History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884, Part 59

Author: Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas), 1843-1898. cn; Westcott, Thompson, 1820-1888, joint author
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L. H. Everts & Co.
Number of Pages: 992

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As soon as the club was organized it moved into the fine building northeast corner of Eleventh and Chestnut Streets, which it still occupies. At that time the president was John E. Addicks, who held that position until his death. M. Hall Stanton was vice- president, Henry C. Selby was secretary, and James N. Kerns treasurer. On Oct. 12, 1878, application was made for a charter by the following members, to whom it was granted : John E. Addicks, M. Hall Stanton, Henry C. Selby, James N. Kerns, and John Mccullough. These members at one time held all the property of the club in their own name, but afterward transferred it to the organization.

THE COMMONWEALTH CLUB, a Democratic organ- ization, and the UNITED REPUBLICAN CLUB occupy the southwest and northwest corners of Broad and Chestnut Streets respectively.

THE YOUNG REPUBLICANS' CLUB is at Twelfth and Chestnut Streets, and the PENNSYLVANIA CLUB, an independent political organization, on Walnut Street below Thirteenth.

THE SATURDAY CLUB, organized on Oct. 13, 1871, may be considered almost lineal in succession from the Wistar Parties and Wistar Club, established in the early part of the century. Its first president was Hon. Morton MeMichael ; George H. Boker, secre- tary. It succeeded the Union Club, which was founded in 1862, and continned during the civil war.

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AUTHORS AND LITERATURE OF PHILADELPHIA.

CHAPTER XXXV.

AUTHORS AND LITERATURE OF PHILADELPHIA.

THE development of the literature of Philadelphia has been to the author a very entertaining study. The simplicity of its original, the means of its pub- lication, the inspirations of its first ideas, contrasted with the excellent height to which it has attained, are things in the contemplation of which any person, whether he be a Philadelphian or not, who is fond of historical investigations, could not fail to become much interested. The school-master and the printer must begin this benign work, and it is amusing to consider the scale upon which these two plied their vocations in this early society. The name of Enoch Flower heads one list, that of William Bradford the other. The former would be unknown to fame but for a leaf in the journal of the Council in 1683, whereon appears a modest schedule of prices, which would seem to have put out of view of this wielder of the rod and ferule all prospect of great earthly riches. But children were not numerous, and their hands, when strong enough to wield an axe or hoe, or follow a plow and wagon horse, were thought to be more profitably employed in the forest or the field than in thumbing even the rudiments of any sort of lore. Mr. Enoch Flower, who is thought to have been a Wilt- shire man, had this entry on the Council journal :

" Tanth Month 26th, 1683, Eooch Flower nodertakea to taach school in tha towo of Philadelphia, on the following terms, vis. :

" To learn to read English, four shillings by the quarter; to write, six ahillinga by ditto; to read, write, and cast accounts, eight shillings by tha quartar; boarding a scholar, that is to say, diet, lodging, washing, aod schooling, tao pouoda for ona whole year."

This last sum, we observe, was half that of Dothe- boys Hall, in Yorkshire, and we must allow it to be possible that the rector, like Mr. Squeers, was wont to make some of his practical lessons available in domestic economy. Six years after this date the first public school, called "Friends' Public School," was begun. In 1697 this school had become considerable enough to be incorporated in a charter by Lieutenant- Governor Markham. Some distinguished names ap- pear in the petition for this purpose,-David Lloyd, Edward Shippen, Samuel Carpenter, Anthony Morris, James Fox, William Southbee, and John Jones. This action was confirmed by patents from William Penn in 1701, 1708, and 1711. This institution, the first of its kind, was entirely of Quaker origin, and was “ forever thereafter to consist of fifteen discreet and religious persons of the people called Quakers, by the name of the Overseers of the Public School, found in Phila- delphia, at the request, cost, and charges of the people called Quakers." In it the poor were to be taught without price. Already the side of the question of public against private schools, destined, it appears, never to be settled, was decided by these founders in favor of the former, as appears in the preamble of the amended charter of 1711 : " Whereas, The prosperity

and welfare of any people depend, in great measure, upon the good education of youth, and their early introduction in the principles of true religion and virtue, and qualifying them to serve their country and themselves, by breeding them in reading, writing, and learning of languages, and useful arts and sciences, suitable to their sex, age, and degree, which cannot be effected, in any manner, so well as by erecting public schools," etc. The words "sex, age, and de- gree," though so fitly spoken here, would be of little avail with founding of some later public institutions of the kind wherein the differences among all three of these conditions appear to be of little importance.

