USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 5
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38
The Jesuits constituted the Society of Jesus, a religious order of the Roman Catholic Church, which was begun by Ignatius Loyola in 1534 and formally created by a papal bull in 1540. Its object was to increase devotion among the adherents of the Church. In addition to binding themselves to the three usual vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience, the Jesuits also vowed to go as missionaries wherever the Pope might send them. They spread so rapidly that by 1600 they numbered over ten thousand. When Champlain opened the way for French dominion in America, the Jesuits were sent to carry the Christian religion to the natives. Although their primary aim was religious, they were also French and, as a result, their presence
35
1516354
INDIAN MEETS WHITE CIVILIZATION
among the Iroquois might have undermined the friendship between the Five Nations and the Dutch and English. Leading figures among the Jesuits who were sent among the Iroquois were Bressani, who was imprisoned by the Mohawks in 1644; Dablon, who built a chapel in the Mohawk valley in 1654; Le Moyne, who was with the Mohawks on three occasions; Garnier, Bruyas and others who came after them; but the greatest, as well as the first missionary of any faith among the Iroquois, was Isaac Jogues.
This famous Jesuit priest was born in 1607 in the French town of Orleans, so closely connected with the life of Joan of Arc. His father was a prominent merchant and the boy had all the material advantages possessed in that day by his class. He finished his college course at seventeen when, instead of following in his father's foot- steps, he became a Jesuit novice at Rouen, later studying at the royal college of La Flèche. He was finally sent to the Canadian wilderness in 1636, arriving in Quebec on July second. Soon he went on a mission to the Hurons where his life was in constant danger, not only because of a plague then sweeping the Indian nation, but also because many of the superstitious Indians attributed this misfortune to the presence of priests. Finally, in 1642, he was sent back to civiliza- tion to secure needed supplies and equipment and to make a report. On August first, he left the French settlement at Three Rivers with a party of forty, including four Frenchmen, in canoes, intending to return to the Hurons. The next day, he had to pass through a section of the St. Lawrence named Lake St. Peter, where the islands were habitually used by the dreaded Iroquois for their ambushes. An hour after leaving camp, he and his friends fell into a trap prepared for them by Mohawks.
There now followed a long, sad journey up the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain and overland to the first Mohawk castle of Ossernenon, where Auriesville is now located. Torture and suffering seemed always in existence, as the bleeding, battered captives made their way southward. On August ninth, and also on the tenth, the party met other groups of Iroquois going northward for scalps and plunder. On both occasions the captives were tortured with unusual barbarities in order to entertain the savage guests and to quicken their thirst for blood so that they would be invincible in conflict. Hair and beards were torn out, and all of the prisoners were forced to run
36
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
the gauntlet, Jogues being knocked senseless by one of the clubs. Before the torture of the captives ended, the Mohawks burned one of the priest's fingers, mangled another with their sharp teeth, and deformed the remainder. Jogues also narrowly escaped having his nose cut off. One of his companions had his thumb cut off, and then a sharp stick was driven through the wound as far as the elbow. Finally, however, the savage desire for such cruelties was satisfied, and the torturing came to an end. After a night of great suffering the party continued southward in canoes, finally landing, and beginning the long trip overland to Ossernenon. In spite of their wounds, Jogues and the other prisoners were forced to walk and carry on their shoulders the plunder belonging to their captors. So great was the lack of food that the entire party was forced to drink warm water in order to relieve the pangs of hunger. Eventually the Indians reached the Mohawk village, where Jogues was to be kept in cap- tivity for fourteen months. By the time he arrived there, only two fingernails remained. These the Indians now tore out with their teeth, after which the savages proceeded to gnaw the flesh under- neath to the bone. Then an Algonquin female captive was forced to cut off his thumb. The suffering of Jogues and the other captives was also increased, along with the other barbarities, by the favorite Indian amusement of throwing live coals on the flesh of the prisoners.
