USA > Vermont > The Lake Champlain and Lake George valleys, Vol. I > Part 29
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The more we contemplate the Burgoyne campaign, the more we realize the great extent to which the outcome of the events around Schuylerville and Saratoga was dependent upon the earlier part of the campaign. In the first place, the events of 1776 were of great moment. If it had not been for Arnold's fleet and his fierce naval battle at Valcour Island, the British could have easily reached Albany; and it is doubtful if all of the errors of the following year would have been committed, with Sir Guy Carleton in command. If the Brit- ish had swept southward in 1776, the Americans might not have even contested the invasion at Saratoga. The campaign which culmi- nated in the battle of Valcour Island made the work of Schuyler and Gates possible. A second factor which made success at Saratoga possible was Schuyler's sterling defensive tactics between the Cham- plain Valley and the Hudson. As the British were forced to delay, the patriot army was constantly strengthened by reinforcements. In the third place, the chances of American victory were increased by Jane McCrea's murder, which induced the Colonists to join the army to avenge her death. A fourth factor was the Bennington epi- sode, the result being a rude jolt, as well as a numerical loss to Bur- goyne. In the fifth place, the retreat of St. Leger due to Arnold's ruse, also helped make possible an American victory at Saratoga. All five of these factors tremendously aided the patriot cause. The absence of any one of these might have proved disastrous. In addi- tion, of course, there were Germain's colossal blunder and Howe's stupidity.
The Burgoyne campaign and the battles of Saratoga were unique in many ways. Few military episodes contain so much blunder and so many errors. There was the cruel whim of fortune that sent St.
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Clair to Ticonderoga just in time to surrender it. One does not need to search far to find a commander as fond of dissipation as Burgoyne; but it is not often that a battle is won by a man that does not have a command nor even a right to fight. Next we find that, in Arnold, we have the chief hero in the battle bringing our independence, yet the general who above all others has ranked as the Nation's prime villain and traitor. Few historical episodes have been distorted as much as the Burgoyne campaign has, because of hate of Arnold, dis- like of Gates, and the well-meaning outbursts of ardent nationalists. Added to these unusual features are great dramatic moments such as Fraser's burial, Arnold's assumption of command at the second battle, and the showing of Jane McCrea's scalp. We have Congress striking a medal to Gates, calling him the "gallant leader," although he had not been near the battle line in any engagement. And finally, at the end of the campaign, we find a proud, experienced army of British redcoats with their assorted allies surrendering to the despised militia, and "Gentleman Johnny" handing his sword to a man reminiscent of Uriah Heep. The history of the Burgoyne campaign is certainly an unusual and astonishing story !
CHAPTER XVII
The End of the Revolution
With the capture of Burgoyne's army at old Saratoga in 1777, major military maneuvers ceased in the Champlain Valley. Although many warlike episodes remained to be unfolded, they were of minor importance, consisting mainly of plundering expeditions and the bor- der warfare which had been so characteristic of the French wars. With the fall of Burgoyne, the British troops stationed on Lake George and Lake Champlain hastily retreated to Canada, except for two small posts near the border. Congress decided to invade Canada, Stark at first being selected for the command, but he was later replaced by General Lafayette. The politicians failed, however, to provide the necessary men and supplies, and the abortive plan col- lapsed completely. Except for a few detachments left in the north- ern department to care for the fortifications, all the American troops were withdrawn to aid Washington in the South.
The absence of soldiers in the Champlain Valley left the country- side completely at the mercy of bands of Tories and Indians, par- ticularly after Seth Warner's regiment was ordered to Albany in April, 1778. For some time Fort Edward was the most northern post held by the patriots, and even this was almost closed in the fall of the same year. In November, a British force penetrated the Champlain Val- ley as far as Ticonderoga, ravaging the settlements and destroying everything of value. During 1779 the war in New York State cen- tered largely around the expedition of Sullivan and Clinton against the Iroquois while, in the north, border warfare continued. In March a band of Indians made an attack on Skenesborough. After burn- ing every building to the ground, all property of any value was borne off to Canada on the backs of prisoners, who comprised practically one hundred per cent of the inhabitants of the unfortunate community.
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Again, in November, 1779, another Indian raid occurred against Ver- mont settlements, including Brandon.
