USA > Alabama > History of Alabama and dictionary of Alabama biography, Volume II > Part 86
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Figs, 547 trees; 16,280 pounds. Oranges, 1 tree.
Small fruits: total, 1 acre; 651 quarts. Strawberries, 1 acre; 587 quarts.
Nuts: total, 357 trees; 17,272 pounds. Pecans, 49 trees; 212 pounds.
Labor, Fertilizer and Feed.
Labor-Farms reporting, 962. Cash expended, $38,221. Rent and board furnished, $9,865.
Fertilizer-Farms reporting, 3,708. Amount expended, $121,117. Feed-Farms reporting, 933. Amount expended, $26,551.
Receipts from sale of feedable crops, $35,- 547.
Domestic Animals Not on Farms.
Inclosures reporting domestic animals, 299. Value of domestic animals, $37,055. Cattle: total, 333; value, $7,745. Number of dairy cows, 218. Horses: total, 179; value, $23,893.
total, 20;
Mules, and asses and burros: value, $2,760. Swine: total, 371; value, $2,576.
Sheep and goats: total, 15; value, $31.
Population. - Statistics from decennial publications of the U. S. Bureau of the Cen- sus.
White.
Negro.
Total.
1840
4,446
527
4,973
1850
.10,616
965
11,581
1860
. 18,132
1,927
20,059
1870
10,365
1,641
12,006
1880
13,155
3,420
16,575
1890
13,914
3,305
17,219
1900
16,469
5,178
21,647
1910
18,942
5,717
24,659
1920
....
27,064
Post Offices and Towns .- Revised to July 1, 1919, from U. S. Official Postal Guide.
Figures indicate the number of rural routes from that office.
Dickert Roanoke-5
Graham-1
Rock Mills
Lamar-2 Tenant
Malone-2 Wadley-5
Newell-2 Wedowes (ch)-2
Wehadkee-1.
Delegates to Constitutional Conventions .-
1861-H. M. Gray, George Forrester, R. J. Wood.
1865-J. H. Davis, Robert T. Smith, George Forrester.
1867-Dr. Joseph H. Davis.
1875-Benjamin F. Weathers, C. B. Tay- lor.
1901-John T. Heflin, William A. Handley.
Senators .-
1834-5-William Arnold.
1838-9-William B. McClellan.
1839-40 -- George Reese.
1843-4-James E. Reese.
1845-6-Jefferson Falkner.
1847-8-Seaborn Gray. 1851-2-John T. Heflin.
1853-4-Henry M. Gay.
1857-8-Robert S. Heflin.
1859-60-Robert S. Heflin.
1863-4-W. T. Wood.
1865-6-M. R. Bell. 1868-H. H. Wise.
1871-2-H. H. Wise.
1872-3-J. J. Robinson.
1873-J. J. Robinson. 1874-5-J. J. Robinson.
1875-6-J. J. Robinson.
1876-7-J. J. Robinson.
1878-9-J. J. Robinson.
1880-1-R. S. Pate. 1882-3-R. S. Pate.
1884-5-N. D. Denson.
1886-7-N. D. Denson.
1888-9-W. A. Handley.
1890-1-W. A. Handley.
1892-3-H. W. Williamson.
1894-5-H. W. Williamson.
1896-7-T. J. Thomason.
1898-9-T. J. Thomason.
1899 (Spec.)-T. J. Thomason. 1900-01-J. D. Norman. 1903-James David Norman. 1907-J. W. Overton.
1907 (Spec.)-J. W. Overton.
1909 (Spec.)-J. W. Overton.
1911-J. D. Norman.
1915-B. F. Weathers.
1919-A. W. Briscoe.
Representatives .- 1837-8-Thomas Blake.
1838-9-William McKnight.
1839-40-F. F. Adrian.
1840-1-F. F. Adrian.
1841 (called)-F. F. Adrian.
1841-2-Wyatt Heflin.
1842-3-Jeremiah Murphy.
1843-4-Wyatt Heflin.
1844-5-James H. Allen.
1845-6-Wyatt Heflin; Samuel T. Owen.
1182
HISTORY OF ALABAMA
1847-8-William Wood; C. J. Ussery,
1849-50-R. S. Heflin; C. D. Hudson.
