USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 8
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It cannot be said, however, that the results of King George's War were unimportant. In the first place it seriously undermined the alli- ance between the Iroquois and the English. Indian villages had been destroyed by the French, and English assistance had been tardy. The French had conducted their campaign with intelligence and vigor, whereas the English, with a few exceptions, had been overwhelmed with incompetent officers and bungled plans. In King George's War, the French won most of the glory. The French also flattered the Iroquois, while the English often treated them with contempt. Schuyler and Johnson were at their wits' end, trying to retain the friendship of the Five Nations in these circumstances. The main- spring of the Iroquois attachment to the English side lay in the fur trade. But for this factor, these Indians would have joined the French and today North America might have been predominantly French instead of English. As late as 1754 it was doubtful whether even the fur trade would keep the Iroquois friendly.
C & G-5
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The conquest of Louisburg in the early part of King George's War had given the Colonists self-confidence. An army of New England farmers and fishermen had won a glorious military victory. Coming as it did at a time when disputes were raging in the Colonies between the representatives of the English King and the legislative bodies, it certainly caused many of the provincials to wonder if, after all, they needed the Mother Country any longer. Later, in 1748, when this hard-won prize was restored to France without a battle, many New Englanders were very angry.
The terror spread by the French and Indians in King George's War resulted ultimately in the previously mentioned meeting of the representatives of the English Colonies in Albany in 1754. Its pur- pose was two-fold: it aimed to unite the colonies for purposes of defense, and to cement the friendship of the Iroquois, who were uneasy over the French depredations. This convention considered the idea of organizing the Colonies into a confederacy, so great was the need felt for union. Benjamin Franklin presented such a plan, but it finally was turned down by both the Colonies and the Mother Coun- try. In spite of its failure, the seeds of union had been sown, and by 1776 the idea had obtained a fixed hold on the minds of the Colonists.
CHAPTER IV
The Battle of Lake George
The wars of King William, Queen Anne and King George were but dress rehearsals for what was to follow. Within only a few years after Aix-la-Chapelle, three continents were in flames. Europe, Asia and North America felt the tread of marching feet. In Europe this conflict was known as the Seven Years' War, but to Americans it was the French and Indian War. Tremendous were the issues and momentous were the consequences. At the outset, the prestige of France was at its crest, while British power seemed in eclipse. This situation was to be drastically changed by 1763. It was in this war that England allied herself with the brilliant Frederick the Great of Prussia, who was to defeat the formidable alliance of Austria, France, Russia, Sweden and Saxony, formed by Queen Maria Theresa of Aus- tria to win back the lost province of Silesia taken from her in the previous war.
In India, at the outset of hostilities, French authority seemed firmly established, but such a situation was not to continue for long. The rajahs of Hindustan enrolled in the rival armies of Dupleix and Clive, and India was plunged into civil war. Finally, in 1757, a great victory was won by the English at Plassey and much French territory was conquered. Although at the end of the war France received back the towns which her rivals had taken, she had lost valuable prestige, and English influence eventually became supreme, thanks largely to the tireless energy of Robert Clive.
In North America, at the outbreak of hostilities which came early in 1754, French power seemed firmly planted. Fort St. Frederic at Crown Point still retained for France one key to the control of the British Colonies. The alliance between the powerful Iroquois and their English friends seemed likely to break up because of the red
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man's contempt for the lack of ability possessed by British generals. Yet, by 1763, the duel for supremacy in North America was to be completely won by the English. The valleys of Lake George and Lake Champlain were to play a prominent part in the struggle which decided the control of the continent.