The next year, 1780, was notable for Tory ferocity, and proved that white savages could be, on occasion, more cruel and barbarous than the redskins themselves. In the spring of the year, Sir John Johnson led an assorted force of five hundred regulars, Tories and Indians up the Champlain Valley on a plundering expedition into the Mohawk country. Making his way through the forests from Crown Point to the Sacandaga River, he succeeded in reaching Johnstown without discovery. His primary object was to recover valuable silver plate which he had been forced to bury when fleeing in 1776. This he easily accomplished with the assistance of a former slave who had faithfully watched over it. This expedition, however, is less apt to be remembered in connection with the recovery of treasures than it is with atrocity and barbarism. Johnson divided his force into two sections in order that more territory might be covered, and then his men proceeded to brutally slaughter men, women and children in cold blood. Every torture that savages could devise, and every atrocity that lust could engender desolated the countryside. Countless were the bloody episodes that tormented the Mohawk Valley. It would be exceedingly difficult to find an expedition, either white or red, that resorted to such inhumanities. As was to be expected, the Ameri- cans made every effort to intercept Johnson's force before it could escape to Canada. Governor Clinton, of New York, happened to be at Kingston, and hurried to Albany as soon as rumors reached him. Here he collected all the available militia and marched toward Lake George. Vermont officials responded to his request for aid by send- ing Captain Ebenezer Allen and two hundred men to Mount Inde- pendence. In the meantime, seven hundred men under Colonel Van Schaick followed the invaders by way of Johnstown. Sir John and his villains succeeded in escaping, however, embarking on Lake Champlain at Crown Point. Not possessing the necessary boats, Clinton and Allen were unable to pursue him farther.
It was in the fall of 1780 that the ravages of Indians and Tories reached their climax. A British force under Horton, numbering about three hundred partisans, mostly Indians, ascended the Winooski River, crossed the Green Mountains, descended White River and destroyed Royalton. A second expedition under Johnson made its
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way toward the Mohawk to once again ravish the settlements in that locality. At the same time, Major Christopher Carleton led a com- bined force of one thousand regulars, Tories and Indians up Lake Champlain with eight large vessels and twenty-six boats, making a landing on the shore of South Bay. At this time the patriots had a force of but seventy-five men at Fort Ann under the command of Captain Sherwood. Because of the small size of the garrison, as well as a lack of ammunition, the post surrendered without a struggle when it was agreed that the women and children in the fort should
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(Courtesy of Glens Falls Insurance Co., from painting by Ferris) WASHINGTON AT HALF-WAY BROOK (GLENS FALLS), 1783
be given safe conduct to their homes. The British force then poured in all directions, pillaging everything of value and burning the remain- der. Carleton, with the main body, marched in the direction of Fort George, where eighty of Seth Warner's Green Mountain Boys were stationed under the command of Captain Chipman. A detach- ment which the latter sent toward Fort Edward for supplies saw a party of Indians near Bloody Pond and sent a messenger to Fort George to convey this information. Chipman, not knowing that the enemy was present in force, and believing that the reports concerned
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only a small scouting party, made the mistake of sending most of his force out to meet the British. Needless to say, the battle was short and decisive, and the fort itself capitulated. Fort George had been doomed from the beginning regardless of any move that Chipman could have made. Southward, Carleton's Tories and Indians com- mitted their depredations, burning and pillaging as far as Stillwater, and forced the patriots to evacuate Fort Edward. All this British activity caused the Vermont militia to be called out, with orders to meet at Castleton. It is interesting to note that the commander of this force was none other than our old friend, Ethan Allen. In 1778 he had won his freedom by being exchanged for a British officer, and he was once again free to spend his restless spirit among the hills and along the lake that constituted his cherished habitat.
Surrounded as we are today with luxuries and pleasures, it is dif- ficult for us to realize the suffering of our ancestors of the Revolu- tionary period. Although filled with horror as most frontier episodes were, we cannot paint a true picture of the Champlain Valley without them. The cruel suffering of the inhabitants eclipsed military glory. One of the most unusual stories of this period was concerned with the experience of Jacob Sammons, a captive taken north by Johnson after his raid in the spring of 1780. It seems that Jacob and his brother, Frederick, managed to escape from the British fort at Chambly suc- cessfully, but became separated and each was forced to make his way alone. Jacob survived many unusual experiences as he pursued his course homeward along the shores of Lake Champlain. I record the most harrowing chapter by quoting from Stone's "Life of Brant":
"During the first four days of his progress he subsisted entirely upon the bark of the birch-chewing the twigs as he went. On the fourth day, while resting by a brook, he heard a rippling of the water caused by the fish as they were stemming its current. He suc- ceeded in catching a few of these, but having no means of striking a fire, after devouring one of them raw, the others were thrown away.