1851-2-Robert Pool; John Reaves.
1853-4-W. P. Newell; John Goodin.
1855-6-W. H. Smith, Richard J. Wood.
1857-8-W. H. Smith; A. W. Denman; Isaac S. Weaver.
1859-60-F. A. McMurray; F. M. Ferrill; J. Hightower.
1861 (1st called)-F. A. McMurray; F. M. Ferrill; J. Hightower.
1861 (2d called)-C. J. Ussery; A. W. Den- man; James Aiken.
1861-2-C. J. Ussery; A. W. Denman; James Aiken.
1862 (called)-C. J. Ussery; A. W. Den- man; James Aiken.
1862-3-C. J. Ussery; A. W. Denman; James Aiken.
1863 (called)-H. W. Armstrong; M. D. Barron; A. A. West.
1863-4-H. W. Armstrong; M. D. Barron; A. A. West.
1864 (called)-H. W. Armstrong; M. D. Barron; A. A. West.
1864-5-H. W. Armstrong; M. D. Barron; A. A. West.
1865-6-William E. Connolly; W. W. Dob- son; James L. Williams.
1866-7-William E. Connolly; W. W. Dob- son; James L. Williams.
1868-Jack Wood.
1869-70-Jack Wood.
1870-1-J. H. Davis.
1871-2-J. H. Davis.
1872-3-W. D. Lovvorn.
1873-W. D. Lovvorn.
1874-5-W. D. Heaton.
1875-6-W. D. Heaton.
1876-7-C. J. Ussery.
1878-9-J. J. Hearn. .
1880-1-J. E. Head.
1882-3-F. P. Randle.
1884-5-C. B. Taylor
1886-7-Enoch Carter.
1888-9-Samuel Henderson, Jr.
1890-1-W. L. Ayres.
1892-3-H. H. Whitten.
1894-5-S. E. A. Reaves.
1896-7-S. B. Gaston.
1898-9-John T. Heflin.
1899 (Spec.)-John T. Heflin.
1900-01-John T. Heflin.
1903-William A. Handley.
1907-W. R. Avery.
1907 (Spec.)-W. R. Avery.
1909 (Spec.)-W. R. Avery.
1911-W. R. Avery.
1915-J. T. Kaylor.
1919-M. P. Pittman.
REFERENCES .- Toulmin, Digest (1823), index; Act of Ala., Brewer, Alabama, p. 507; Berney, Handbook (1892); Riley, Alabama as it is (1893), p. 105; Northern Alabama (1888), p. 154; Alabama, 1909 ( Ala. Dept. of Ag. and Ind., Bulletin 27), p. 192; U. S. Soil Survey (1912), with map; Alabama land book (1916), p. 136; Ala. Official and Statistical Register, 1903-1915, 5 vols .; Ala. Anthropological Society, Handbook (1910); Geol. Survey of Ala., Agricultural fea-
tures of the State (1883) ; The Valley Regions of Alabama, parts 1 and 2 (1896, 1897), and Un- derground Water resources of Alabama (1907).
RECONSTRUCTION. The period begin- ning with the annulment of the State govern- ments in the South and ending with the res- toration of local self-government in all the States, or the decade from 1866 to 1875. The political reconstruction of Alabama was in- augurated with the proclamation of President Andrew Johnson, June 21, 1865, appointing Lewis E. Parsons, a former citizen of New York, provisional governor. The adminis- tration held the view that "the rebellion" had deprived the people of the Southern States of "all civil government"; and acting upon this doctrine, declined to recognize any of the State officials. The understanding among the Reconstructionists in Congress was that the new governments should be formed by loyal citizens of the various States, if such could be found, and if not, suitable persons should be brought from other States.
