USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 20
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38
The colonial force arrived at St. Johns in safety, and finding that British reinforcements had not yet reached the place, went ashore. Here Allen met a Montreal merchant named Bindon, who agreed to carry a letter to Montreal with the intelligence that Lake Champlain was entirely in colonial hands, and with a request for assistance from the inhabitants. This emissary started out on his errand, but soon returned to bring the news that a British force of two hundred was marching toward St. Johns. As Bindon set out for Montreal by another route, Allen began to plan an ambush, but while he waited
200
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
rashness gave way to sober judgment. Finally realizing that he was greatly outnumbered and that his men were in a poor condition to fight because they had had practically no rest for three days and nights, he ordered a retreat when the enemy was two miles away. His men were so far overcome by fatigue, however, that they soon halted and fell asleep. While in this condition they were surprised by a volley of grapeshot fired by the enemy force from the opposite side of the river and were forced to retreat in haste, arriving at Ticonderoga on May twenty-first.
At about noon on May tenth, the British garrison captured at Ticonderoga had been sent to Lake George, and from there it had marched to Hartford, Connecticut, by way of Albany, arriving at its destination on May twenty-second. In the meantime, Delaplace and the other officers had made their way to the same place, going by way of Skenesborough route. As soon as was practicable after his arrival there, Delaplace sent a memorial to the Connecticut Assem- bly, relating the familiar story of his capture at Ticonderoga and seeking to have his status defined. Since the legality of the activity of the Green Mountain Boys was seriously open to question, and since the Continental Congress was not yet ready to admit that the war for independence had begun, the questions raised by the British officers were difficult to answer. No one desired to assume responsibility. Allen, realizing that Ticonderoga was clearly within the borders of New York, asked that Colony for advice, but the buck was promptly passed to Congress. Connecticut handed the British officers' request to Massachusetts, while that Province, in turn, passed the problem on to Congress. The only result was the appointment of a committee to provide for the captives and their families until Congress should intervene. Needless to state, they remained in Hartford for some time, Delaplace being still there as late as December, 1776. This officer was also unfortunate in other respects, because no one seemed willing to account for or reimburse him for personal belongings which he had been forced to leave behind at Ticonderoga and for which both Allen and Arnold had assured him he would be indemnified.
In the meantime, while all these events were taking place, the rivalry existing between Allen and Arnold continued unabated. The clash over the command of the patriot forces had only been tempor- arily stilled by the compromise resulting in the dual command at the time of the surprise of Fort Ticonderoga. After the capture, each
201
GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS IN ACTION
officer felt that he should be in complete command. Whenever Arnold argued the validity of his commission, Allen contended just as lust- ily for his own authority. The controversy became more bitter, once the fort was captured, as a result of Arnold's efforts to main- tain some vestige of discipline among the happy patriots. He was unaccustomed to the relationship between men and officers that existed among the Green Mountain Boys. They habitually chose their own officers and refused to follow any leader whom they did not fancy. These surly frontiersmen absolutely refused to be ordered around by anyone against their will, and insisted on doing as they pleased. Ethan Allen had been prominent among them for some time and was familiar with their individualistic ideas of military serv- ice. After the fall of the fortress he was as boisterous in celebrating the great event as were his followers. Arnold, on the other hand, could not comprehend such disorder. He tried hard to maintain discipline, but only succeeded in making himself less and less popular with the Green Mountain Boys. The more he attempted to create order out of chaos, the more disliked he became. The opposition of the men to his ideas of military discipline was so great that he was even fired upon.
It is unfortunate that such personal rivalry and petty bickering should have clouded the dramatic story of the capture of Ticonderoga. There was enough glory for all, without exaggeration of personal exploits. Neither Arnold nor Allen allotted much credit to the other. In addition, Colonel Easton claimed to have played an extremely important part in the capture. His untruthfulness has been made obvious by the testimony of Delaplace, however. The story of events occurring at Ticonderoga after the capture has also been greatly discolored by Arnold's later treachery. It is very diffi- cult to unsnarl all the details. We do know, however, that Ethan Allen became greatly interested in the idea of invading Canada and less and less concerned about the command of Ticonderoga. We also know that, as the days passed, the Green Mountain Boys began return- ing to their farms for their plowing and their planting. As Allen and his followers slowly drifted away from the fort, it is apparent that Arnold's situation was much improved and that for a time he was the undisputed commander at Ticonderoga.