"His feet by this time were cruelly cut, bruised, and torn by thorns, briars, and stones; and while he could scarcely proceed by reason of their soreness, hunger and fatigue united to retard his cheerless march. On the fifth day his miseries were augmented by the hungry swarms of musquetoes, which settled upon him in clouds while travers- ing a swamp. On the same day he fell upon the nest of a black duck
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-the duck sitting quietly upon her eggs until he came up and caught her. The bird was so sooner deprived of her life and her feathers, than he devoured the whole, including the head and feet. The eggs were nine in number, which Sammons took with him, but on opening one he found a little half-made duckling, already alive. Against such food his stomach revolted, and he was obliged to throw the eggs away.
"On the tenth day he came to a small lake. His feet were now in such a horrible state, that he could scarcely crawl along. Finding a mitigation of pain by bathing them in water he plunged his feet into the lake and lay down upon its margin. For a time it seemed as though he could never rise upon his feet again. Worn down by hun- ger and fatigue-bruised in body and wounded in spirit-in a lone wilderness, with no eye to pity, and no human arm to protect-he felt as though he must remain in this spot until it should please God in his goodness to quench the dim spark of life that remained. Still, he was comforted in some measure by the thought that he was in the hands of a Being without whose knowledge not a sparrow falls to the ground.
"Refreshed, at length, though to a trifling degree, he resumed his weary way, when, on raising his right leg over the trunk of a fallen tree, he was bitten in the calf by a rattlesnake! Quick as a flash, with his pocket knife, he made an incision in his leg, removing the wounded flesh to a greater depth than the fangs of the serpent had penetrated. His next business was to kill the venomous reptile, and dress it for eating; thus appropriating the enemy that had sought to take his life, to its prolongation. His first meal was made from the heart and fat of the serpent. Feeling somewhat strengthened by the repast, and finding, moreover, that he could not travel farther in his present con- dition, he determined to remain where he was for a few days, and by repose, and feeding upon the body of the snake, recruit his strength. Discovering, also, a dry fungus upon the trunk of a maple, he suc- ceeded in striking a fire, by which his comforts were essentially increased. Still he was obliged to creep upon his hands and knees to gather fuel, and on the third day he was yet in such a state of exhaus- tion as to be utterly unable to proceed. Supposing that death was inevitable and very near, he crawled to the foot of a tree, upon the bark of which he commenced inscribing his name-in the expectation that he should leave his bones there and in the hope that, in some
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way, by the aid of the inscription, his family might ultimately be apprised of his fate. While engaged in this sad work, a cloud of pain- ful thoughts crowded upon his mind; the tears involuntarily stole down his cheeks, and before he had completed the melancholy task, he fell asleep.
"On the fourth day of his residence at this place, he began to gain strength and as a part of the serpent yet remained, he deter- mined upon another effort to resume his journey. But he could not do so without devising some substitute for shoes. For this purpose he cut up his hat and waistcoat, binding them upon his feet-and thus he hobbled along. On the following night, while lying in the woods, he became strongly impressed with a belief that he was not far distant from a human habitation. He had seen no indications of proximity to the abode of man; but he was, nevertheless, so confident of the fact, that he wept for joy. Buoyed up and strengthened by this impression, he resumed his journey on the following morning; and in the afternoon, it being the 28th of June, he reached a house in the town of Pittsford, in the New Hampshire Grants-now forming the State of Vermont."
Whether the details of this harrowing story are correct cannot be proved, but the experiences of Jacob Sammons are not improbable and, in fact, were typical of the frontier, although each episode of the wilderness had its own peculiar features.