The first head-master was one destined to give trouble to the peaceful society that employed him, and finally, after involving them in many a dispute, abandon them, as so many others did afterward, and return to the English Church. George Keith, of Aberdeen, Scotland, lately of East Jersey, had a pro- vision quite ample, compared with Enoch Flower, who worked in his own small independent way. He was to have fifty pounds a year, to be increased to one hundred and twenty in two years, a house to live in, and the school profits. But his restless spirit was tired out with one year's service. He was ambitious to become known as founder of a new sect, which he called Christian Quakers. But he deserted them in a very short while, and after officiating as missionary clergyman of the English Church in Boston and New York, went to England, where he died rector of Edbar- ton Church, Sussex. A man of considerable gifts and culture was Keith. He published two works, “ New Theory of Longitude" and " Journal of Travels from New Hampshire to Caratuck." His continued repu- tation has depended upon that of William Bradford, who has become immortal in the defense of a great principle, which, however incredible it seems, re- quired a very long time to obtain recognition and acceptance. We shall speak of them in connection presently. For we should not omit entirely the men- tion of Thomas Makin, who, having been chief of the ushers during Keith's administration of the Friends' public school, became the head-master on his retire- ment. This person, if not of great, was of versatile talents, at least he was versatile in occupations. He served as clerk of the Provincial Council, and then, after a fashion, he was a poet, even a poet in Latin hexameter verse. We know not how judicious or how munificent James Logan may have been in his encouragement of the muse, but the bard, whether in his rôle of prothonotary or pedagogue, inscribed to him two poems, " Encomium Pennsylvania" and " In Laudes Pensilvania, Poema, seu Descriptio Pensilva- niæ," " both which," says Prond, " were found among James Logan's papers, many years after his decease." They seem to have been written chiefly for amuse- ment in his old age. As specimens of this last pro- duction in alternate hexameter aud pentameter, we give the opening and the closing four lines :

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HISTORY OF PHILADELPHIA.

" Hmc habet, et regio memoral ils nomen, habebit Auctior auctores tempos in omne ant ; Qui fuit illustre proavorum stemmate natus, Sul virtute magis nobilis ipse sua.

" Utilis est illi, si non opulenta supelle ; Res waplens omnes utilitate probat. O! mathi ei liceat sylvas habitare bentas, Et modico victu, non sine pace, frui."

This was written in 1729. But two poems, so styled, had been written in English, one by Richard Frame in 1692, printed by Bradford, entitled “ A Short Description of Pennsylvania ; or, a Relation of What Things are Known, Enjoyed, and Like to be Discovered in said Province;" the other "A True Relation of the Flourishing State of Pennsylvania," by John Holme, about 1696. This is not known to have been published until 1847. The author, like Keith, owes what fame he has obtained by his con- nection with William Bradford, being one of the judges that sat on the case that has made the defend- ant so renowned.

William Bradford, though not an author, yet is dis- tinguished as the first printer of the province, and the first to maintain, with heroic courage iu the midst of persecution and suffering, the freedom of the press. He was a native of Leicester, and when a young man emigrated to Pennsylvania, and was the first to settle upon the spot where Philadelphia was destined to be built. This has been supposed to be at Kensington, not far from the elm-tree beneath which William Penn treated with the Indians. He had learned the printer's trade in London. He had come over in 1682, but it was not until 1686 that he printed his first book, an almanac. The calculations for this work had been made by one Daniel Leeds, whose appella- tion on the title-page was " Student of Agriculture." This poor printer doubtless did not even dream of the renown that was to befall him and his small press from one of its carly endeavors to impart some noto- riety to another. George Keith's fiery temper and bold words were to be handled elsewhere besides on the tongues of the peaceful Quakers. It is amusing to read Robert Proud's account of the conduet of Keith in his vilifying "divers persons in the magis- traey, tending to subvert that absolutely necessary in- stitution and order in civil society ;" how "he called Thomas Lloyd, the Deputy Governor, who was ac- eounted a person of a mild temper and deportment, good sense, and unblemished character, an impudent man and a pitiful Governor, asking him why he did not send him to jail ! and telling him his back had long itched for a whipping ! and that he would print and expose them," etc. "And, besides, being much enraged, he had published several virulent pieces on several of the principal magistrates in their judicial enpacity, and thereby lessening the lawful authority of the magistrney in the view of the baser sort of people, who began thereupon to take greater liberties ; wherefore the said printers, William Bradford and