This situation did not continue for long, however. Although Arnold signed a letter on May twenty-third as commander-in-chief,
202
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
while Allen signed one of his own on May twenty-sixth as "Colonel of the Green Mountain Boys," new problems and disputes soon rose to plague Arnold. On June fourteenth, the Legislature of Massachu- setts appointed a commission to investigate conditions at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and Arnold's conduct as well. At about the same time Connecticut sent a force of one thousand men under Colonel Hin- man to hold the posts until New York should relieve him. To fur- ther complicate matters, the Provincial Congress decided that, if Connecticut should be found to have arranged for a garrison for
(Courtesy of Chamber of Commerce at Keeseville)
KEESEVILLE, CORNER OF FRONT AND CLINTON STREETS
Ticonderoga, Arnold should bow to the wishes of Connecticut and return to Massachusetts. The result of all this was that Arnold was ordered to turn over the command to Hinman, which he at first was unwilling to do. Nevertheless, he formally resigned his command on June twenty-fourth, finally realizing that, temporarily at least, his rivals were in the driver's seat.
The eternal backbiting and personal jealousy among the officers at Ticonderoga was not peculiar to that post alone, but was evident throughout the revolutionary armies. No leader, however capable or righteous, was able to escape this abuse, not even General Washing-
203
GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS IN ACTION
ton himself. Just as soon as one officer succeeded in obtaining a com- mand, several of the other officers would begin a campaign of slander and misrepresentation to pull him out of the saddle. No dogs ever scrapped over a bone with more relish than did some of the colonial officers over their authority. The loser generally made his way as swiftly as possible to Philadelphia to present his own case to Con- gress and after a strenuous political and social campaign, seasoned heavily with propaganda, was frequently restored to power. Thus an officer was a respected citizen one day, and a villain the next, as the pendulum of political favoritism swung to and fro. Concerning the situation at Fort Ticonderoga, General Philip Schuyler wrote on July eleventh : "The unhappy controversy which has subsisted between the officers at Ticonderoga relative to the command has, I am informed, thrown everything into vast confusion. Troops have been dismissed, others refuse to serve if this or that man command. The sloop is without either captain or pilot, both of which are dismissed or come away. I shall hurry up there sooner than the necessary preparations would otherwise permit, that I may attempt discipline amongst them."
The situation at the fort showed no improvement until after Schuyler arrived on July eighteenth with his orders to command the entire district including Crown Point and Ticonderoga. So great was Hinman's incompetence, that discipline seemed to be completely lack- ing, a situation that had existed ever since Arnold's departure. Hin- man evidently aimed to maintain his popularity by not attempting to regulate the conduct of his men. In this respect it must be admitted that he was only profiting by his predecessor's example, for it had been Arnold's insistence on discipline which had resulted in the latter's unpopularity. When Schuyler arrived at the first American outpost at ten o'clock in the evening, he found the guards already deep in their slumbers. He also found that provisions were very short, due to waste or embezzlement, or both. There was not even a nail or other materials which would be necessary for the building of the boats which were so essential to keep control of the lake. Schuyler rapidly came to share Arnold's contempt for Hinman, and at once was writing to General Washington concerning the Connecticut commander's incompetence. Now, however, a decided change took place for the better, as Schuyler bent his energies in the cause of strengthening the American positions and preparing the way for further aggressive action in the Champlain Valley.
CHAPTER XII
The Attempt to Conquer Canada
The time seemed to be ripe for an American invasion of Canada. It was true that the British had a very able commander there in the person of General Carleton but, according to intelligence gathered by John Brown, there were only about seven hundred English soldiers in the entire Province. Three hundred of these were stationed at St. Johns, while the remainder were scattered among the other posts, including Chambly, Montreal, and Quebec. The people residing in Canada also seemed real friendly to the American cause, and there was good reason to believe that the patriots would find assistance in that quarter. Although Carleton was having some boats built to replace those captured and destroyed by Arnold, and although when Schuyler arrived at Ticonderoga he found only enough American boats to carry two hundred men, by August twenty-third the patriot leader had sufficient craft to transport thirteen hundred men and twenty days' provisions. The size of the colonial army was constantly varying because of the addition of recruits and the loss of men discharged because of sickness, which reached such proportions that in a period of about two months approximately seven hundred men were thus lost. There can be no question, however, but that it was much superior in numbers to Carleton's available forces. When it finally left Crown Point on August thirtieth, it consisted of twelve hundred men.
