USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 11
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After he sent the thousand men to Monro's assistance, Webb's own force at Fort Edward was reduced to sixteen hundred, although there were eight hundred more scattered between there and Albany. In his behalf it should be pointed out that, if he advanced to the head of the lake, prudence would dictate that he should leave a part of his small force behind him to guard the route between Lake Champlain and Albany, and in this case his ability to assist Monro was rather limited unless he received additional troops. But even though his powers of assistance were not great, the emergency at the head of the lake called for heroic action on his part. In spite of urgent notes from Monro, however, more reinforcements were not sent. Instead, Webb remained in the security of his fort, sending frantic messages to New
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England for additional troops that could not possibly arrive in time. His conduct during the past year had reflected unfavorably upon his personal courage, but he now made no effort to redeem himself. Webb, in fact, possessed many of the chronic weaknesses so character- istic of previous English generals, and he refused to move.
When Montcalm approached Fort William Henry, he sent La Corne and his Indians to occupy the military road running toward Fort Edward in order to intercept messages and watch for possible reënforcements. Lévis and his detachment selected a camping site south of the fort on the right hand side of the road where he could be of service to either La Corne or Montcalm. The Marquis halted the main part of his army near the small brook at the northern end of the present village of Lake George, which flows into Artillery Cove, where he landed his cannon. He immediately summoned Monro to surrender, but this brave and stubborn officer expected assistance from Webb and replied that he would defend the fort to the last. The French then rapidly proceeded with the erection of batteries, and soon had twenty guns in position, eleven in one group and nine in another. The Indians watched this preparation with great eagerness, and were particularly delighted when they saw them fired, listening in awe as the thunder reverberated up and down the valley. They apparently enjoyed cannon much better when pointed at the enemy than when aimed at themselves; but the seventeen guns in the English fort answered promptly, nevertheless.
As day after day passed it became evident that Monro was not to obtain much assistance from Webb. The garrison fought against the overwhelming power of the enemy with courage and resolution, while Webb wasted the time away and accomplished nothing. On the sec- ond day of the siege, Sir William Johnson arrived at Fort Edward with a large force of militia and Indians. At this time, if he had stripped the forts as far as Albany, Webb could have presented a total force of forty-five hundred men. If these had been joined to Monro's detachment, Montcalm could never have captured Fort Wil- liam Henry. Webb, however, allowed no assistance to reach the besieged. It is true that, in a moment of strength, he heeded the pleadings of Sir William Johnson and consented to allow him to lead a detachment to relieve the fort, but he was later overcome by panic and ordered the force back after it had marched three miles. The narrow defile south of Fort William Henry was an ideal place for an ambush. Colonel Williams had entered it, to his sorrow, two
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years before. The unvarnished truth is that General Webb did not have sufficient courage to advance through it, even if accompanied by his entire command. He sent a letter to Monro stating his decision not to march to his assistance unless he received additional reënforce- ments, himself. He also greatly overestimated the size of the French Army, as so often happens in the case of inferior generals. In addi- tion, he recommended the surrender of the fort. As was to be expected, the messenger bearing the note was killed by I.a Corne's Indians, who carried the letter to Montcalm, thus giving aid and comfort to the enemy. The Marquis retained the message for a few days until his guns had battered the English rampart some more. He then sent it to Monro with a demand for his surrender.
The position of the English garrison was now untenable. Three hundred men had been killed or wounded. Smallpox was raging and each day beheld new victims falling before this fearful disease. Only seven small guns remained undamaged among Monro's artillery, while Montcalm had forty-six now in position. The walls were crumbling, and ammunition was becoming scarce. Faced with the cowardice on the part of General Webb, the only choice was sur- render or extinction. On the morning of August ninth, the English officers met in council. Soon a white flag was raised and one of their number set out for Montcalm's tent.