As soon as the Dutch heard of the captivity and torture of the priest by their red allies, Arendt Van Corlaer attempted to obtain his release, but without success. Finally, Jogues heard that the Mohawks intended to kill him and managed to escape from his cruel cap- tors with the assistance of that great Dutch Protestant missionary, Megapolensis. After many hazardous experiences, he reached France once more. Although naturally glad to have escaped the murderous designs of the Mohawks, his mind was filled with gloom because he could no longer celebrate Mass on account of his mutilated hands. A special dispensation was granted, however, by Pope Urban VIII, and sadness gave way to rejoicing.
For a normal individual, Jogues' experiences with the Iroquois in 1642 would have been more than sufficient. The extraction of finger- nails, the sawing off of fingers with shells and other horrible barbari- ties would naturally discourage anyone from further association with red fiends guilty of such misdeeds, but the missionary was far from being an average individual. In 1644 he sailed once more to Canada
37
INDIAN MEETS WHITE CIVILIZATION
and the scene of his previous suffering. When he arrived he found the Iroquois more hostile and dangerous than ever. Another famous priest, Bressani, had been captured and in general had followed the same bloody trail of suffering to the Mohawk villages that Jogues had been taken over in 1642. Unexpectedly, however, the Iroquois sued for peace. Although the Indian ambassadors did not represent all of the Five Nations and none came from the principal village of Ossernenon, the French decided to accept their overtures at their face value and, in 1646, sent Jogues and John Bourdon to the Iroquois castles to treat with the Indians.
The two Frenchmen finally left Three Rivers, advancing toward the Mohawk by way of Lake Champlain and Lake George, accom- panied by six friendly Indians. They arrived at Lake George on the eve of Corpus Christi, May 30, and in commemoration of the day, Jogues named it "Lac du St. Sacrament." The party made its way up the clear, blue waters of the lake and then walked overland to the Mohawk villages. After meeting the Iroquois sachems in an Indian assembly that ratified the peace with France, Jogues was back in Quebec on July third. In spite of the hatred which the Mohawks entertained for the "French Black Robes," as they called the priests, and although he doubtless remembered vividly his sufferings of 1642, Jogues was determined to convert the Iroquois to Christianity. The political mission only increased his zeal. The result was that later on in 1646 he departed on his third and last trip to the Mohawk country, solely to convert the savages to Christianity. It so happened that in the meantime the Iroquois had met various misfortunes. Their crops were poor and an epidemic had broken out. All their troubles they blamed on a box of religious articles that Jogues had left behind on his second trip. The superstitious savages believed that a devil was inside and held the priest accountable, a circumstance that was decid- edly unfavorable from his point of view. He was warned of the change of mind existing among the Iroquois, but in spite of this fact, he continued his journey. When he approached their castles he was seized and subjected to fresh barbarities. This time, however, he was spared a long period of suffering, being tomahawked and killed as he was entering a cabin on October eighteenth. His head was then cut off and placed on one of the palisade poles facing the route over which the "Black Robes" came, a grim warning to missionaries who might be tempted to follow in his footsteps.
38
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
No one can follow the story of Isaac Jogues' efforts to lead the Iroquois to Christianity without realizing the great extent to which he was consumed by the divine flame. His entire disregard for self, the purity of his life, and the zeal for saving the souls of the red men in spite of torture and incredible suffering mark him as one of the great- est men who ever set foot on North America. His interest in his fellowmen, whether red or white, was as broad as Lake Champlain's bosom, his soul as pure as the sparkling waters of Lake George, and his faith as firm and abiding as the beautiful mountains that lined the sides of his torture trail.
In all probability, no white man ever saw Lake George before Jogues. Concerning this fact historians are in general agreement. Regarding the date of discovery, however, there is a startling lack of unanimity. It probably makes little difference whether the priest first saw the lake in 1642, 1644, or 1646. There is, moreover, no documentary evidence that will conclusively prove that any one of these years is correct. Nowhere in the "Jesuit Relations" or in any of the other sources is it specified that Jogues did or did not traverse Lake George in 1642. Although the exact date may not be of great importance, it has been and remains a matter of tremendous interest to historians, to Jogues' vast army of admirers, and to inhabitants and visitors who frequent the shores of the lovely lake he discovered. This interest in determining the year of discovery is, at the present time, even greater than usual because of the monument which the State of New York has erected to Jogues to celebrate the three hun- dredth anniversary.