As we have noticed, Ethan Allen was a firm believer in the prac- ticability of the conquest of Canada. He was extremely interested in the idea of raising a regiment of his Green Mountain Boys for this purpose. In June, he and Seth Warner had appeared before the Con- tinental Congress in Philadelphia. In addition to exacting a prom- ise of pay for the men and officers who had taken part in the capture of Ticonderoga, they had also been authorized to raise a regiment of Vermonters to be led by officers of their own choosing. To thus win
205
ATTEMPT TO CONQUER CANADA
such a concession from Congress was certainly a triumph for Ethan Allen, who only a few months previously had been almost an out- law, with a price on his head. There is little doubt but that the section of the Congressional resolution providing that the men who enlisted in the projected regiment should choose their own officers was placed there at Ethan's insistence. If this is true, it certainly proved to be a boomerang. As he made his way back to his beloved Green Mountains, he doubtless pictured himself leading the regiment over the walls of Montreal or Quebec, but any such rose-colored dreams were soon punctured. The mirage was soon to fade from view. When the committees from the towns on the west side of the Green Mountains met at Dorset to choose the commander, Seth Warner, and not Ethan Allen was chosen by an overwhelming margin. This was certainly a cruel blow to the brave leader who had led the Green Mountain Boys in their resistance to New York, and who had been so prominent in the capture of Ticonderoga. In all probability, if the selection of a commander had been left entirely to the enlisted men, Allen would have been the choice because he had always been their acknowledged leader and hero. The men on the committees that com- posed the electoral convention, however, were, in general, older and more conservative, and doubtless distrusted Allen's rashness, impetu- ousness, and distaste for tradition. The great Vermonter had many sterling qualities, but proficiency in military science was not among them. As a fiery, aggressive, bold leader he was supreme; but as a cunning master of delicate maneuvers he was lacking in ability. Naturally, Allen was both hurt and furious, and as they had done on other occasions, the men joined in the row. At first many of them refused to enlist unless Allen commanded, the majority of them taking his side of the controversy. The bitterness was ironed out, however, by General Schuyler who promised to take him along with the army which Congress had finally decided should invade Canada. It can be imagined that this pacification was not easy, and that Allen did a great amount of grumbling, although he patriotically continued to help in the preparation for the invasion of Canada. It is interesting to note Schuyler's attitude toward the deposed leader of the Green Mountain Boys. He later wrote : "I always dreaded his impatience of subordi- nation; and it was not until after a solemn promise, made me in the presence of several officers, that he would demean himself properly, that I would permit him to attend the army; nor would I have con- sented then, had not his solicitations been backed by several officers."
206
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
Ethan's restless spirit was not to be confined to camp, however, for he was sent to Canada where he set about recruiting the inhabit- ants. In this work he was soon off to a successful start, and wrote that he could raise one or two thousand within a week's time. He eventually happened upon John Brown, however, and they concocted an impulsive scheme to capture Montreal. Allen had one hundred and ten men at this time, eighty of whom were Canadians. He fulfilled his part of his plan, but Brown, who was to attack simultaneously from the opposite side as well as to give the signal for the attack, did not show up at the appointed time. Carleton thereupon organized a force of five hundred and set out to meet the luckless Ethan. Allen sent out a detachment to flank the British, but it was composed of Canadians who promptly deserted, while a second detachment did the same. He then tried to retreat, but in vain. Allen and the remainder of his force were compelled to surrender. Thus, long before the Declaration of Independence, he was lost to the patriot cause, being sent to England in irons. This picturesque figure, who had been so active in the history of the Champlain Valley, was like a chained lion in a cage, removed from the field of action that he loved so well.