The Marquis graciously promised liberal terms of surrender. It was agreed that the English troops should be allowed to march out with the honors of war, taking with them one piece of artillery in recognition of their brave defense. Then they were to proceed to Fort Edward under an escort of French soldiers. The only limita- tions imposed were that none of the captives should serve again for eighteen months, and that all French prisoners that had been cap- tured in America since the opening of hostilities should be surren- dered within three months. Montcalm then called the Indian chiefs to council to secure their approval of the provisions. They agreed unanimously, solemnly pledging that all terms should be faithfully observed, and even promising to restrain their younger warriors from plunder and acts of cruelty. Montcalm still seemed to control his red whirlwind.
Such a tame climax to the campaign was certain not to appeal to the red men, however. They had flocked to Montcalm's standards from far and near to obtain scalps. They had gorged themselves
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with human flesh and blood during their journey up Lake George. The rival Indian nationalities had bragged continuously concerning their fierceness in combat, telling vividly how they were going to outdo the others when the opposing armies clashed. They had advanced to the jaws of the English fort; on their arrival taunting the enemy and bragging some more. During the siege they had waited impatiently for the fall of the fort, expecting to gather in their full quota of scalps and prisoners for torture. So far, their appetite for blood had received little satisfaction. Now the English fort had actually fallen, yet in spite of that fact it looked as if their lust was to be almost completely thwarted.
Regardless of the earnest assurances which their chiefs gave to Montcalm, the more blood-thirsty of the braves were unwilling or unable to control their emotions. When the English vacated the fort some of the sick were left behind. These were instantly butchered by a large group of Indians who flocked through the crumbling walls in search of rum and plunder. The carving up of these victims further aroused the craving for blood. Indians were notoriously subject to the laws of mass psychology, and the sight of human heads being paraded around caused a large share of Montcalm's red allies to become impatient for scalps and anxious to redeem their loud boasts. They demanded rum; but instead of satisfying them, it simply added fuel to their emotional conflagration. The more plunder they received from the English the more they wanted, and as the rum went to their heads they became increasingly menacing and dangerous.
Throughout the afternoon, groups of Indians ominously prowled around the tents containing the prisoners on the hill, their eyes glitter- ing with their desire for scalps. The scowling, frightfully-painted warriors constantly demanded more rum and clothing from the cap- tive soldiers, and fondled menacingly the long hair of the fright- crazed women. Some of the English resisted their efforts to obtain more plunder, and for a time there was grave danger of serious trou- ble, but Montcalm and his officers spent an unpleasant afternoon pleading with and threatening his red allies, and finally they succeeded in preventing serious atrocities. Full order, however, was not restored until nine o'clock in the evening. Montcalm then secured additional promises from the chiefs that the terms of surrender would be observed from then on, and that two from each tribe should accom-
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pany the French escort to Fort Edward the following morning to prevent molestation of the prisoners. He also gave special orders to La Corne and the other officers in his red legion to guard against vio- lence. Apparently the red whirlwind had been reharnessed to the will of the indomitable Marquis, but no one could be certain after the events of the afternoon. While his officers hoped against Indian excesses, some had their fears. And it is also quite certain that many of the tired, weary, gloomy English prisoners doubted that the red men had been permanently pacified.
The Indians spent the night celebrating the capture of the fort, but they remained completely dissatisfied with the results. Occasion- ally they were seen prowling singly and in groups around the edges of the English camp. Although no attacks were made, the prisoners remained wide awake as the seemingly endless night dragged slowly to its close. As the hours passed, they became more and more panic- stricken, and finally assembled in their haste at daybreak before their escort arrived. At this time seventeen wounded prisoners, unable to be with the others, were confined in some nearby huts. The savages were on the alert and promptly dragged these helpless individuals outside where they tomahawked and scalped them. A scene of plundering rapidly followed, but finally the escort arrived. Even then, the captives were forced to surrender their baggage in order to satisfy the savages, yet without success in pacifying them. Some of the soldiers, fearing for their lives, gave rum to the fiends, but mat- ters were only made worse. Many were left practically naked as a result of their efforts to appease the red mob with gifts of articles of clothing. Several in terror started to flee to the forests, yet to no avail. A few tomahawks started to fly; a few scalps were taken; soon shrieks of men, women and children mingled with war whoops on all sides. Grinning red devils were at work everywhere. It was as if the gates of hell itself had broken loose.
