USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 10
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Some time before daybreak, the advancing French force was heard approaching on the ice in the darkness, little suspecting that its presence was known. Suddenly the English cannon were fired, and the thunder of the guns replaced the tranquil stillness of the wintry night, forcing Rigaud to withdraw temporarily. Gone completely was his hope of surprising the garrison, and gone, also, was his chance of capturing it because his Canadians and Indians, while admirably fitted for ambushes and surprise attacks, were not suited
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for attacking a fortified position defended with cannon. Although Rigaud did not give up at once and remained in the vicinity of the fort for several days, the invaders were forced eventually to return over the long trail to Canada without capturing the little garrison. Later on in the same day he paraded his superior numbers before the eyes of the defenders. During the following night another attack was made, but without capturing the fort, although two sloops and sev- eral bateaux were burned. On the twentieth the French appeared again about noon, approaching in procession with their scaling lad- ders and making a demand that the garrison should surrender. Although a, massacre was threatened if the request was unheeded, the British officers refused to give up so easily. This was followed by an abortive assault, while after dark for the third night in succession, the French were heard once more advancing. This time, however, no attempt was made to capture the fort. Instead, a sawmill, a hospital, two storehouses, some rangers' huts, a sloop, and piles of lumber and wood were set on fire. The flames roared far into the sky, lighting up the wintry darkness for miles around. It was with difficulty that the fort itself was saved from burning. During the next forenoon, as the ruins of the burnt buildings were smoking, large flakes of snow began to fall and continued until finally there was over three feet of snow. On the twenty-second, still another attempt was made to burn the buildings and boats not already destroyed, but it was not entirely successful. Finally, on the twenty-third, Rigaud definitely gave up his quest. With the sun shining brightly, the white splendor of the snow clad hills must have seemed doubly beautiful to the English garrison as it watched the French force slowly ebbing away into the frozen northland on snowshoes.
As the French made preparations for a large scale assault on the English posts, small parties were constantly moving back and forth along the old war trails, including a force of Indians under Marin that made an attack against Fort Edward. Many interesting stories have come down to us concerning these small forces. One of the best known of these has to do with the experience of John Quackenboss, who was captured by Indians while conveying some provisions to Lake George. His adventures have been interestingly portrayed by the pen of William L. Stone :*
*"Washington County, New York."
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"The prisoners were all taken to where the lovely green in the centre of the Village of Sandy Hill ( Hudson Falls) is now situated, which at that time was a secluded spot in the woods. Here they were securely tied and were seated upon the trunk of a fallen tree with two or three Indians left to guard them, while the remainder hastened away on some further adventure. After a time they returned; the captive men still sitting in a row upon the log, Quackenboss being at one end, and a soldier named McGuinis, next to him. One of the Indians now went up to the opposite end of the log and deliberately sank his tomahawk into the head of the man there seated. The vic- tim fell to the earth, and his final quiverings had scarcely ceased, when the next man shared the same fate, and in succession the next and the next. Nothing more awful can possibly be imagined than the situa- tion of the survivors, compelled to sit still and see death, immediate and inevitable, gradually approaching them in this horrid form. Soon, of all the seventeen, two only remained, Quackenboss, clad in his teamster's garb, and McGuinis in his soldier's uniform. Not one of all the slain had offered the least resistance, so utterly helpless were all efforts to avert their fate. And now the death-dealing tomahawk was raised to cleave McGuinis down when, with the suddenness of a panther's spring, he threw himself backward from the log, striking the ground in a desperate struggle to break his bonds. But in vain. Instantly, on every side of the poor fellow, a dozen tomahawks were uplifted. But lying upon his back with his heels flying he thrust his mur- derers off in every direction spinning round like a top, till hacked and mangled, and all crimson with his own life's blood, which was now streaming in every direction from a score of horrid gashes, his efforts became more and more feeble . . . . when a blow was leveled at his head, and all was over. The hapless teamster now alone remained. He knew that his moment had come. Already, the fatal tomahawk was upraised for the last and finishing stroke, when the arm by which it was wielded was suddenly pushed aside by a squaw as she exclaimed, 'You shan't kill him! He's no fighter ! He is my dog.' The tawny warriors acquiesced without a murmur. He was straightway unbound and taken in charge by his Indian mistress. A pack of plunder, so heavy that he could scarcely stand under it, was tied upon his back and the party started off for Canada.