In the early part of 1755, four separate expeditions were organ- ized by the English. The first was sent against Nova Scotia and was entirely successful. The second, personally commanded by General Braddock (who was in charge of all British troops in America ), was expected to recover the Ohio valley from the enemy, but this was a tragic failure. Dramatically displaying his incompetence for wilder- ness fighting, and refusing to listen to anyone's advice, he marched stubbornly to his death and his army was saved from complete destruc- tion only through the generalship of George Washington. The third army, commanded by General Shirley, of Massachusetts, set out to expel the French from Fort Niagara and then to form a junction with Braddock. This expedition was also unsuccessful, many of the sol- diers deserting when they were informed of the defeat of the army they were expected to join. The fourth, under the leadership of Wil- liam Johnson, was aimed at the capture of Crown Point.
Johnson's appointment was consistent with the British policy of placing armies in the hands of incompetents. He had never had the least experience of a military nature, yet he was delegated the duty of capturing the important fortress of St. Frederic. In one respect he was the direct opposite of Braddock. Johnson had no military experi- ence at all, whereas Braddock was so thoroughly steeped in military science that his judgment failed to function. His main qualification was that he had the confidence of the Iroquois, who were at this time particularly friendly with him. In any case he was a man of many talents and seemed to have been born to succeed. It has been said that he could drink flip with Dutch boors or Madeira with royal gov- ernors, and he was equally at home in the society of the great as he was in the companionship of his Mohawk squaw. Everything he touched seemed to prosper. After all, he might have done much worse than he actually managed to do with the green, untrained army at his disposal. His prospects of success were brightened by the appointment of a brave and able Connecticut officer, named Phineas Lyman, as second in command.
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His army gathered near Albany in the summer of 1755. It con- sisted mostly of militia and volunteers from New York and New England, and with the exception of a few who had engaged in the siege of Louisburg they were amateurs in the arts of war. Clad in homespun garments, armed only with their own rifles without bayo- nets, fired with zeal from the conviction that they were to fight for home and fireside, they waited impatiently for orders to advance. Each Sunday, in accordance with their Puritan habits, they assembled for religious observance, and their Iro- quois allies listened gravely to an interpretation of a long sermon. Finally, in the early part of August, the main body of the troops began its slow march up the Hudson along the old mili- tary road, arriving at Fort Edward on the fourteenth, when Johnson reported that he had two thousand, eight hundred and fifty troops fit to fight.
(Courtesy of the Champlain Valley Council) SOUTH AND EAST BARRACKS, FORT CROWN POINT
This year of 1755 witnessed the building of many stockades and forts. The one erected at Fort Edward was originally named Fort Lyman, because it was constructed under the supervision of General Lyman. Soon after, it was given its present name in honor of Edward, Duke of York, brother of George the Third. Although two Indian trails extended northward from here toward the French fort, one by way of Lake George and one by way of Wood Creek, no roads pene- trated the wilderness, and Johnson had to build a road before his wagons could proceed further. One was begun to Wood Creek, but the order was countermanded and another was finally completed to Lake George. Slowly over the roots and stumps of the newly made road the wagons jolted along, followed by the regiments at their leisure.
Finally the army arrived at its destination at the head of Lake George, which up to that time had been known by the French name, St. Sacrament. Johnson promptly bestowed the modern designation in honor of his King, George the Second. He also decided to build a
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fort which he named Fort William Henry in honor of one of the King's grandsons. Johnson was not as prompt, however, in going ahead with his preparations to attack Crown Point as he was in honor- ing royalty, and the business at hand was conducted as leisurely as on previous occasions. The soldiers pitched their tents on a piece of rough ground by the edge of the water, with the camp facing the south. In back of them was the lake which Francis Parkman declared was the most beautiful in America-"then more beautiful than now, in the wild charm of untrodden mountains and virgin forests." On their right was a swamp of alders and swamp-maples; on their left was the hill where Fort George was later built; while in front was a forest which was not cleared away in spite of the fact that it would give excellent cover to an enemy. When the usual Sunday sermon was delivered on September seventh, war and bloodshed seemed far away. All seemed calm and quiet, but it was only the lull before a storm. As the sun was setting, an Indian scout attached to Johnson's forces came in to report a large body of the enemy moving from South Bay in the direction of Fort Lyman, but even then tragedy did not seem to be impending. It is true that a message of warning was sent to Colonel Blanchard at the latter post, but no effort was made to materially strengthen Johnson's position. The soldiers at the head of the lake had little difficulty falling asleep, and the only subcon- scious disturbances were dreams of home and loved ones.