The French soldiers detailed by Montcalm to guard the prisoners were overwhelmed by their red allies, and proved entirely inadequate. Many of them were paralyzed with fear, and a few were killed by Indians who either could not or would not distinguish between friend and foe. Most of them fought fiercely to protect their prisoners, while many of the officers, including Lévis, risked their lives to fulfill their duty. The Marquis, himself, rushed to the dreadful scene as soon as
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he learned what was developing, but was not greatly successful in halting the butchery. In anguish, he implored: "Kill me, but spare the English who are under my protection." Threats and prayers alike fell on deaf ears. Montcalm forced some Indians to give up their prisoners, but this only led other savages to kill their captives. In all, he managed to save at least four hundred of the English from the scalping-knife or torture. Many groups of warriors deserted and returned home so that they would not lose their prisoners.
Jonathan Carver, who was one of the captives surviving the mas- sacre, has left an interesting account of his experiences on that day. He claimed that most of his clothes were torn from his back in spite of the fact that he appealed to a French sentinel for assistance. The latter called him an English dog and thrust him back among his tor- mentors. Later on, he was captured by two chiefs who laid hold of him by each arm and started away with him through the howling mob. In the words of Carver :*
"I now resigned myself to my fate, not doubting but that they intended to dispatch me, and then to satiate their vengeance with my blood, as I found they were hurrying me toward a retired swamp that lay at some distance. But before we had got a great many yards an English gentleman of some distinction, as I could discover from his breeches, the only covering he had on, which were of fine scarlet vel- vet, rushed close by us. One of the Indians instantly relinquished his hold, and, springing on this new object, endeavored to seize him as his prey; but the gentleman, being strong, threw him on the ground and would probably have got away, had not he who held my other arm quitted me to assist his brother. I seized the opportunity and hastened away to another party of English troops that were yet unbroken, and stood in a body at some distance. But before I had taken many steps I hastily cast my eyes towards the gentleman, and saw the Indian's tomahawk gash into his back and heard him utter his last groan; this added both to my speed and desperation.
"I had left this shocking scene but a few yards when a fine boy about twelve years of age, that had hitherto escaped, came up to me and begged that I would let him lay hold of me, so that he might stand some chance of getting out of the hands of the savages. I told him that I would give him every assistance in my power, and to this
*"Travels in North America."
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purpose bid him lay hold; but in a few minutes he was torn from my side, and by his shrieks I judge was soon demolished. I could not help forgetting my own cares for a moment to lament the fate of so young a sufferer; but it was utterly impossible for me to take any methods to prevent it."
The actual extent of the massacre is today unknown. The esti- mates of damage are so varied as to be almost worthless. Carver related that fifteen hundred persons were either killed or captured on that terrible day, but this figure is utterly fantastic. Vaudreuil, who always made light of Indian barbarities, went to the other extreme, declaring that only five or six were killed. Father Roubaud was an eye-witness and related that he saw forty or fifty corpses scattered about. Lévis was also present and set the figure at fifty. There is little reason to doubt these two gentlemen. Several hundred of the prisoners were carried off, stripped, or otherwise maltreated, but eventually one-half of the detachment commanded by Monro reached Fort Edward, those redeemed by Montcalm arriving there on August fifteenth.