"On arriving at the Indian village he had to run the gauntlet between two rows of Indians, all of whom were armed with clubs.
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One of them struck him so heavy a blow on the head that it all but felled him to the earth. He, however, reeled and stumbled onward, kicked and mauled on every side and, with scarce the breath of life left in him, reached the end of this most barbarous ordeal. His mistress, the squaw, now took him to her wigwam and bound up his wounds and bruises, carefully nursing him until he recovered."
The Governor of Canada finally purchased him from the Indi- ans, and his lot was much improved. He, however, longed to return to his family and to the young lady whom he had planned to marry. He was compelled to remain a prisoner for three years, but finally was allowed to go home, arriving there safely. He found his sweetheart still waiting for him. They married, and settled down on a farm in Cambridge, New York.
At about the same time, an English scouting party of between three and four hundred men under the leadership of Colonel John Parker met with an unfortunate experience on Lake George. In the middle of the lake south of Hulett's Landing and directly north of the Mother Bunch Islands, are located the Harbor Islands. As Parker approached them one morning at dawn, he suddenly found himself in a noose. A yelling horde of Indians darted out from the islands and fell upon his men from all sides. The English attempted to flee, but only twelve escaped. One hundred and thirty-one were killed at once and the remainder were captured and preserved for a more lingering sort of death. A Jesuit priest named Father Roubaud was an eye-witness of some of the activities that soon followed, and recorded them in his "Relations":
"My tent had been placed in the middle of the camp of the Outaouacs. The first object that presented itself to my eyes on arriv- ing there, was a great fire, while the wooden spits fixed in the earth gave signs of a feast. There was indeed one taking place. But O heavens ! what a feast! The remains of the body of an Englishman was there, the skin stripped off, and more than one-half of the flesh gone. A moment after, I perceived these inhuman beings eat with famishing avidity of this human flesh; I saw them take up this detesta- ble broth in large spoons and, apparently, without being able to satisfy themselves with it. They informed me that they had prepared them- selves for this feast by drinking from skulls filled with human blood, while their smeared faces and stained lips gave evidence of the truth
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of the story. What rendered it more sad was, that they had placed very near them some ten Englishmen to be spectators of their infa- mous repast."
The Jesuit attempted to put a stop to these barbarities, but was powerless. In answer to his protests he received threats and derision. One brave condescended to say: "You have French taste; I have Indian; this food is good for me," and offered a piece of the human flesh to the priest. Ultimately, Montcalm took the remainder of the prisoners away from the savages.
The events of the year 1757 that gave a decidedly French tinge to the history of the two waterways were connected closely with the deeds of three great Frenchmen. First and foremost among them was Louis Joseph, Marquis de Montcalm de Saint-Véran. This extremely able general was born near Nimes, France, in 1712. Joining the army at an early age, he served for several years in Germany and Italy and was wounded five times in the battle of Piacenza. In 1756, he was sent to Canada to command the French forces there, and an excellent appointment it was. By attacking and capturing Oswego, he struck a fine blow for his King and country, at the same time causing Loudoun to put off his attempts to capture Ticonderoga and Crown Point.
In addition to being a fighter of great merit, he was a polished gentleman in every sense of the word. He was a family man, and one of his greatest regrets was the fact that he was now far removed from his wife and children. His interest in Christianity was great, and he was as religious as his occupation would permit. He was intensely emotional, carrying his heart on his sleeve for all to see. His letters glow and vibrate with the ups and downs of his existence, and show the vivid interest he felt in everything and everybody. The zeal and warmth, which he exuded in every move, inspired his white fol- lowers and was particularly irresistible to the red men. They were primarily creatures of their emotions and he was able to capture their love and respect, which was something that was impossible for a cold, realistic leader like Dieskau. Although he did not think too highly of his red allies as individuals, he cultivated their friendship by mix- ing with them, singing war songs, and attempting to be one of them. As a result, when he finally set out against the English forts he was joined by all shapes, sizes and races of Indians that seemed to appear
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from all points of the compass. On the other hand, his emotional qualities constituted one of the greatest obstacles in his relations with Vaudreuil. When not excited he was a master of diplomacy; but when wrought up he frequently said things, particularly about the Governor, that had better have been left unsaid. In spite of this weakness, however, he represented the best of the Old France across the sea.