Among the able authorities who accept the 1642 date are such men as Parkman and Crouse; while Campbell holds to 1644; and Talbot, De Costa and others contend for 1646. The main dispute is between 1642 and 1646, and centers around whether Jogues was taken to the Mohawk castles by way of Lake George or South Bay and Wood Creek on Lake Champlain while a captive in the former year. Indian war parties returning from Canada to the Mohawk were in the habit of using both routes. Jogues' captors had their choice when they reached Ticonderoga and there would have been nothing unusual about their decision, whichever way they went. The Lake George route was somewhat shorter than the other, but would have meant stopping to carry plunder and canoes over the portage between the two lakes. In any case it is known that the Indians, for
39
INDIAN MEETS WHITE CIVILIZATION
various reasons, did not always travel in a straight line as a crow flies. Some time after his experiences, Jogues gave accounts of the trip to his associates and superiors, but there is nothing in these chronicles to indicate definitely the route used. He had been cruelly tortured some- where on Lake Champlain, and he was overwhelmed by the suffering of his companions. His thoughts were certainly not primarily con- cerned with geographic features.
Francis Parkman's opinion that the priest was taken up Lake George in 1642 was based primarily on a written account of the trip taken down from Jogues' own lips by Father Buteux. There is noth- ing in this chronicle, however, to provide much justification for Park- man's acceptance of the western route. There is nothing whatever in Buteux' description by which we can recognize the portage at Ticon- deroga or a passage up Lake George. When he says that after jour- neying up Lake Champlain, they "arrived at the place where one leaves the canoes," he might have meant Wood Creek, as well as the head of Lake George. Much depends upon the meaning of some of Buteux' expressions, but they can be variously translated to uphold one con- tention or the other.
When Jogues and Bourdon gazed on Lake George in 1646, and the priest named it "Lac du St. Sacrament," he was much impressed by the sight. If he had gone over it previously in 1642 and was now beholding it for the second time, would it now register so vividly in his mind, in spite of the fact that in the four years since his first trip he failed to say one single word to indicate conclusively that he had ever seen the lake? If Jogues did pass over the lake in 1642 there are two reasons why he might not have been impressed with its unusual features. In the first place, much would depend on the weather. If the day was rainy with clouds hanging low, the distinctive characteris- tics of the valley might have been lost from view, and the beauty of the lake hidden. We know that this was not the situation, however, because it is plainly recorded that on the day that they left their canoes behind them and started their march southward, both captors and prisoners suffered from the heat of the sun. A second reason sometimes given to explain the priest's failure to tell conclusively about Lake George before 1646 (provided he saw it in 1642), is that he was in such an extremely poor physical condition due to the cruel tortures to which he had been subjected on Lake Champlain, that he was either unable to see the wonders of the lake from the bottom of
40
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
a canoe, or incapable of noticing anything but his own suffering. There is no question but that he suffered terribly, yet we know that he not only was strong enough to march with the others after the canoes were left behind but also carried part of the plunder. I further believe that if he had seen Lake George in 1642 he would have told about it before 1646.