As was to be expected, General Webb sent his personal belongings to a place of safety and prepared to retreat when he heard the news of the fall of Fort William Henry. As the days passed, however, no enemy appeared. In the meantime, the militia, for which he had sent, began to arrive in large numbers, and camped on the fields around Fort Edward. They were a mutinous mob, tired of being called to the army and then not being given a chance to fight. Waiting there without tents, kettles or the proper provisions and without accom- plishing anything, there is small wonder that they were dissatisfied. Very rapidly they began to desert and melt away over the distant hills. Few of the New York Militia remained, in spite of the fact that Governor DeLancey ordered the deserters to be fired upon. For three or four days the camp was a scene of wild confusion with the officers either unwilling or unable to control the unruly mob, so angered were the men at the lack of action. Such was the situation at Fort Edward while Webb remained, waiting in terror for Mont- calm's army to come after him. Grossly exaggerated reports spread throughout the army and the Colonies like wildfire. The size of the French Army, particularly the Indian legions, was considerably over- stated, and the terrible atrocities were ridiculously distorted. Panic
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existed everywhere and no one was more frightened than Webb, him- self. It is possible that, if Montcalm had advanced against Fort Edward immediately after the capture of Fort William Henry, Webb might not have resisted, so great was the confusion. Finally, on August seventeenth, the English general received word that the French Army had started back toward Canada, and he undoubtedly gave a great sigh of relief as he sent his rebellious militia home.
The first of Montcalm's forces to leave were the Indians, who set out for Montreal on the morning after the massacre with their plunder and about two hundred prisoners that they refused to sur- render. They had not obtained enough scalps during the massacre to satisfy their greed. Noticing graves covered with fresh dirt near the fort, they had opened them up and clipped off the scalps of the dead. It so happened that these victims had died of smallpox. It was not long before the disease broke out among the savages, and as a result they carried away something besides their plunder and prisoners. While their bodies were filled with this malady, they went swimming in the cool water which is certainly one method not to be used in curing smallpox. Large numbers of the red men died and the survivors went home with it. One Indian nation, which was also one of the bravest and most strongly attached to the French, almost entirely perished of this epidemic. In the minds of the English Colo- nists, this was fitting retribution for the atrocities that had been committed.
The Indians soon appeared in Montreal, and Vaudreuil took occa- sion to scold them for breaking the agreements made on the occasion of the surrender of Fort William Henry. Each of the nationalities declined to accept responsibility, however, and attempted to shove the blame off on the others for beginning the massacre. Vaudreuil then made a terrible mistake. He bought some of the prisoners from the savages at the price of two kegs of brandy for each. On the face of it, this seems like a harmless and generous transaction on the part of the Governor, but anyone acquainted with Indians could easily guess the aftermath. He should have insisted that all prisoners should be surrendered before any payment or presents, particularly brandy, was allowed them. The Indians consumed the liquor and the inevitable happened. They began at once to abuse and maltreat the prisoners they retained. Finally they killed one captive in the presence of every-
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body, placed his body in a kettle and, after cooking it, forced the other prisoners to eat it. According to one French writer, they even com- pelled mothers to eat the flesh of their own children. Vaudreuil was entirely too callous and cold-blooded on this occasion and cannot escape considerable blame. However, after a while, practically all the English survivors were purchased, and finally the red men paddled away toward the setting sun.
IN THE NARROWS, LAKE GEORGE
One section of Montcalm's army at Lake George was engaged in loading plunder onto the boats, while another large force was busy demolishing the English fort. The soldiers were occupied for several days in tearing it down. In the words of Parkman :* "The barracks were torn down, and the huge pine-logs of the rampart thrown into a heap. The dead bodies that filled the casemates were added to the mass, and fire was set to the whole. The mighty funeral pyre blazed
*"Montcalm and Wolfe," Vol. I
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all night. Then, on the sixteenth, the army reembarked. The din of ten thousand combatants, the rage, the terror, the agony, were gone; and no living thing was left but the wolves that gathered from the mountains to feast upon the dead." The famous fortress of William Henry, erected by Sir William Johnson only two years before, was now no more, and the victorious army returned without incident to Fort Carillon. Both waterways, for the time being, were French lakes, and it did not seem particularly appropriate to have the name of an English King attached to either of them. There was not an English fort north of Fort Edward, on either waterway.