John MeComb, who had published it, were by a war- rant from five magistrates, viz.," etc. The historian evidently believed that the defendants suffered very lightly in comparison with the heinousness of their crime. William Penn was absent from the province during this trial. It had been by his invitation that Bradford had come to Pennsylvania, and he was much pained both by the prosecution and the notoriety im- parted to it, and so wrote in several letters from Eng- land.

Keith had already been condemned in a meeting of the Quakers for his utterances against the old faith, and was forbidden to attend and speak in their relig- ious meetings. Governor Lloyd and most of the Quaker magistrates were of this faction, which was in a decided majority. Bradford sided with Keith, and printed his pamphlets against what he styled "The Spiritual Court." John McComb's offense con- sisted in assisting, though in a very small way, in distributing them. It was evident that however tol- erantly inclined toward those of other faiths were the Quaker leaders, they wished, and they were deter- mined, if possible, to cut off or render harmless this turbulent faction among their own ranks, especially Keith and Bradford. The whole proceedings were entirely arbitrary. They seem ridiculous enough, and therefore less repulsive, because of the almost total want of the knowledge of judicial administration among those pious magistrates who were endeavoring to settle among themselves a family dispute, which, like all of its kind, was attended with peculiar acerb- ity. We give a few extracts from the report of this trial as we find it in the Register of Pennsylvania 1828) :

" Justice Cook. "What bold, impudent, and confident men are these, to stand thus confidently before the Court?'

" Bradford. "We are here only to desire that which is the right of every free-born English subject, which is speedy justice, and it is strange that that should be accounted impudence, and we impudent fellows, therefore, when we have spoke nothing but words of truth and sober- ness in requesting that which is our right, and which we went, it being greatly to our prejudice that we ere detained prisoners."

" Justice Cook. "If thou hadst been in England, thou would have had thy back lashad before now.'

" Bradford. 'I du not know wherein I have broke any law so as to Incur any such punishment.'

" Justice Jennings. 'Thou art very ignorant in the law. Does not thee know that every printer shall put Ins nama to the books he prints, or hie press is forfeited ?'

" Bradford. 'I know that there was such a law, and I know when It expired.'

". . . The prisoners continued to press for a trial.

" Justice Cook. 'A trial thou shalt have, and that to your cost, it may be.'

" Justice Jennings. ' A trial thou shalt have, but for some reason known to na, the Court defers it to the next Sessions, and that is the anawor we give, and no uther you shall have.'"

In the interim between the sessions the aceused were imprisoned, Bradford deprived of his printing utensils, and the license of McComb to trade revoked by the Governor. On reading the presentment at the second trial, Bradford, to the question of the clerk as to his guilt or innocence, responded,-

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"Bradford. 'In the first place, I desire to koow whether I am clear of the mittimus, which differs from the presentment.'"

This for a while seemed a poser for the court, as the mittimus and presentment plainly differed. They concluded, however, after conference with the prose- cuting attorney, to try him on the presentment, tell- ing him he was clear of the mittimus.

" Bradford. ' What law ie the presentment founded on ?'

" Attorney for the Government. 'Itis grounded both of Common and Statute Law.'

" Bradford. 'Pray let me see that Statute and Common Law, else how shall I make my plea? Justice Cook told us last Court that one reason why ye deferred our trial theo was, that we might have time to prepare ourselves to answer it, but ye never let me have a copy of my presentment, nor will ye now let me koow what law ye prosecute me upon.'

"Attorney. "It's not ugual to insert in indictments against what statute the offense ie, when it's against several statutes and laws made.'

" Justice White 'If thou wilt not plead guilty or not guilty, thou wilt lose thy opportunity of being tried hy thy country.'"

The court theu ordered the clerk to write down that William Bradford refused to plead, which he did ; but as he was writing it down, Bradford desired they would not take advantage against him, for he refused not to plead, but only requested that which was greatly necessary in order to his making his own defense. Several in the court requesting on the prisoner's he- half that the court would not take advantage against him, they admitted him to plead, and he pleaded not guilty.