Although William Johnson's knowledge of warfare had been rather limited up to this point, he was soon to have ample opportu- nity to learn more about it. Across the Atlantic Ocean and up Lake Champlain had come a brave leader and an able foe, Baron de Dieskau, with a new army of Frenchmen. When he arrived finally at Crown Point he had a force numbering three thousand, five hun- dred and seventy-three, composed of regulars, Canadians and Indians. It was neither his nature nor his plan to wait at Fort St. Frederic for Johnson to attack him and he soon moved to Ticonderoga with the intention of taking aggressive measures. Even this early in the cam- paign Dieskau was having difficulties with his red allies. Although they were commanded by the able Indian leader, Legardeur de Saint- Pierre, they frequently tested his patience to the limit. In spite of the fact that they were a necessity for fighting in the wilderness, they were nevertheless a constant annoyance. It was almost impossible to persuade them to go out as scouts. Dieskau wrote: "They drive
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us crazy from morning till night. There is no end to their demands. They have already eaten five oxen and as many hogs, without count- ing the kegs of brandy they have drunk. In short, one needs the patience of an angel to get on with these devils; and yet one must always force himself to seem pleased with them." Johnson had simi- lar experiences with his Mohawks, and Dieskau probably would have agreed with some sentiments which the English commander had expressed at Albany: "I shall be glad if they fight as eagerly as they ate their ox and drank their wine."
While the French force was at Ticonderoga an English prisoner was captured who proved to be a skillful liar. He persuaded Dieskau that there were only five hundred men stationed at Fort Lyman and that the remainder had retreated to Albany. Solely on this informa- tion the French commander based his decision to advance with only a part of his army, leaving the remainder at Ticonderoga. He should have known the truth, however. Perhaps his Indians were too lazy to carry out scouting assignments. Perhaps the easy annihilation of Braddock had made him over-confident of French prowess. In any case, he accepted the word of the English prisoner and set out up the southern end of Lake Champlain in canoes with only two hundred and sixteen regulars, six hundred and eighty-four Canadians and about six hundred Indians. On the following day, Sunday, September sev- enth, the expedition paused long enough for Mass and then moved onward toward Fort Lyman, arriving that night within three miles of the post. While here, they shot the messenger whom Johnson had sent to warn Blanchard. They also captured two prisoners who informed Dieskau that, contrary to previous reports, there was a large force of English soldiers at the head of Lake George.
He was in favor of attacking Fort Lyman, but his Indian allies refused to assist. They had heard that Blanchard possessed some cannon, and having the same dislike for the roar of artillery which characterized other Indians, they could not be induced to attack. They declared that they preferred to advance against the English camp at the head of the lake, not knowing that Johnson also had some cannon. The Canadian officers, being very contemptuous of English colonial militia, supported the idea presented by the savages. Dieskau, himself, was inflamed with a desire to win fame and fortune by a duplication of the victory over Braddock. He therefore allowed
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himself to be persuaded to abandon his idea of capturing Fort Lyman and finally gave the orders for the advance against Johnson's camp.
At daybreak on the morning of September eighth, Dieskau's army set out along the road so recently built by the English. It was divided into five columns, the one in the center being led by the rash Baron himself. A short distance on each side were parallel columns of Canadians. Beyond these were the Indians, threading their way through the underbrush as fast as the broken ground would permit. By eight o'clock they were ready to enter the narrow depression north of the Halfway House, which is buttressed by French Mountain on the right, and bordered by gentler slopes on the left.