Mr. Parsons in 1860 was a Douglas Demo- crat, and during the War a consistent Union man. He assumed control of affairs at Mont- gomery shortly after his appointment, and ordered an election to be held August 31, for delegates to a constitutional convention. In his proclamation he stated that the conven- tion should have "authority to exercise within the limits of said State all the powers neces- sary and proper to enable such loyal people of the State of Alabama to restore said State to its constitutional relations to the Federal Government." The convention met in the capitol on September 12, and continued in session until September 30. Among the more important of its acts were the abolishment of slavery, the annulment of the ordinance of secession, the repudiation of the State's war debt, and the annulment of the ordinances of the convention of January 7, 1861, or such parts of them as conflicted with the Constitu- tion of the United States. It made provision also for the election of the governor, mem- bers of the legislature, and other State offi- cials. Under the revised constitution, an elec- tion was held in November of the same year, and Robert M. Patton, a native of Virginia, was elected governor. Inauguration cere- monies were held December 13, but Gov. Parsons refused to surrender the office to him until December 20. The general assembly had convened on November 20, and it ratified the thirteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States on December 2. At the November election, six Representatives in Congress were chosen, and the legislature elected Lewis E. Parsons and George S. Hous- ton to the United States Senate, but none of them was seated.
Presidential Reconstruction .- The War had been fought to preserve the Union and to set- tle forever the argument with respect to the right of secession. The North claimed from the very beginning that the Southern States could not legally withdraw from the Union. The result of the War had prevented their do- ing so, in fact. President Lincoln had con-
1183
HISTORY OF ALABAMA
sistently avoided any word or act which might even seem to recognize any man who spoke for the Southern people as the representative of any government whatsoever. He had never fought the States, nor a Confederacy of States, but only a people combined in arms in refus- ing to perform their functions as States. As early as 1863 he had issued an amnesty proc- lamation, offering free pardon and restora- tion of civil rights to all who would cease resistance to the Government and take the oath of unreserved loyalty to the Union pre- scribed by him. He was willing for as few as 10 per cent of the loyal people of a State to form a new government; and he stood ready to ask Congress to admit the represent- atives of such reformed States. He was willing to go even farther than that: He would have recognized a State government formed by even less than a tenth of the loyal people. To him the all-important thing was to get the erring States restored to their proper position and functions in the Union, and he was willing to make any reasonable concession as to methods of reconstruction in order to accomplish that end.
Andrew Johnson, soon after his accession to the Presidency, determined to carry out President Lincoln's plan of restoration almost without modification, and shortly undertook to put that determination into practice. He fully understood the plan, for as the agent of the President, he had restored Tennessee under its provisions. During 1865 President Johnson hastened the restoration of the for- mer confederated States. He appointed pro- visional governors and urged the holding of conventions to repeal the ordinances of se- cession and to revise the State constitutions in accordance with his requirements. Most of the States had taken such action, and had also ratified the thirteenth amendment to the United States Constitution, abolishing slavery, by December, 1865. On December 18, 1865, the Secretary of State formally proclaimed the thirteenth amendment ratified by the votes of 27 States. Eight of these ratifying States had been reconstructed, or restored, by the President; and without their votes, the three- fourths majority required for the adoption of the amendment could not have been obtained.
During the time these processes of recon- struction were taking place, Congress had not been in session. When it convened in December, 1865, the leaders were impressed with the fact that the Executive was playing too prominent a part in restoring the States "lately in rebellion" to their former rights and privileges within the Union. The radical spirits set out to secure for Congress the de- termining voice in these matters. They were of the opinion that the men who had re- established the State governments in the South under the presidential plan would not be disposed to give the Negro political rights, nor, in fact, any other rights, except under compulsion from the Federal Government. Unfortunately their apprehensions apparently were soon justified by the action of the legis- latures of many of the Southern States. For very good reasons, which they sincerely be- Vol. II-30
lieved to obtain, the legislatures, especially in the Cotton States where the negro popula- tion was greatly in excess of the white, under- took to prevent the utter demoralization of the freedmen, and the complete breaking down of the labor system, by legislation intended to restrain vagrancy, prohibit dis- order, and force the negroes to work. Doubt- less some of the laws passed were needlessly stringent. Certainly they made a strong impression in the North, and afforded the radical members of Congress the excuse they sought for the passage of laws equally or more stringent than any passed by the States.
In accordance with the plan to make and keep Congress supreme, legislation was forth- with passed requiring that the right of suf- frage should be accorded negroes in all the States, and a narrowing of the suffrage for- ever prevented by the ratification of a consti- tutional amendment guaranteeing the right, before any of them should be restored to the Union or be entitled to representation in Con- gress.
