Bloody Bill Cuningham," is interesting and instructive as illustrating the dreadful condition of affairs at this time, and their effect upon characters which other- wise might have developed peaceable citizens with no unkindly disposition.
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