USA > Massachusetts > Franklin County > Deerfield > History of Deerfield, Massachusetts: the times when the people by whom it was settled, unsettled and resettled, vol 2 > Part 8
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743
THE INSTRUCTORS IN LIMBO.
by John Hancock, the Governor, that John Williams, Seth Catlin and Jonathan Ashley should be confined in Suffolk county gaol at Boston. This explains the stampede above noted, and this lesson was enough. There was no more trou- ble in Deerfield town meetings about voting supplies for the Continental army. Every requisition was promptly filled thereafter.
April 2d, 1781, was election day. Hancock had every vote cast for governor, and there was but one "scattering" vote on the Whig ticket for councilors.
A warrant was duly issued and served for a town meeting, May 17th, "to choose a Representative to the General Court to be holden the last Wednesday in this month," but of this meeting not a scrap of record is found. Meanwhile our towns- men languishing in the prison at Boston are making urgent appeals for enlargement, as we see below :--
To his Excellency John Hancock, Esq., governor of the Common- wealth of Massachusetts and the Honourable Council of the Com- monwealth aforesaid :
The petition of Seth Catlin, Jona. Ashley and John Williams, all of Deerfield in the County of Hampshire, now confined in the com- mon gaol in the County of Suffolk, in pursuance of an order of His Excellency the governor, Bearing date ye tenth of March current
Humbly showeth that your petitioners are separated from their families, having left them unexpectedly and in circumstances that render them peculiarly ill accommodated, the said Seth Catlin hav- ing a wife and six daughters, and one son of 8 years, who almost Daily depend on his Daily Earnings for their Support who have no Rescoures to Obtain the Shortest Relief but by his Immediate pres- ence.
The said Jona. Ashley hath a wife and four daughters, the oldest of which is but seven years of age, who are in constant need of his Personal Attention for their Support and Sustenance, & at present totally unfurnished & without any male help, excepting a Servant boy about 13 years old-An aged mother, by ye late death of his father, became in a Great Degree Dependant on him & whose mind for many years past hath been in Such a Situation as produces on his mind the most Alarming Apprehensions lest this Additional Trouble hurry her to acts too shocking to express-Besides he has been for years, Subject to Disorders which frequently and Allarmingly attack him & a Return of which he is in daily apprehension of from the want of exercise and a free air most essential to his health-being frequently and generally attacked with ye Cholic.
The said Williams hath left a wife and Small children without sup- plies of some necessary articles even to this time, without means to procure these supplies & without a male person in the family more than 8 years old-He hath likewise a slender constitution & small
744
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD.
share of health at ye Best-now much impaired & attacked in a De- gree & manner alarming to his Fears without a possibility of using ye proper means for his recovery in his present Situation.
Also, ye care of an Aged Aunt, (Mrs. Silliman, ) & her family, who was obliged to abandon her Dwelling at Fairfield, in Connecticut, has principally devolved on him.
Your petitioners for these & many other Reasons, Humbly hope your Excellency & Honors will prescribe a mode whereby the safety of the community may be preserved, & your petitioners be restored to their Liberties & Families again-and as in Duty bound will ever pray
SETH CATLIN JNA ASHLEY JOHN WILLIAMS
[Boston ] Mch 23, 1781 [Endorsed ] In Council Mch 24 1781
Petition not Granted.
The allusion to Madam Silliman was not a happy one un- der the circumstances and could hardly help his case in an appeal for sympathy. She had been driven from Fairfield, Conn., when that town was burned by the infamous Gov. Try- on and his legion of New York Tories. Mrs. Silliman was daughter of the " Redeemed Captive ;" a widow, seventy-one years old, when her house at Fairfield was burned by the brutal Tryon, July 8th, 1779. After a month more in prison, Esq. Ashley sent another petition to the Governor and Coun- cil, in which he,-
Humbly sheweth that your Petitioner is now & hath been for some time past in very ill health-That he hath waited some time in the Hope his Sickness would abate, or be removed, but on the contrary is increasing on him to a degree that renders it (as he apprehends) absolutely necessary for the recovery of his health to have a more free air and quiet Situation than is possible in his present confine- ment.
Your petitioner therefore prays your Excellency & Honors to grant him the Liberty of the gaol yard & to take the air, & of lodg- ing in the gaolers house-Or such other indulgence as to you shall seem meet & as in Duty bound will ever pray- JONA ASHLEY Boston April 23 1781
The same date Thomas Williams, physician, certifies to the impaired health of the prisoner and his need of fresh air. Upon these representations the Executive directs the Sheriff to "grant Jonathan Ashley the liberty of the gaol yard and of lodging in the gaolers house, for his better convenience in his ill state of Health." Encouraged by the success of Ash- ley's effort the three prisoners united in another petition to the Governor and Council which, -
745
RELEASED ON BAIL.