Now we approach the Haldimand negotiations, so named for the British general in command at Ticonderoga. They consisted of a British attempt to detach Vermont from the patriot cause. This was a natural move on the part of the enemy, for the bitter contro- versy between Vermont and New York over the conflicting land grants was well known to them. Although the Green Mountain State had its own Constitution, it was not recognized as a separate political unit by Congress. The inhabitants were extremely dissatisfied with this situation, and objected strenuously to being ruled by aristocratic New Yorkers. To take advantage of this hostility between the American groups, Haldimand eventually went so far as to offer Vermont a sepa- rate government under the British Crown, with extensive popular privileges. It was also his plan to raise two regiments of redcoats there.
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Much as the inhabitants of the Green Mountain State disliked New Yorkers, however, they remained greatly opposed to an alli- ance with England. It would be difficult to imagine men, who were so opposed to the authority of others that they often disobeyed their own officers, submitting meekly to a King across the seas, particularly George III. It is safe to say that fully nine-tenths of the people of Vermont were intensely opposed to a treaty with the English. Fur- thermore, there is no doubt but that the leaders with whom Haldi- mand negotiated understood public opinion. To what extent Ver- mont's representatives were favorable to peace with England has been a subject of dispute. In the negotiations, Ethan and Ira Allen took a leading part. There is every reason to believe that the conqueror of Ticonderoga, particularly after languishing in British prisons, did not think kindly of the proposals and there is ample evidence that his colleagues took the same point of view. The historians, who have been suspicious of their patriotism, have undoubtedly been influenced unduly by the opinions of New Yorkers who were bitter over the land-grant feud. In any case, the behavior of Vermont's leaders was perfectly natural. Their State, and northern New York as well, were without means of defense against British invasion and plundering expeditions. Congress had withdrawn all available ammunition and forces for service in the war elsewhere. The British became particu- larly menacing when St. Leger ascended Lake Champlain as far as Ticonderoga in October, 1781. Vermont was wide open to enemy excursions. To fight was out of the question. If their homes could be saved by discussing issues with Haldimand and stalling, this was the obvious thing to do. In fact, there was no choice except sur- render. In addition, the British proposals provided a means of prying recognition of statehood from the Continental Congress by harmless political blackmail. Allen took advantage of this opportun- ity, writing a letter to Congress. After assuring that body of his loyalty to the patriot cause, he stated that he was "fully grounded in the opinion that Vermont has an indubitable right to agree on terms of cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, provided the United States persist in rejecting her application for a union with them." If actually engaged in treason, it is doubtful if he would have laid all his cards on the table. Neither would he have taken so many emi- nent Vermont patriots into his confidence.
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Not only were the negotiations with Haldimand logical, but they were highly beneficial to the Americans. The Allens regularly encour- aged the British to hope for a treaty, yet always delayed on one pre- text or another. This situation continued until the end of the war. As a result, Vermont was saved from destruction at a time when the northern frontier was completely unprotected; while the British also refrained from attacks on northern New York. Diplomacy accom- plished what Vermont militia was not strong enough to do.
The constant strain arising from diplomatic fencing with Haldi- mand was not, however, the gravest problem to the conspirators. With the people of Vermont so much opposed to the authority of England, the negotiations had to be conducted secretly. They would never understand, and their wrath would make it plain even to Haldi- mand, that there was no chance of an alliance. In this case the dis- cussions would be ended and warfare begun. In addition to keeping the people ignorant, it was necessary to keep up a show of military activity to prevent suspicion. The opposing generals, however, were in on the secret and had no intention of engaging in battle. This was the situation in the fall of 1781, with St. Leger stationed at Ticon- deroga, and Vermont troops, under General Enos, on the opposite shore. Although the commanders did not take the campaign seriously, some of their men did, with fatal consequences. In an isolated collision, Sergeant Tupper, of Vermont, was killed. St. Leger buried the unfortunate soldier and sent his clothing along with a letter of apology and regret to Enos. By some means or other, the contents of the message became known and created a sensation in the Ameri- can camp and throughout Vermont. A certain Major Runnels con- fronted Ira Allen and Governor Chittenden and demanded why St. Leger was so sorry about the killing of a Vermonter. An evasive answer was given, leading to an angry altercation. Runnels finally left the room in an angry mood. The Governor and his board, in alarm, promptly convened and altered portions of Enos' papers in order to escape the wrath of public opinion. This incident shows on what dangerous ground the Vermont leaders were treading in pur- suing their policy of diplomatic delay. As soon as news arrived of the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, negotiations were severed and St. Leger reembarked and sailed for St. Johns. When, in 1782, Haldimand attempted to renew the discussion, he was received with
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great coolness. It is, of course, barely possible that the Vermont leaders actually did seriously contemplate becoming an English Col- ony, but such an idea is very improbable. At the moment these nego- tiations were the best, and in fact the only sane, policy of defense; both the masses and the leaders had time and time again demonstrated their love for freedom and their determination to defeat the British; and if treason was the motive it would be difficult to explain so much delay. Whatever defects any of these Vermont leaders had, deceit and double-dealing were certainly far from being characteristic in their relations with their fellow-settlers. It is contrary to the evi- dence to believe that the Allens seriously considered for a moment any attempt to persuade the settlers to give up the freedom for which they had fought so fiercely.