Congressional Reconstruction .- The re- fusal of Congress to admit the Alabama representatives brought to the people a reali- zation of the hostile attitude of Republican leaders toward the States formerly in the Con- federacy. The general assembly passed a series of joint resolutions denouncing the ac- tion of Congress and lamenting the presence in the State of "persons whose interests are temporarily promoted by such false represen- tations" of the views and intentions of Ala- bama people. At the same time it renewed former pledges to treat the negroes "with jus- tice, humanity and good faith." These reso- lutions represented accurately the sentiment of the people of the State, who wished to con- form in every particular to the requirements of the Federal Government in order that the State might be restored to security and pros- perity. The State government had been re- organized in accordance with. the require- ments of President Johnson, and the refusal of Congress to recognize this government as "loyal and republican," was wholly unex- pected. Despite the opposition of the Presi- dent, who persisted in his stand in favor of permitting the States to reorganize their own governments, Congress by acts of March 2 and 23, 1867, placed Alabama and the other seceding States in the position of military dependencies. The Southern States were di- vided into military districts, of which Ala- bama, Florida and Georgia comprised the third, each under the command of an officer not below the rank of a brigadier general. This action resulted partly from the failure of Alabama and the other Southern States to ratify the fourteenth amendment; partly from the misrepresentations of Freedmen's Bureau officials; and partly from the hos- tility between the leaders in Congress and the President.
In furtherance of its policy of requiring the State governments to be reorganized by "loyal citizens," Congress stipulated that any State would be entitled to representation in Con- gress and be free from military regulations
1184
HISTORY OF ALABAMA
when, and not before, a constitution in con- formity with the United States Constitution, with all its amendments, should have been framed, ratified by a majority of the qualified electors voting, and approved by Congress. In order to comply with these requirements, delegates were selected to attend another con- stitutional convention, which assembled No- vember 5, and remained in session until De- cember 6, 1867. The delegates were for the most part northern men but lately arrived in Alabama, negroes, a few scalawags, and a small number of respectable southern men. The constitution adopted by this convention was voted on at an election which lasted five days in February, 1868. The conservative white people refrained from voting, as a pro- test against the methods used in selecting the members of the convention. It failed to re- ceive a majority of the votes of the qualified electors, but nevertheless, Congress declared it adopted as the constitution of the State. It further declared that the officials elected at the same time were entitled to take office. The "reconstruction legislature" convened July 13, 1868, and ratified the fourteenth amendment during the first day of its session. There were 26 negroes among the members of the house, and most of the other members were carpetbaggers, and scalawags. Three
different sessions were held during the year. These sessions were distinguished for their liberality toward pretended capitalists and promoters of various public-utility schemes. Large subsidies were voted to various enter- prises, and an extremely liberal policy of State aid to railroad projects was inaugu- rated by the passage of the act "To establish a system of internal improvements in the State of Alabama." (See Railroads.)
The fifteenth amendment of the United States Constitution was ratified by the Ala- bama Legislature, November 24, 1869. In 1870, Gov. Smith was defeated by Robert B. Lindsay, the Democratic candidate. Gov. Smith refused to yield the office and called for military forces to assist him in holding it. The soldiers were sent, but after a few weeks he was ousted by judicial proceedings. The Republicans elected David P. Lewis governor in 1872. He had been a Union sympathizer, but had spent much of his life in north Ala- bama, and was expected to give the State a better administration than his predeces- sor. In this respect he proved a disappoint- ment, and during his incumbency of the of- fice the most reckless expenditure of public funds, accompanied by an increase of taxes, took place. The State cast its elec- toral vote in 1868 for Grant and Colfax. In 1872, Alabama Democrats supported Greely and Brown, liberal Republican candidates, but the State electoral vote was given to Grant and Wilson.