Humbly sheweth that in Addition to the Reasons offered-March 23, and to the obvious Personal Motives, which again prompt us to address you-are urged by the irresistable impulses of sympathy, for our unoffending wives and children, whose circumstances, when we left them, being peculiarly inconvenient, we fear have now become almost intolerable.
We beg leave further to observe, as we each of us depend upon Agriculture for the support of ourselves and families, we cannot re- volve in our minds that it is now seed time, & think of our wives & children & immediate dependants, without being stung with the most anxious Apprehensions of the Consequences of our longer Confine- ment to them-which besides prostrating the expectations of our harvest-will we fear, overburthen that charity & Humanity of their Friends to which we know they must be indebted for a large share of the Comforts they enjoy-
Induced by these and Many other Reasons, and ever willing & wishing that the Laws of the Commonwealth may be made the crite- rion of our Conduct-We pray that it may consist with these, and the safety of our community we may be restored to our Liberty & Families again & that Your Excellency & Honors will prescribe a mode whereby we may obtain this privilidge .- And as in Duty bound will ever pray.
JOHN WILLIAMS SETH CATLIN JONA ASHLEY
Boston April 24 1781 [Endorsed ]
Council Chamber, Boston, April 25, 1781.
Advised that the prayer of the petitioners be so far granted, that the abovesaid persons now confined in the common gaol in Boston, as persons dangerous to this Commonwealth, be admitted to Bail in the sum of £2000 of the New Currency each, with two sufficient Surties, Conditioned that each of them make their personal appear- ance at the next Suprem Court of Judicature, Court of Assize and General Goal Delivery, to be holden at Springfield-and in the mean Time to be on their good Behaviour towards all the good people of this Commonwealth & particularly that they will not do or say any thing to the Injury of this or the United States, against the Inde- pendence thereof, and abide the order of the said Court and not de- part without a License, and the Sheriff of the County of Suffolk be directed to take bonds accordingly, payable to the Treasurer of the Commonwealth.
By some oversight the papers in this case were not filed in the office of the Attorney General and no prosecution was made against our townsmen at the September Court. That would doubtless have been the end of the matter but for cer- tain action of the town yet to be noticed.
Esq. Ashley was not a man of robust constitution and the turn affairs had now taken gave him a shock from which he never rallied. He died within four months after his release. Williams also suffered severely in health and the news of his
746
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD.
condition reaching his brother-a captain in the English army -called forth the following letter to Daniel Jones, the broth- er-in-law of both. The writer was a lawyer in Keene, N. H., when the war broke out, and at once joined the enemy :-
NEW YORK, 26th March 1782
Dear Sir I have within these few weeks heard various reports from the country respecting my brother Jack which have given me great uneasiness an I am at this Time from the Reports in very great Doubt whether he is alive and beg you would take the very earliest opportunity to let me know-I am very desirous of having an inter- view with you or some other of my friends that I may get a particu- lar account of the situation of my relations and Friends in the Coun- try-for which purpose I would propose that you come to Norwalk or any Place opposite the refugee Post, and I make no Doubt but you can get a Flag to come to me, or that I can come to you-I wish you would write me immediately whether you will comply or not, and appoint Time and Place that I may not be out of the way. if you have not an Opportunity of sending directly to me please en- close a Letter to the care of Colo Wm Tyng Comm'y of Forage at Brooklyn Long Island-
I have seen your brothers within a few days-they are all very well, as are all your Friends here-I have no particular news to write, so conclude with a sincere wish that the above proposal may be com- plied with, and with proper Salutations to all relations and acquaint- ances Yours Affectionately ELIJAH WILLIAMS
Daniel Jones was a lawyer at Hinsdale, N. II., and if, as I suspect, he was son of Col. Elisha Jones of Weston, he had five brothers in the Tory contingent of the English army.
These cases have been given at length as a good illustra- tion of this particular phase of the contest for independence. The men involved were not worse, nor better, than their fel- lows. They were honorable men, of good character, and of good repute ; men who had done good service for the town and country. Nothing is heard against them except their political opinions and actions. They were Tories on princi- ple-men loyal to their King and what they considered the best government. They had the courage of their convictions and suffered the consequences with what patience they could. But the logic of events was against them. They rebelled against a revolution, and the power of suppression was right at hand, and not three thousand miles over the sea. This was a fact they could not ignore-a barred door in their way. The temperature of a hot political zeal will naturally fall within the cold walls of a damp dungeon, especially in a case
747
THE NEW CONDITIONS ACCEPTED.
like this, when the unwilling conviction was forcing itself upon the martyrs that theirs would soon be a lost cause and they without a country. With the fall of Cornwallis soon after, this conviction became a certainty. It then behooved them to take new bearings and observations -- to adapt them- selves with the best grace they could to the new conditions. They appear to have done this in good faith, and before the next March meeting the survivors had taken the oath of al- legiance, were in peaceful possession of all their rights, and henceforth took an active part in the affairs of the town. One prime cause of personal contention, the breach in the church, was removed by the death of Mr. Ashley, and harmony in church and State was soon restored.