In the meantime, intelligence had reached the ears of Johnson concerning Dieskau's presence near Fort Lyman, but the information was inaccurate and the size of the French force was underestimated. In the morning a council of war was called to determine a course of action. At that time Johnson probably had about twenty-two hun- dred whites under him as well as three hundred Indians, although the size of his total force has variously been estimated as high as five thousand. It was first suggested that a small party should be sent out to reconnoitre and harass the enemy. This proposition was defeated by the laconic remark of King Hendrick, the great leader of the Mohawks. He observed: "If they are to fight they are too few, if they are to be killed they are too many." It was later proposed to divide the force into three sections. To this King Hendrick also objected, winning his point by picking up three sticks and binding them together, saying: "You see now that these cannot easily be broken; but take them one by one and you may break them at once." Finally a large force of one thousand men under Colonel Ephraim Williams and two hundred Mohawks led by King Hendrick was detailed to march against the enemy. Before leaving, the famous Indian chieftain mounted a gun carriage and by his thrilling oratory kindled the passions of his followers for the approaching fray. At this stage of his life Hendrick was old, fat and feeble. He was unable to lead his men on foot, and finally set out on a horse provided for this occasion by his friend Johnson.
Colonel Ephraim Williams had spent the previous forty years of his life on the New England frontier. He had passed through many harrowing experiences safely, particularly at and around Fort Massa- chusetts, which is within the present town of Adams. In 1755 he had
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joined Johnson's army at Albany and had accompanied it to Lake George. While in Albany he had made his will, having had plenty of time for meditation and perhaps having been overcome by a pre- monition of tragedy. It was in this document that he had made provi- sion for the establishment of a school which ultimately developed into Williams College and which, today, ranks high in educational circles and stands as a memorial to its brave founder in the beautiful com- munity of Williamstown, Massachusetts.
On the morning of September eighth, 1755, the English force set out toward the south with Williams and Hendrick at their head at about eight o'clock, which was not far from the time that Dieskau was entering the narrow valley near French Mountain. A collision was now inevitable. Through that valley of death the two armies were making their way and the distance between them was rapidly decreas- ing. Both were under the command of brave, experienced leaders, both were composed of a deadly assortment of red savages and white men, and a resounding crash was not long in coming.
It was at this stage in the events of the day that Dieskau was handed a decisive advantage over his opponents when he received information from a prisoner that the English force had started out to meet him. On the other hand, Hendrick and Williams had every rea- son to believe that the French and Indians were near Fort Lyman and, as they marched down that winding road that September morning, they little suspected that a gruesome trap was being prepared for them. Dieskau's Canadians and Indians, being used to wilderness fighting, were sent ahead to form an ambush in the thickets on both sides of the roadway by which the English would come, while his French regulars halted where they were. His orders were that no guns should be fired until the enemy force was completely within the trap, and that his regulars should discharge their weapons first as a signal that the time was ripe for the slaughter. Calm and quiet descended on the peaceful looking valley. Dieskau's army had appar- ently vanished into thin air except for the French regulars, but behind every bush was a Canadian or a hideously-painted Indian listening carefully and with anticipation for the approach of the enemy and preparing for the kill.
Williams can justly be accused of carelessness on this occasion because of his failure to have scouts out. He had had previous expe- riences with ambushes and knew that this danger lurked around every
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force engaged in fighting in the wilderness. Moreover, the narrow valley through which he was now passing was a splendid place for an ambush. Perhaps his survival through so many frontier incidents had bred in him the seeds of carelessness. At any rate, with a com- plete sense of security, he now led his men into the fatal snare with- out taking the usual precautions. Even after a herd of deer was seen rushing down the defile Williams apparently entertained no suspicions regarding the cause of their flight. Soon Hendrick is supposed to have halted and exclaimed that he "smelled" Indians, which is entirely possible because of the fact that the red men made a practice of cov- ering their skins with various protective substances. Following this, a gun was discharged before the English were entirely in the trap. It was probably fired by one of Dieskau's Iroquois to warn John- son's Mohawks of the impending danger since they were relatives. In any case the warning came too late. Williams' party had proceeded far enough to find itself the center of a furious fire from three sides.