Social and Economic Reconstruction .- The War was not only a political revolution, but a complete revolutionizing of social and eco- nomic conditions in the South. The destruc- tion of property in Alabama, including the value of slaves freed by the emancipation proc- lamation, was estimated by Gov. Patton in a
communication to Congress of May 11, 1866, at $500,000,000. Many homes, both on the plantations and in the towns, had been burned or razed, or seized for military uses. Fences had been destroyed; vehicles, furniture, and stores of food and feed had been confiscated either by the Federal or Confederate Armies. Few families had anything left except the land, and it was rather a liability than an asset, for there was no capital, little seed, and almost no implements and stock with which to cultivate it. Labor conditions were de- moralized, and there was nothing with which to sustain farm hands while a crop was being made. Those of the negroes who were willing to work would have to be supported by the employers during an entire season, as they had been by their masters before the War. This condition obtains to a great extent to- day. Nearly everywhere in the State, a farmer must have sufficient capital or credit to sup- port all his hands for a year in order to make a crop. Many of the most competent men, those who would have been the main depen- dence in rehabilitating the State, had been killed during the War, and many others had been so maimed as to be more or less de- pendent during the rest of their lives. Des- titution was almost as widespread among the whites as among the negroes, and many of those families who before the War would have rendered assistance, were now scarcely able to provide for themselves. As a result of these conditions, hundreds of families emi- grated to Brazil, Cuba, Mexico, and the West- ern States.
In addition to the property losses sustained by individuals, the steamboat companies and railroad companies had suffered the loss of most of their property and capital. The lat- ter had been mostly in Confederate bonds and currency, and after the War it was a total loss. The steamboats on the rivers were de- stroyed; and rolling stock, repair shops, bridges, and tracks of nearly every railroad in the State, destroyed or rendered virtually useless. Practically the only property left, corporate or private, was some cotton, which had been hidden from the Federal authori- ties; but after the War, most of the cotton that had escaped confiscation was burned by marauders.
Horse and cattle thieves, as well as cotton thieves, infested nearly every neighborhood. Some of these bands of ruffians dressed them- selves in the Federal uniform and perpetrated the most dastardly deeds. Secret organiza- tions of negroes and discharged Federal sol- diers plotted and sometimes executed arson. A plot to burn the town of Selma was formed, but the plans and the place of meeting were betrayed by one of the negroes, and 40 of the band were arrested. When arraigned, the prisoners were released by the Federal mili- tary authorities, despite the fact that several of the band testified against their comrades. Incendiary fires occurred in practically every town in the State. In some localities, par- ticularly in northern Alabama, a guerilla war- fare was carried on for months after the close of the War, between Confederate sol-
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HON. EDMUND WINSTON PETTUS U. S. senator from Alabama, 1897 to 1907
ยท
1187
HISTORY OF ALABAMA
diers and sympathizers and the Tories, most of whom belonged to the class later stigma- tized as scalawags. The Tories made raids upon the Confederate soldiers, as they had upon their families during the War, and some of them were in turn raided and occasionally caught and hanged. The presence of Federal troops merely served to aggravate the ill feel- ing and increase lawlessness, particularly when they were negro troops. The negro preachers, whose number greatly increased during the first few years after the War, were one of the most disturbing elements. They had great influence with their own race, and almost always exerted it to arouse among the negroes animosity toward the southern whites and a disinclination to work. For about two years after the War, relations between the whites and the negroes were on the whole peaceable and comparatively satisfactory; but when the Freedmen's Bureau and the "Loyal League" began to make their influ- ence felt, conditions rapidly grew worse. The activities of the Union League were the pri- mary cause of the organization of the Ku Klux Klan.
After the influx of undesirable persons from the cities of the North to the Southern States had got well under way, an orgy of extravagance in spending public funds was added to the sum of the other ills which had fallen on the people of the South. Millions of dollars were voted to wildcat internal-im- provement schemes, and State debts created of such magnitude that the payment of in- terest on them was a burden for years. One of the creditable acts of the Reconstruction government in the State was the establish- ment of a free public-school system, for the education of both whites and negroes. Out of the conditions above described, the develop- ment of the State's industrial and commercial as distinguished from its agricultural re- sources, has grown; for with the numbers of undesirable persons from the North, there came a few substantial men of vision and financial resources, who became impressed with the magnitude of Alabama's mineral wealth, and made large investments, indi- vidually and as corporations, in enterprises for their development. The development of the State's natural resources started during the Reconstruction period has continued un- til the present time, and Alabama is no longer wholly an agricultural State.