Many authorities, who at first were inclined to agree with Park- man's acceptance of 1642 as the discovery date, changed their minds after a more thorough study. In 1872, Rev. B. F. DeCosta pub- lished the results of his investigation and decided that Jogues did not see Lake George until 1646. Few men ever knew as much about the history of the lake as W. H. Samson. His expert opinion, summed up in his "Mohican Point on Lake George," was the same as that of DeCosta. At first Francis Talbot accepted the 1642 date but, after what was one of the most thorough investigations on record, decided definitely for the 1646 date. He came to the conclusion that Jogues' route in 1642 was through southern Champlain to the junction of the Sacondaga and Hudson rivers, below the town of Luzerne, and then along the waters of the former. Geographical considerations at first led him to accept the Lake George route in 1642, but when he came to specify just where each night was spent he encountered difficulties. He went over the Jogues trail with great care and found out that the eastern route fitted into his calculations. A close analysis of the mileage made on each day on the 1642 journey makes it evident that the priest could not have seen Lake George in 1642. It would be extremely difficult, at least, to show how the Jogues' chronicles could possibly fit into a trip up Lake George if we apportion the time spent for the water journey after the torture took place. The chairman of the commission created by the State Legislature to select the site for the Jogues' memorial reported that the evidence presented was overwhelmingly in favor of the 1646 date. This year was also recognized by the statute creating the commission. The Act of the Legislature is of little weight in settling the discovery date, however. Legislators may be poor historians, just as historians may be poor legislators. It is evidence, however, of the strength of the arguments for the 1646 date in the eyes of impartial observers. In spite of the fact that conclusive proof is lacking, what evidence there is tends to indicate that Isaac Jogues first saw Lake George in 1646.
There is no question but that the Jesuits influenced the thinking of the Iroquois; but it is difficult to measure the extent of their authority.
41
INDIAN MEETS WHITE CIVILIZATION
In the words of one writer,* "The pagan Indian thought that the missionaries were mighty magicians, masters of life and death; and they came to them for spells-sometimes to destroy their enemies, and sometimes to kill grasshoppers. It took years of instruction and sublime example to eradicate this false and ridiculous impression from the crude savage mind." On the other hand, the paganism of the Iroquois was rather advanced for their status of civilization. It has been said that in general the Indian adopted that part of Chris- tianity which fitted in with his beliefs, and while he listened patiently to the rest, he was not inoculated very deeply with it. The "French Black Robes" exerted a political influence over the Five Nations which in general was favorable to the French cause, although their power vacillated from day to day in accordance with the child-like whim and caprice of the Indian. The greatest influence of the Jesuits upon the religious and, ultimately, the political life of the Iroquois was probably indirect, and came by way of the Hurons. The Jesuits had greater success among the Canadian Indians than among those living in New York. When, in 1649, the capital of the Huron nation was captured by the Iroquois, hundreds of the inhabitants were taken captive. Many of them were Christians, who greatly influ- enced the religious thinking of their conquerors. This situation was a real foundation for Jesuit missions and prepared the way for later missionaries.
Much more important in the development of our United States, however, than the influence of the white man on the red, was the influ- ence of the Indian on the white man. Too much emphasis has been placed upon the European origins of our development and too little importance has been attached to the influence of the American fron- tier, of which the Indian was a part. No other one factor has been so important in the evolution of our American institutions as that frontier. Until long after the Civil War it was extremely difficult to find anything of historical importance which did not have some con- nection with that frontier. In the words of Turner ("Frontier in American History") :
"The wilderness masters the colonist. It finds him a European in dress, industries, tools, modes of travel, and thought. It takes him from the railroad car and puts him in the birch canoe. It strips off the garments of civilization and arrays him in the hunting shirt and
*Murray, John O'K .: "Lives of the Catholic Heroes and Heroines of America."
42
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
the moccasin. It puts him in the log cabin of the Cherokee and Iro- quois and runs an Indian palisade around him. Before long he has gone to planting Indian corn and plowing with a sharp stick; he shouts the war cry and takes the scalp in orthodox Indian fashion."