The second actor in this French drama was the Governor of Can- ada already referred to, the famous Pierre François Marquis de Vaudreuil-Cavagnal, who was in many ways the antithesis of Mont- calm. He was born in Canada in 1698. After entering the army, he became Governor of Three Rivers in 1733, Governor of Louisi- ana in 1742, and finally, Governor of Canada in 1755, succeeding Duquesne. He was intensely devoted to the people living in his colony, distrusting the Old France as represented by Montcalm and all that came out of it. He had much more confidence in his Canadians and Indians for wilderness fighting than in French regu- lars. He expected to command all' troops himself and naturally resented Montcalm's appointment in his stead. He was guilty of egotism and was clever in manipulating success and failure to bene- fit his own ambition and reflect upon his political enemies; but no man was more untiring in his efforts to further the interests of the Canadians. Just as Montcalm was a fine representative of the Old France, so Vaudreuil was, of the New. The rivalry and jealousy existing between France and her American colonies was just as deep- seated and fundamental as that existing between England and her possessions. The two rival French leaders exemplified the conflicting interests of mother country and colony, and their quarrel, which rapidly widened the gulf between them, was only natural. There was ammunition on both sides of the fence.
Montcalm was surrounded with a number of fine subordinate officers, but of all this able group, including Bougainville and Bour- lamaque, the one who stood out above the others was Chevalier de Lévis, second in command. This brave and able soldier, destined to be Marshal of France, could mix with Canadians and Indians as easily as with his fellow-officers. He had such an easy and adaptable nature that he was able to remain friendly with Montcalm and Vaudreuil at the same time, which was quite an accomplishment. He was the third
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great actor in our drama and his main importance was that he served as a valuable connecting link between the other two, and a bond between New France and the Old, holding the two discordant ele- ments together.
Although Montcalm's chances of success in the summer of 1757 were due, in part, to the galaxy of fine officers and the large assort- ment of Indians that flocked to his standards, his prospects were greatly improved by some indirect assistance he received from the English. The Earl of Loudoun remained in command of King George's legions in the New World, and fortunate indeed was the general who opposed him. In 1756, Montcalm had outwitted him completely. In 1757, the Marquis was not even confronted by that necessity because the easy Earl had completely deserted the watery avenue that led to Canada. Instead of striking at the heart of French authority in North America, Loudoun decided to attack Louisburg instead. He drew the best part of the English troops away from the frontier posts, leaving central New York at the mercy of the enemy. Everything depended upon speed if Louisburg was to be captured; but the Eng- lish proceeded with characteristic lethargy, as Loudoun and his army loitered in New York City week after week, waiting for an auspicious moment to embark. One individual appropriately remarked that Loudoun was like St. George on a tavern sign: always on horseback and never riding on.