Such were the results of Montcalm's famous expedition against Fort William Henry. Loudoun was at sea (in more ways than one !) on his way back from Halifax, when he learned the unpleasant news. Thus, while returning from a wild goose chase, he arrived only in time to find his own goose cooked. Although he was far from being a great leader, he now showed that he could be great in his indigna- tion. Vaudreuil's ears must have burned as Loudoun paced back and forth across his ship fuming and sputtering. He immediately ordered Webb not to risk a battle until he, himself, could arrive at the scene of action, although there was absolutely no danger whatever that his subordinate would presume to fight with Montcalm. Altogether, it is probably a fortunate circumstance for both Loudoun and Webb that a second siege or battle did not take place. British leadership in North America had declined to a new low, with results that were almost unbelievable and utterly fantastic. The colonists were licked, psychologically, and in despair, while the Iroquois were extremely con- temptuous of their allies.
There has been considerable criticism of Montcalm because of his association with the massacre. He cannot be held directly responsi- ble for the atrocities, however. Such guilt would be utterly incom- patible with his high Christian character. Throughout his life he was a gentleman of the highest order. His pleas to the Indians to kill him instead of his prisoners were sincere and carry conviction. The shadow, which the massacre cast across his later life, was always a source of self-reproach to him. Some of his officers cannot be so easily absolved from direct responsibility, however, being afraid of the red men themselves and fearful of drawing upon their own heads the wrath of the savages. There is some justification for saying that
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Montcalm did not take proper precautions to guard against Indian atrocities. The escort he provided for the prisoners was inadequate under the circumstances, as he should have known in view of his expe- riences with the savages the day of the surrender of the fort and also at Oswego. The insufficiency of the escort was not intentional, how- ever, and the most that can be said against the great Marquis is that he sadly underestimated the ferocity of his red allies. The rum which the Indians received from the English had set on fire smouldering sav- age passions. After the storm broke loose, he did all that was humanly possible to stem the tide. He was especially considerate and kind to the English fugitives that fled to the fort for his protection, and to the captives whom he succeeded in prying loose from the Indians. Too late he found out that his allies were more than he could control. Too late he learned that he had been playing with dynamite. It has been well said that he had sown the wind and now reaped the whirlwind.
As we have seen, the English had expected that Montcalm would march against Fort Edward and Albany after the fall of Fort Wil- liam Henry. In fact, this had been a part of the French plans when the army left Canada. There were some good reasons for its failure to advance farther, however. To lay siege to Fort Edward was almost impossible without artillery, and Montcalm had no way of transporting his cannon there. To attack without them was a decided risk because he knew that large groups of English militia would be flocking in by that time. The most important reason was that Vau- dreuil had insisted that the Canadians must be at their homes by Sep- tember in order to gather their crops. Under the circumstances, Montcalm's retirement after demolishing Fort William Henry was entirely justifiable.
Here, however, was a splendid chance for Vaudreuil. He was now in a position to complain about his rival either way, and by tarnishing the general's reputation, he could correspondingly brighten his own. He found fault that the Marquis stopped half way on the road to success, and hence had not followed his instructions. On the other hand, if Montcalm had advanced to Albany, Vaudreuil would have been just as indignant with the general's failure to have the Canadians home on time. As it was, he drained every possible political advan- tage for himself out of Montcalm's dilemma, and the relations between the two became more ominous and bitter.
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So our tragedy comes to an end. We leave the conquering hero, with his shield tarnished by his red allies, engaged in political conflict with his rival, the Governor. We leave the copper-hued villains being properly punished at the hands of smallpox epidemics. We leave Webb and Loudoun under an avalanche of criticism and a cloud of dis- trust. And last, but not least, we leave that sterling British officer, Colonel Monro, dying of a broken heart, his mind weighted down with his harrowing experiences.
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