Indian trails became the highways of white civilization and com- merce. The presence of the red man on the frontier acted as a con- solidating agent among our early colonies. The wilderness changed the pioneer from a European to an American. The further the frontier advanced westward, the smaller was our dependence on Eng- land. Much knowledge was contributed by the Indian concerning plants, animals, food, clothing, transportation, geography and wood- craft. The greatest of all the gifts from the frontier, however, has been the promotion of democracy here, and indirectly in Europe. We did not gain our individualistic political and social institutions from the Old World so much as from our own frontier. Out there on the fringe of civilization, beyond the jurisdiction of law and government, men, both white and red, were their own governors. This situation bred resourcefulness, antipathy to outside authority, and a desire for a great amount of individual liberty. One bad result has been that it has tended to make us a nation of law-breakers and tax-howlers, but the good has far outweighed the evil. Out on the frontier a man was a man, regardless of his ancestors, his wealth or lack of it, his reli- gion or his friends. When new States were formed in the West there was generally universal manhood suffrage and minimum qualifications for holding office, unfettered by wealth or creed. It then became inevitable that the older states, either due to the influence of the West- ern example or to the demands of their own underprivileged, should follow, and that the Old World should be affected in its turn. We cannot completely understand the underlying causes of the American Revolution unless we keep in mind the Colonial antipathy to govern- mental control, and it should be remembered how important our early state and territorial constitution-making was as a laboratory for experimentation with democratic institutions. The influence of the frontier on our evolution has certainly been tremendous, and there is no difficulty in estimating its importance. The Indian was one (and an important one) of the elements comprising this frontier. It is not so easy to measure his part in our development, but it is obvious that it was substantial and has often been underestimated. To the influence of the red man upon our customs and institutions, the Iroquois contributed a full share.
CHAPTER III
The Beginning of the Duel for Empire
With the passing of the years, the crowned heads of Europe became more and more hungry for colonial empires. Throughout the seventeenth century there were being built the foundations of rivalry, which were certain to result in wide open collision as European nations gambled on the right to rule or ruin. As we have seen, the year 1609 beheld encroachments by the Dutch and French at both the southern and northern ends of the present state of New York, and this simul- taneous action was prophetic of the later duel for empire which engulfed this territory. Many brave Dutchmen were to follow in the trail left by Henry Hudson, to be followed in their turn by the stubborn sons of Britain; while many great Frenchmen were to rally to the cause of king and empire. For over a century and a half the story of the Champlain valley was a record of martial grandeur, savage atrocity and bloodshed. Illustrious generals from the battle- fields of Europe were summoned to the fray to seek fame and fortune and perhaps death in the American wilderness. Armies, large and small, white and red, were constantly passing back and forth over the waters of Lake George and Lake Champlain. For a hundred and fifty years the woodlands were to resound to the clash of steel, to witness the terror of the scalping knife and the tomahawk, and to glow in the sunlight as brilliant-hued armed forces moved steadily northward in the direction of Quebec or just as steadily southward toward Albany. Events happening here decided in considerable meas- ure the duel between European nations for the control of North America.
Many of the expeditions making their way up and down the lakes in the seventeenth century, and also in the first half of the eighteenth, were small in numbers and some of them were of little importance to
44
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
the world. Nevertheless, reference will be made to many of them because in general they tell a story of heroism, of almost unbelievable self-sacrifice and determination, and of thrilling deeds. They constitute a remarkable historical heritage which no lover of the two lakes would care to leave unrecorded. Although we shall think of the waterways as Lake George and Lake Champlain, it is well to remind ourselves that other names exist for them which have a certain amount of his- torical foundation. A historical fact not widely known is that Lake Champlain was once named "Lake Corlaer" in honor of Arendt Van Corlaer, the Dutchman who was so very popular with the Iroquois and who was drowned in the lake in 1667. It has also been called "Lake of the Iroquois" in tribute to the brave race that ruled its waves; Peta-wa-bouque meaning "alternate land and water"; Peta- pargow meaning "great water"; and Canadire Quarante meaning "the lake that is the gate of the country." In addition to its present title of Lake George, bestowed on it by William John- son in honor of his British King, the southern lake has been called "Lac du St. Sacrament," because it was given that name by its white discoverer, Isaac Jogues. The Iroquois called it Andiatarocte, which has been variously translated as "the place where the lake contracts," "there where the lake is shut in," and "tail of the lake." At a later date, James Fenimore Cooper manufactured the name "Horicon" because he considered Lake George to be too commonplace, "Andiatarocte" too unpronounceable, and "St. Sacra- ment" too complicated. There never was a historical foundation for "Horicon," however, and the name eventually died a natural death.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.