Results of Reconstruction .- From the close of the War until the end of Gov. Lewis' ad- ministration, conditions in the State, political, social and economic, had gone from bad to worse. The government had been under the control of illiterate, incompetent and cor- rupt men, most of them without interest in the welfare of the State or its people. A colossal debt had been piled up, which thoughtful men saw no prospect of ever pay- ing. The activity of another disturbing in- fiuence, the Freedmen's Bureau (q. v.), had aggravated the situation, particularly the relations between white employer and negro employee. The negroes had been encouraged to disregard labor contracts, and had be-
come almost wholly unreliable. Crops eould not be made, and bankruptcy seemed immi- nent, both for the State and its people. Con- ditions had become almost intolerable when the Ku Klux Klan (q. v.) began to make its influence felt. As the end of Gov. Lewis' term approached, the conservative and patri- otic people of the State determined to put down the corrupt politicians and inaugurate a policy of retrenchment and reform. George S. Houston was elected governor in 1874, over Lewis, who was again the candidate of the Republicans; and large majorities in both branches of the legislature were obtained. With the beginning of Gov. Houston's admin- istration, the Reconstruction period in Ala- bama may be said to have come to an end.
See Carpetbagger; Freedmen's Bureau; Freedmen's Home Colonies; Freedmen's Hos- pital; Freedmen's Savings Bank; Internal Im- provements; Ku Klux Klan; Railroads; Scala- wag; Union League of America.
REFERENCES .- Acts, 1868, pp. 3-4, 17-19, 32-33, 58-59, 137-140, 155-160, 161-163, 167-168, 170-175, 175-176, 180-181, 185-188, 198-206, 249, 252-253, 444-446, 455-456, 521, 593, 594-596, 597-598; 1869- 70, pp. 28-29, 89-92, 100, 149-157, 175-179, 374, 376-377, 455-456; Joint Committee on Outrages, Report, Dec. 14, 1868 (Montgomery, 1868, pp. 80); Superintendent of Registration, Report, Dec. 29, 1868 (Senate Doc., Dec. 29, 1868, pp. 4) ; Petition to the House of Representatives for the impeachment of Elias M. Keils, judge of the city court of Eufaula (n. p., n. d., [1874], pp. 26); [Democratic Executive Committee, 1874, Address] to the people of Alabama (n. p., n. d., pp. 32); Milton J. Saffold, Address to native white Republicans, Oct. 1870 (n. p., n. d., pp. 32); Gov. W. H. Smith, Message, Nov: 15, 1869 (1870, pp. 30); Gov. Robert B. Lindsay, Mes- sage. Nov. 21, 1871 (1871, pp. 31); Secretary of War, Letter, Mar. 28, 1868, regarding Alabama election (H. Ex. Doc. 238, 40th Cong., 2d sess.) ; and Letter, June 3, 1868, regarding election in Alabama on adoption of constitution of 1868 (H. Ex. Doc. 303, 40th Cong., 2d sess.) ; Affi- davits of discharge from employment in Ala- bama for voting, Mar. 26, 1868 (H. Mis. Doc. 111, 40th Cong., 2d sess.) ; Outrages by Ku Klux Klan (H. Mis. Doc. 23, 40th Cong., 3d sess.) ; Committee on Affairs in the Insurrectionary States, Report on Ku Klux conspiracy, Alabama testimony (H. Rept. 22, 42d Cong., 2d sess.) ; President U. S. Grant, Message, Dec. 22, 1874, transmitting memorial of convention of colored citizens, Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 2, 1874 (H. Ex. Doc. 46, 43d Cong., 2d sess.); Select Com- mittee on Affairs in Alabama, Report, Feb. 23, 1875 (H. Rept. 262, 43d Cong., 2d sess.), with testimony &c .; Committee on Privileges and Elections, Report. Mar. 3, 1877, on elections in Alabama in 1874, 1875, and 1876 (S. Rept. 704, 44th Cong., 2d sess.), with testimony taken by subcommittee; Fleming, Documentary his- tory of Reconstruction (1906); and Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama (1905) ; Lester and Wilson, Ku Klux Klan (Fleming's ed., 1905); Herbert, Why the Solid South? (1890) ; Damer, When the Ku Klux rode (1890) ; Brewer, Alabama (1872), pp. 61-74 and passim; Brown, The Lower South in America history
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