In impaneling the jury, the exceptions of Brad- ford to two of them were overruled by the clerk and the attorney, who, it seems, was David Lloyd.

" Clerk. 'These are no exceptions in law.'

" Attorney. ' Hast thou, at any time, heard them say that thou printed that paper ? for that is only what they are to find.'

" Bradford. 'That is not only what they are to find. They ure to find also whether this be a seditious paper or not, and whether it does tend to the weakening of the hands of the magistrates.'

" Attorney. ' No. That is matter of law, which the jury is not to meddle with, but find whether William Bradford printed it or not, and the beoch is to judge whether it be a seditious paper or not, for the law has deter- mined wbat is a breach of the peace, and the penalty, which the beoch only is to give judgment on.'

" Justice Jennings. 'You are ouly to try whether William Bradford printed it or not."

" Brodford. 'This is wrong, for the jury are judges in law as well as the matter of fact.'

"The attorney again denied it, whereupon some of the jury desired to know what they were to try, for they did believe in their con- sciences they were obliged to try and find whether that paper was sedi- tious, as well as whether Bradford printed it, and some of them asked to he diecharged.

" A gentle noise and coofusion among the people. Some on the bench showed their willingness to allow of Bradford's exception to two jurors. Justice Cook said, 'I will not allow of it. Is there four of ue of a mind ? . . . '"

During the time that the prisoners were on trial the grand jury sat in the room, frequently threaten- ing them with presentment for the words they used in their defense. The only evidence that Bradford had printed the paper was, as appears by these words of the attorney for the government, "It is evident Wil- liam Bradford printed the seditious paper, he being the printer in this place, and the frame on which it was printed was found in his house."

" Bradford. 'I desire the jury and all present to take notice, that there ought to be two evidences to prove the matter of fact, but not one evl- dence has been brought in this case.'

"Justice Jennings. 'The frame on which it was printed is evideoce enough.'

" Brodford. "But where is the frame? There has no frame beeo pro- duced bere, and if there had, it is oo evidence unless you saw me print on it.'

" Justice Jennings. "The jury shall have the frame with them. It cannot well he brought here, and, hesides, the season is cold, and we are not to sit here to endauger our health. You are minded to put tricks on u8.ª

" Bradford. ' You of the jury, and all here present, I desire you to take notice, that there has not one evidence been brought to prove that I printed the sheet called An Appeal; and whereas they say the frame is evidence which the jury shall have, I say the jury ought uot to hear, or have any evidence whatsoever, but in the presence of the judges and prisoners.'

" The jury had a room provided for them, and the sheriff caused the frame to be carried io to them, for an evidence that William Bradford printed the Appeal. The jury continued about forty-eight hours together, and could not agree. They then came into court to ask whether the law did require two evidences to find a man guilty ? To answer this questioo the attorney read a passage out of a law-book, that they were to find by evidences, or on their own knowledge, or otherwise. 'Now,' says the attorney, 'this otherwise is the frame which you have, which is evidence sufficient.'

" Bradford. 'The frame which they have ie no evidence, for I have not seen it, and how do I or the jury know that that which was carried into them was mine?'

"Bradford was interrupted, the jury sent forth again, and an officer commaoded to keep them withont meat, driok, fire, or tobacco. Iu the afternoon the jury came into court again, and told they were not like to agree, whereupon the court discharged them."

The defendant was remanded to prison, protesting then and at the next term of the court against the additional error of the court in discharging the jury before they had agreed upon a verdict. The case failed at last from the total lack of evidence, and doubtless from the court being in a degree overawed by the dauntless courage and the superior knowledge of their prisoner. It was said that when the " frame" of the printer was carried into the jury-room, they were extremely embarrassed by this "otherwise" item of evidence. Men who, if they could read at all, read forwards with only moderate facility and speed, found greatly enhanced difficulty in perform- ing that operation backwards. In their attempts to place the frame in a position favorable for decipher- ing it, one of them, assisting this effort with his cane, thrust the whole of the types from their positions, and thus some of the "otherwise" evidence was destroyed.1 We must suspect there was, in this awk-

1 The "some reason known to us," as uttered by Justice Jennings at the first trial, why "the court defers it to the next sessione," is thus explained in Thomas' " History of Printing :"