The object of speed, in this case, was to arrive at Louisburg before the enemy guessed or learned the English plans. Loudoun realized the importance of surprising them, but did not move rapidly, trusting rather to an embargo on colonial shipping to maintain his secret. His delay was his undoing because, when a French spy in London reported to his government that a large English fleet was fitting out for America under Admiral Holbourne, his enemy guessed correctly that Louisburg was the objective of all this activity. Loudoun finally embarked on June twentieth, and entered Halifax ten days later, but even then none of Holbourne's ships had arrived. Ultimately the English fleet straggled leisurely into the harbor, but by that time a strong French fleet under Admiral LaMotte was prepared to greet them. Although the English had from ten to twelve thousand men compared to a French garrison of seven thousand, and although their fleet was practically as strong as that of the enemy, all hope of cap-
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turing Louisburg was now gone. Loudoun and Holbourne had delayed too long, and the advance information received by the French had sealed the failure of the campaign. No battle took place either on land or on sea between the two forces, but a terrific storm severely damaged the English fleet in September. The whole summer had been wasted so far as the English were concerned. John Fiske appro- priately remarked about Loudoun: "He was an apt scholar of that worthy king of France who marched his forty thousand men up a hill and down again."*
Meanwhile Montcalm was not throwing away the golden oppor- tunity now presented to him, and soon large French forces made their way up Lake Champlain. The Indians paddled toward Crown Point and Ticonderoga in over two hundred canoes, and were accompanied by Jesuit priests. Some of the red men were Christians while some were entirely pagan and, as they advanced up the lake, war chants blended with missionary hymns. This incongruity was to continue. While one group confessed its sins the other hung up sacrifices to the Manitou. This sometimes proved embarrassing to the Jesuits who hesitated to say Mass in the presence of a sacrifice to the devil. At length this perplexing problem was presented to Montcalm, who philosophically advised the priests that it was better to say it in these circumstances than not at all.
While it is true that the red allies certainly were the eyes and ears of the French Army, they came close to constituting its stomach as well. Much has been reported concerning the tremendous capacity of the Indians to consume food. Both Dieskau and Johnson, as we have seen, had already found out by bitter experience that their appetite was enormous. Montcalm would hand out enough food for a week, but by the end of three days many would be back for more. Oxen were slaughtered in large numbers to appease them, while on one occasion alone they killed and ate eighteen cattle without permission. Brandy was a favorite drink, and a little of it was sufficient to pro- duce results. When under the influence of firewater they were extremely dangerous, and sometimes would tear at each other with their teeth like wild animals.
In all probability, Montcalm little realized what uncontrollable forces he had in his possesion. It is true that, after the surrender of
*"New France and New England."
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Oswego, he had been forced to resort to vigorous action and costly promises to forestall Indian atrocities, but he seemed to have few qualms on that score while making ready to advance against Fort Wil- liam Henry. In charge of his red allies was Saint-Luc de la Corne, perhaps the most successful and resourceful of all the French Indian commanders. Under him were a group of able and hardy assistants, including Marin. Montcalm had reason to believe that, under such
FORT TICONDEROGA FROM THE AIR; A VIEW OF THE TOPOGRAPHY OF THE UPPER CHAMPLAIN VALLEY
leadership, his red whirlwind would be properly guided and directed. When he met his allies in council, the conqueror of Oswego seemed to be their master. Surrounding him were Indians comprising at least forty-one separate groups, some of them having come from beyond the Mississippi River and the Great Lakes. Many Iroquois were present, having lost all confidence in the military ability of the Eng- lish. All the Indians listened thoughtfully and respectfully to the great French general and harmony seemed to exist throughout Mont- calm's legions. As the council fires blazed, casting flickering shadows over the scalp-locks and painted bodies of the heterogeneous assem-
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blage of red men, and over the white-uniformed French officers gath- ered outside the grim circle, the Marquis found no reason to believe that he could not control his allies.
Montcalm did not possess enough canoes and bateaux to transport his entire force up Lake George. There was, however, an old Mohawk trail which followed the western shoreline, and he decided to send part of his unwieldly army southward by land. In addition to solving transportation problems, this detachment would serve to protect the main force. Lévis was placed in command of it and he set out on July thirtieth with from twenty-five to twenty-six hundred regu- lars, Canadians and Indians. The weather was extremely hot and the tortuous mountain trails were exceedingly rough. In fact, there were many stragglers, while some of the regulars broke down com- pletely. The Indians, however, had a merry time as they meandered around and over the mountains, amusing themselves by chasing rat- tlesnakes. When they caught a couple, they would tie their tails together and watch their efforts to free themselves. When this sport became tiresome to the Indians as well as to the snakes, many of the reptiles lost their heads and tails and, after proper cooking, were eaten with evident enjoyment. Some of the events that followed the surrender of Fort William Henry make us wonder just how much snake venom was absorbed by the red men. After having spent the better part of two days in the sultry forest, Lévis halted to camp at the mouth of Ganouskie (Northwest) Bay, near the present village of Bolton Landing, on the evening of August first to wait for Mont- calm and the main part of the French Army to catch up.