Hendrick's horse was shot at the very beginning and, before the aged chief could rise, a bayonet brought death to the great Mohawk. The heaviest fire seemed to come from the hill on the right, so Wil- liams ordered a charge in that direction, hoping at the same time to turn the enemy's flank and to secure a more elevated position on which to make a stand. This hill proved to be too thickly populated, how- ever. A deadly shower rained down on the English provincials as enemy guns flashed from the bushes. While leading the charge up the slope, Williams was shot through the head and fell dead on the spot. His body was then carefully hidden by some of his men to pre- vent its possible discovery and mutilation by enemy Indians. Mean- while, the deadly fire pouring upon the English force from three sides was proving entirely too hot. The remnants of Williams' party gave ground, some started to flee from the slaughter, then there was panic. Dieskau's men immediately rushed upon the survivors, shouting and screeching, and total disorder descended on the scene.
After awhile, however, some semblance of discipline was restored through the efforts of Lieutenant-Colonel Whiting, who was now in command of the English. He was aided at this time by a detachment of three hundred fresh troops sent to his aid by Johnson under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Cole. Whiting's men spread out and fought from behind trees in Indian fashion, alternately firing and
FLAG BASTION, FORT TICONDEROGA, BEGUN IN 1755
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retreating, as they withdrew toward the confines of Johnson's camp. Near Bloody Pond the provincials made a brave stand, but were soon forced from their position by Dieskau. Then Whiting led a well- conducted retreat, considering the circumstances, until the men arrived at the head of the lake. Thus ended that thrilling chapter of the events of the day known appropriately as the Bloody Morning Scout. It had indeed been bloody. The English had not only lost two brave leaders in Williams and Hendrick, but a large number of their men had been killed and wounded. Up to this time, destiny seemed to be marching side by side with Dieskau. The day, however, was still young, and much could happen yet. Much did happen, for the main engagement remained to be fought.
When the gradually approaching fire, indicating the retreat of Williams' force, had penetrated to the ears of William Johnson, he hurriedly ordered the defensive measures taken which he had neglected to do previously. Since the arrival of the English army at the lake, no entrenchments had been made. The necessary redoubts, rifle pits and fortifications were conspicuous by their absence. He now was forced by events to hurriedly build a rude breastworks of tree trunks and rush his limited artillery into position. His failure to construct any defenses prior to Dieskau's approach was unpardonable, and probably would have proved fatal but for the fact that the French attack was now delayed by the caprice of the red men. Their com- mander, Legardeur de Saint-Pierre, had been killed and they became sullen and unmanageable. Belonging to the same great Iroquois con- federacy of which Johnson's Mohawks were members, they were not enthusiastic about fighting their brothers. In the final analysis, the discovery that the English army possessed some cannon was bound to cool their ardor considerably. Not only were his red allies balky, but Dieskau also began to have trouble with his Canadians. Since the number of French regulars was small, he was forced to halt and per- suade the other two groups to fight before he could move on. Although he was temporarily successful, his Indians stopped short when John- son's cannon began to roar, and soon the Canadians began scattering right and left.
At the beginning of the attack, the English had five hundred men detailed to guard the flanks of the camp while the remainder were waiting behind the crude barricades. It was, quite definitely, not a
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pleasant moment for these amateurs who made up the bulk of the army. Most of them had never been under fire until this morning. The bloody defeat of Williams' party and its subsequent flight had not increased their self-confidence. Now, shortly before noon on that long day, they beheld the white-coated French regulars moving down the road toward them, their bayonets glittering in the light. From the woods and brush on the sides they saw Canadians and Indians running toward them as fast as Dieskau could rally them. The ter- rible war whoop seemed to come from all sides. Some of the men became filled with panic but flight was effectively prevented by officers who, with swords in hand, threatened instant death to any that should be tempted to give ground. In spite of the ominous aspects of their position, the provincials stood their ground in the path of the oncom- ing avalanche, and soon a fierce battle was raging.
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