"The day after the imprisonment of Bradford and his friends & ' Pri- vate Sessions,' as it was called, of the County Court was holden by six justices, all Quakers ; to put & better complexioo oo their proceedings, requested the attendance of two magistrates who were not Quakers. This court assembled, it seems, for the purpose of coovicting Keith, Budd, aod their connexions of eeditique conduct, and of condemning them without a hearing ; but the two magistrates who were not Quakers, if we credit Keith and Bradford, reprobated the measure, sud refused to have any concern in it, declaring that the whule traosuction was a mere dlepute among the Quakers respecting their religion, in which the government had no concern. They, however, advised that Kelth and others accused should be sent for and allowed to defend themselves, aud affirmed that if anything like sedition appeared in their practice,

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ward thrust of the juror's cane, some " method" that was born either of a friendly compassion for the accused, or of a disgust for the alleged sufficiency of this species of evidence.

The defense made by Bradford shows very plainly that during those years he had spent in learning his trade in London he had become familiar with all the rights and defenses that he was entitled to under the law, which cannot be said of the court that tried him. They were, indeed, strange proceedings for a court of justice : the attorney, the clerk, the grand jury, and even outsiders taking part with the judges in the work of browbeating. It was, in truth, none. other than a quarrel between the two factions of Quakers, which the dominant were determined, if possible, to subdue by whatever force they couldl employ short of the shedding of blood. We may see in the chapter on the Bench and Bar the materials out of which the former was made, and the impossibility of an accused obtain- ing competent counsel for his defense. Yet we cannot too much admire the courage and the coolness of William Bradford in combating until overpowered by such numerous powerful antagonists upon every position of principle and right, and, though after prolonged delays, imprisonments, and other suffer- ings, prevailing in a cause that has led to his being justly named the father of the freedom of the press in the country of his adoption. The disgust he felt for the treatment he had received, and his unfriendly relations with those in power in Philadelphia, induced him, in the following year, 1693, to accept offers to remove to New York, though he still retained an interest in the business he left behind. For thirty years Bradford was the government printer in New York, being in fact the only one of his trade in the province. In 1725 he printed there its first news- paper.

As for George Keith, no doubt much of his conduet had been extremely exasperating. Those Quakers, forbidden by their principles and their meeting to resent and punish the individual vituperations of one who it seems was voluble of insulting words and epi- thets, resorted to the only warfare allowed, and were not afraid of going too far in the employment of its powers and agencies. Unlearned men, though judges, unfamiliar with the laws as judicial forms, they re- garded themselves at liberty to supply whatever all these lacked in order to apply some of the punishment that in their consciences they believed to be justly due

they would Jelu heart aod hand in thelr prosecution. To this the Quaker magistrates would not consent, and the others in consequence left the court The court then, as is stated in a pamphlet (entitled ' New England Spirit of Persecutlon, transmitted to Pennsylvania, etc.'), ' proceeded in their work, and as they judged George Keith in their Spiritoal Court without all hearing or trial, so, in like manner, they prosecuted him In their temporal court, without all hearing.' The pamphlet further atates that 'one of the judges declared that the Court could judge of matter of fact withont evidence, and, therefore, without more ado, proclaimed George Kelth, by the Common Cryor, in the Market-place, to be a seditious person and an enemy to the king and queen's government.'"

to this disturber of their peace. Robert Proud shows a keen relish of the words he employed in telling of the subsequent career of this apostate from Quaker- ism.1

We thought that we should sketch with some detail these two men, the first names in those nurseries of Philadelphia literature, the school-room and the printing-office. Independent of such priority, they serve to illustrate conditions in that earliest society in ways most interesting to contemplate. It is easy to observe how simple were these conditions when we read the proceedings of that conglomerate assembly of judges, lawyers, clerk, grand and petit juries, and lobbyists called a court, and all clamoring against a poor printer, who, innocent of offense, consciously so, stood calmly before them all, pointing out their igno- rance and injustice, and finally prevailing by the power of truth and justice.

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History of Philadelphia, 1609-1884, Part 59

Author: Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas), 1843-1898. cn; Westcott, Thompson, 1820-1888, joint author Publication date: 1884 Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L. H. Everts & Co. Number of Pages: 992

Author: Scharf, J. Thomas (John Thomas), 1843-1898. cn; Westcott, Thompson, 1820-1888, joint author
Publication date: 1884
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : L. H. Everts & Co.
Number of Pages: 992