The Marquis left a detachment of about four hundred men to hold Fort Carillon, embarking on Lake George with the remainder of his army in canoes and bateaux at about two o'clock on the afternoon of August first. A violent storm rapidly arose, however, and after rounding Anthony's Nose, he was held up for several hours. The wind howled and the whitecaps flung themselves against the shore with abandon, while the men waited impatiently and restlessly for the gale to die. Finally, as so often happens on Lake George with the setting of the sun, the storm ceased and the waves melted away until all was calm. Then, as the western sky changed from gold to purple and the water in its purity faithfully reflected the knell of part-
C & G-7
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ing day, Montcalm's legions were once again on their way. Imper- vious to the languor of the soft midsummer evening, the minions of war pressed grimly onward.
Painted savages paddled restlessly up the ancient waterway in the lead, while behind them came Canadian militia and French regulars with Montcalm's limited artillery sandwiched in between. When they cautiously approached the Narrows, everything was covered with darkness. Island after island loomed up suddenly out of the inky blackness, as they continued on. Gradually they advanced until they rounded the tip of Tongue Mountain, which has since been known as Montcalm Point. There they beheld, on the hills back of the present village of Bolton Landing, three bright fires, in the form of a triangle. This was the signal of Lévis which had previously been agreed upon. Here was the appointed rendezvous, and Montcalm led his army across the mouth of Ganouskie Bay directly toward the burning bea- cons shining so brightly in the darkness. He landed at about three o'clock on the morning of August second and cooked breakfast.
The detachment under Lévis continued on its way the next morn- ing at about ten o'clock. Montcalm started with the boats around noon, following the indentations of the western shore. Toward eve- ning the two commanders joined forces at a small bay near Fort Wil- liam Henry, but hidden from the view of the garrison. At about ten o'clock, two English boats set out from the fort to reconnoitre. After proceeding a way, they beheld a strange object as they peered into the darkness and unsuspectingly decided to investigate. It happened to be an awning over the boat which carried the Jesuit priests attached to Montcalm's army, but before they approached very close, the bleat- ing of a sheep in one of the French boats warned them. The English scouts then turned to flee toward the eastern shore while about twelve hundred Indians darted after them, yelling and screaming horribly. Some of the English were killed, three were captured, but others managed to escape into the woods and elude the red bloodhounds.
As the sun rose over the eastern mountains on the morning of August third, Montcalm was ready for action. When his army advanced, some of the Indians led the way, followed first by Lévis' detachment and finally, by the main army. Meanwhile the boats car- rying artillery rounded the point of the bay and at the same time hordes of Indians glided out into the lake in their canoes. They
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formed in line, extending from shore to shore, and, as they advanced deliberately and methodically toward the English fort, filling the air with blood-curdling screams and yells of defiance, they must have had a depressing effect upon the wide-eyed garrison. The siege of Fort William Henry was now formally begun and was to continue for six days until success crowned Montcalm's efforts on August ninth.
The condition of the English was deplorable, thanks to the Earl of Loudoun, who was now away on his wild goose chase to Louisburg with the best part of the troops. Whereas the French Army consisted of approximately eight thousand men, the combined English garrison of Fort William Henry and Fort Edward numbered only three thou- sand eight hundred. A party of scouts under Putnam had discovered the approach of Montcalm's army when far down the lake and had informed General Daniel Webb, who was in command at Fort Edward. The ranger leader had suggested that the landing of the French Army should be opposed, but Webb did not think highly of this advice and even ordered Putnam to keep the news of the enemy a secret. Webb did, however, send reinforcements of one thousand men to Fort William Henry. Lieutenant-Colonel Monro was in com- mand of the forces at the head of the lake, but even after the arrival of the additional troops he only had two thousand, two hundred men under him. Five hundred of them were stationed within the fort, while the remainder camped on the hill to the east, where Fort George was later built. Webb made the announcement that he intended to advance to Fort William Henry with his entire command, but never did so, being content with writing for additional reinforcements from the governors.
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