In 1783, General George Washington, with several of his officers and Governor Clinton, ascended the Hudson and made visits to Ticon- deroga and Crown Point. The same year marked the formal termi- nation of European rule of the Champlain Valley, although the British retained, for thirteen years after the close of hostilities, posts at Point au Fer on the New York shore and at Dutchman's Point, on the island of North Hero. The Frenchman and the Englishman had, each in his turn, been expelled, and in each case Lake George and Lake Cham- plain had contributed their full share to the final outcome. The Indian menace had been permanently erased. Our infant republic was rapidly growing. The foundations had been built for a great nation that was destined ultimately to stretch from sea to sea. Her star, surrounded by a halo of freedom and liberty, had risen, and was to be a guide to all oppressed peoples everywhere, throughout the world. In the thick wildernesses of North America, the people had won the right to rule themselves, a privilege which was soon to prove tempting to the French and which was to render dangerous the thrones of tyrants everywhere.
The Revolution had so far retarded settlement in the Champlain Valley that, at the close of the war and the signing of peace in 1783, the only settlements near the lake were principally a few towns on the Vermont side south of Chimney Point. The total population on both sides was not over six hundred. Settlement tended to be retarded by the land dispute that continued between Vermont and New York. In spite of all hindrances, however, settlers continued to seek farms in the valley. When Vermont was admitted to the Union in 1791, the
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population of the lake towns was 6,773. In 1792, the inhabitants of the entire State numbered 85,589. The rapidity of the settlement of the valley can best be visualized by the fact that in the decade from 1790 to 1800, the population on both sides of Lake Champlain increased nearly two hundred per cent. By 1810, Clinton County, New York, had a population of 8,032. Washington County, New York, increased in population from 4,456 in 1786 to 42,289 in 1810, although greatly reduced in size meanwhile. Addison County, Ver- mont, jumped from 6,449 in 1790 to 19,993 in 1810. These are but samples of the growth that took place everywhere. Altogether, in 1810, the counties bordering Lake Champlain on both sides had 143,- 872 inhabitants.
Alburg was settled by royalists from St. Johns in 1782, while the following year witnessed the settlement of North Hero, Grand Isle and Rouses Point as well as the renewal of Burlington. White- hall and St. Albans were organized in 1788. Isle LaMotte, settled in 1785, was known as Vineyard from 1802 to 1830, when it reverted to its old name. Plattsburgh was organized as a town in 1785 and in 1810 had a population of 3,112. Between 1784 and 1786, large tracts of land in Clinton County were set apart for refugees from Canada and Nova Scotia and, also, for former soldiers. Bolton was the first settlement on the shore of Lake George at about 1790. Along with the pouring of population into the valleys there came a tremendous development of the region, commercially, economically and politically. The waterways, which for so long had been almost primarily the sinews of war, now became the arteries of commerce and industry. In war Lake George and Lake Champlain had played an important part not only in the duel between France and England and in the winning of American independence but also in determining the destinies of nations across the Atlantic. These waterways and the surrounding territory are tremendously rich from the wars of the past and abound in historic tradition. One would need to look far, indeed, before discovering another such treasure house. In peace, however, the valleys have another very interesting and important story, one that has been for too long eclipsed by martial glory. The achievements of the inhabitants along the lines of peaceful develop- ment have been disturbed but once : at the time of the War of 1812. Before we pass from a chronicle, primarily of destruction, to one of constructive effort, let us first consider the final conflict that ruffled the bosom of Lake Champlain.
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