Schuyler's army was finally able to leave Crown Point on August thirtieth on its mission to invade Canada. The expedition camped in Westport that night, reached Isle LaMotte the following day, and waited there until the arrival of the commander-in-chief on Septem- ber fourth. Schuyler, however, was in extremely poor health, rheu- matism forcing him to return soon to Ticonderoga. The active com- mand of the army of invasion then descended upon the capable shoul- ders of Richard Montgomery, a gallant young Irish officer who had served under Wolfe at Quebec. The ailing general at least was leav- ing the important mission in capable hands. In any case, his illness was certainly not an unmixed evil because he was now able to devote his energies to the equally important task of forwarding provisions to the army. Without them the soldiers would have had to retreat, and until he occupied himself with the problem, the transportation of sup- plies was hopelessly inadequate. Schuyler did not exaggerate condi- tions any when he wrote to Congress: "If I had not arrived here, even on the very day I did, as sure as God lives, the army would have starved."
After Montgomery's army fortified Isle aux Noix, it contin- ued northward and, on October eighteenth, Fort Chambly was cap-
207
ATTEMPT TO CONQUER CANADA
tured by an American detachment. It was necessary to lay siege to St. Johns, and that post did not surrender until November second. The garrison had hoped for assistance from General Carleton, but, although the British commander did make an attempt to raise the siege, they waited in vain. Ten days later, on November twelfth, Montreal fell, and the patriot army was in the heart of the enemy country. On November twentieth, Seth Warner and his Green Moun- tain Boys were honorably discharged and sent home because they were volunteers and had inadequate clothing and provisions for a winter campaign, but the bulk of Montgomery's army continued relentlessly down the St. Lawrence in the direction of Quebec, arriving at Pointe aux Trembles, twenty miles above that ancient city, on December first.
In the meantime, Benedict Arnold had once more returned to active duty, and had been assigned the extremely difficult task of lead- ing another army from the Maine coast through the wilderness against Quebec. The most incredible thing about this spectacular attempt was that the expedition actually reached Canada. Few episodes in history compare with it. Arnold led his men up the Kennebec River, across an uncharted wilderness, and then down the icy Chaudière, uniting with Montgomery on the St. Lawrence. The streams were treacherous and difficult to navigate. Vast swamps impeded progress, while some of the forests had never before been threaded by white men. Food and clothing were scarce, thanks partly to treacherous rocks that overturned and smashed boats. In addition Arnold was plagued by the lack of discipline and cooperation on the part of some of his officers, a condition which was common in the Continental arm- ies. Last, but far from least of the problems, was the cold weather which grew steadily worse and worse as winter became more and more evident and the men marched farther and farther into the frozen northland. The bitter journey cost Arnold one-third of the force that Washington had given him, but the remainder, which included Daniel Morgan and his Virginians, although exhausted, tattered and starved, finally arrived in Canada by virtue of sheer determination, dauntless spirit, and matchless leadership. The army which had vanished so completely into the Maine wilderness now reappeared on the St. Lawrence, a part of the civilized world once more.
Thus, in the first part of December, the two armies were united in front of Quebec. In spite of the fact that Montgomery had now but five hundred men, while Arnold's force was reduced to seven hun-
208
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
dred, the two leaders had no thought of resting on their laurels. Both were daring, and both had the faculty of infusing their own indomi- table spirit among their followers. Up to this point both had won success, but the parade of American victories was now at an end. The task of capturing Quebec was difficult at any time. Sickness, bitter cold, lack of provisions and poor discipline now tended to make success almost hopeless. Nevertheless, the word was given to attempt an assault, and but for extremely bad luck, Quebec might have become an American fortress, thus bearding George the Third in his own back yard. The attack took place on the last day of the year 1775. In the inky darkness of early morning, with an icy wind piercing the half-clad men, and amidst a blinding snowstorm, Arnold and Montgomery led the way. Luck, however, was certainly not partial to the American cause. Montgomery was mortally wounded by the first volley, while Arnold was disabled and carried from the field. Frightened by the loss of their two main leaders, some of the undis- ciplined colonial soldiers gave way to a precipitous retreat, but Mor- gan fought on in the storm and cold with characteristic energy until half of his men were killed and he was forced to surrender. By this time the army was deprived, at least temporarily, of most of its really competent commanders, and was now left in the hands of General David Wooster and an unusual assemblage of incompetent, selfish, and foolish officers.
Smallpox soon broke out on a large scale and accomplished great damage among the wretchedly clothed, poorly nourished, and inade- quately nursed soldiers. It even seemed doubtful whether the men would escape from Canada at all. This certainly was a sharp contrast to the two armies which had set out with such hopes but a few months before. The spectacular attempt to capture Quebec had ended in a dismal failure in spite of unusual heroism and able leadership. It is easy to believe, however, that it might have been a glorious success had Montgomery not been killed and Arnold disabled. The campaign had been conducted brilliantly from the American point of view, month after month, only to fail when, at the most important moment in the whole proceeding, bullets happened to deprive the army of both of its leaders. Lady Luck certainly smiled on the British on this occasion.
The Continental Congress appointed a commission to go to Can- ada with the intention of attempting to win the Canadian settlers to
209
ATTEMPT TO CONQUER CANADA
the patriot cause. It was even hoped that many of the inhabitants would join the American army, which remained near Quebec. The commission consisted of three men, Benjamin Franklin, Samuel Chase, and Charles Carroll, and was accompanied by the latter's brother, Father John Carroll, a prominent Catholic clergyman, who was expected to exert much influence over the Catholic population of Canada. Proceeding by way of Albany, the party went down Lake George in a bateau and arrived at Ticonderoga in April. Although its progress was impeded by spring storms on Lake Champlain, the commission finally arrived at Montreal on April twenty-ninth, having halted at Crown Point, Panton, and Essex while on its journey. It must have been a cruel experience for the seventy-year-old Franklin to make the long trip down the lake in cold, windy April weather in an open boat, but he seems to have survived fairly well. Father Carroll was unable to make much impression on the Canadian Catholics, while the commission itself accomplished little, a result which was only natural in view of the American military defeat. The delegates were, therefore, required to return home empty-handed, Franklin and Father Carroll leaving Montreal May eleventh, and arriving at Ticon- deroga early in June.
During late winter and early spring, reinforcements arrived to join the American army in Canada, but the situation was very critical. Suffering from the cold, lack of food, and inadequate clothing was bad enough, but smallpox made matters much worse. On May I, 1776, General John Thomas arrived and took command. Although on one occasion he had as many as three thousand men, over two-thirds suffered with the disease at one time or another. He also received word that British renforcements were expected soon. The combina- tion of circumstances was too much for him, and he retreated so hast- ily that he left behind not only some of his precious baggage and pro- visions, but even some of his sick. He also had the additional misfor- tune of catching smallpox himself, and finally died at Chambly on June second, the command descending to the shoulders of General John Sullivan.
The situation tended to become worse instead of better from the American point of view. In spite of heroic efforts on the part of Schuyler, the patriot food supply continued to be hopelessly inade- quate. The large British reinforcements constantly menaced the disease-ridden army, and the morale of Sullivan's forces became worse
C & G-14
210
LAKE CHAMPLAIN AND LAKE GEORGE VALLEYS
and worse. In addition, the detachments of Americans tended to operate independently of each other, without proper coordination, in general under the leadership of selfish, jealous and sometimes stupid officers. Each unit was primarily concerned with its own problems and its own suffering. Operating in this disjointed manner, with the usual lack of discipline, it must be agreed that the retreat was poorly conducted, although there were certainly extenuating circumstances. As Sullivan's dispirted forces slowly made their way in the general direction of Ticonderoga, it is difficult to understand why more of the independent detachments composing his army were not captured by the British. In spite of the scarcity of supplies, much was carelessly abandoned and needlessly left behind. More would have been lost but for the fact that Benedict Arnold and his soldiers covered the retreat in fine style. Despite smallpox, his men plunged into the water, and, working up to their waists, dragged artillery and stores over the rapids of the Richelieu after they had been discarded by Sul- livan's forces. Anything of value that could not be recovered, Arnold destroyed. Frequently he operated within sight and gunshot of the British redcoats under General Burgoyne, who was pressing closely on Sullivan's rear. The main part of the American army arrived at St. Johns on June seventeenth, where it paused long enough to burn the fort and barracks located there, and then pushed on toward Isle aux Noix, reaching that place the following day, June eighteenth.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.