In Greenfield this happy condition of affairs had been brought about the year before. April 4th, 1780, the church,-
Voted that it is our Duty to subject ourselves to the Authority of the united States of America, So long as Providence shall continue us under it
2 that we will attend upon the Sacrament of the Lords Supper as soon as Provision can be made therefor, all being willing to overlook the offences that had taken place respecting public and civil affairs.
Noah Allen seems to have objected to this fraternal meas- ure, but the church was bound to have harmony if they had to use force for it, and Capt. Timothy Childs and Moses Bas- com were appointed to "deal with him." Another bone of contention may have been compromised by the following vote: "That we will sing half ye time with reading" i. e., "deaconing."
Perhaps the sequel to Mr. Williams's enforced sojourn in Boston may as well be told now as ever. May 13th, 1783, in the flush of the era of good feeling, he was chosen Represent- ative to the General Court. When he appeared to take his seat his right to do so was questioned on the ground of his Tory antecedents. The subject was referred to a committee to investigate the charges brought against him. All the facts relating to his arrest and imprisonment were brought up, and by a vote of sixty to forty-three he was excluded from the House.
A precept was issued for a new election at Deerfield and a meeting for that purpose was held July 31st. It seems the people took the exclusion of the man of their choice in high
748
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD.
dudgeon and he was forthwith reelected by every vote save one that was cast. That vote was doubtless his own. He appeared at the next session of the General Court and was again declared "a person incapable of being a Representative of the Town of Deerfield," and was sent back by a vote of seventy-eight to thirty-six.
The attention of the Attorney General, Robert Treat Paine, being called to the case and the facts and papers being laid before him, Mr. Williams was indicted for sedition at the September term of the Supreme Court at Springfield, 1783. He was arraigned before the Supreme Court at Northampton, May, 1784. He here pleaded that the offense was committed before the peace with Great Britain and that the provisions in the 6th article of the Treaty of Peace covered his case and freed him from the complaint. The court so ruling, he was discharged.
The Deerfield people were not content to let the matter rest here, and May 12th, 1784, he was a third time chosen Representative, by every vote cast, save one. Once more he put in an appearance at the State House and his right to a seat was again challenged. A copy of the indictment of Sep- tember 1783, was presented by the objectors. A committee was appointed who were furnished with a copy of the pro ceedings of the court of May, 1784. They reported in his favor and he finally was allowed to take his seat.
To return to the narrative. July 23d, 1781, the town voted to give those who will enlist three months a bounty of Sio and the same per month in hard money. Voted to raise £33 for bounty money and £125 for buying beef required "by a Resolve of the Gen. Court June 22, 1781." Sept. 6th, arrange- ments were made by the town for furnishing the clothing for the army under the last call. Dec. 3d, the Tory committee chosen in January to procure beef were now directed to per- form that duty and to deliver the quota called for at North- ampton, Dec. 10th. This direction was doubtless obeyed.
Soldiers for the Army. It became more difficult from year to year to supply the demand, and large bounties were paid. I give a few papers showing something of the methods adopted. I have been unable to find more :-
This may certify Joseph Ward has rec'd of the class of which we are members, the sum of 203 Spanish milled dollars in consideration
749
A LITTLE ABOUT THE CLASS SYSTEM.
of his enlisting as a Continental Soldier for ye term of 3 years for said class
JOHN SHELDON MATHEW CLESSON
Witness James Taylor Oliver Field. ELIHU ASHLEY
March 23, 1781.
This Ward proved a bounty jumper and deserted. Pomp Cato says he has received "60 pounds silver," for enlisting three years in a class of which Capt. Oliver Shattuck was one. Aaron Allis gives a receipt for " 70 pounds silver," from Sim- eon Harvey and others of his class. Joseph Farnam had "60 £ silver coin of the class of which Samuel Barnard is the head." Phineas Rugg gave his receipt for "60 £ silver from the class of which Jeremiah Nims was the head, for his son Thomas Rugg," [17 years old.] .
Rec'd of Joseph Stebbins [63 years old, ] Fourteen Hundred Eigh- ty eight Pound old Continental in Part Pay to hire a man in the ser- vice for three years. Received by me Joseph Stebbins Jun.
The above amount would be $367, 120, "Old Continental," at the rate it passed in 1780.
Fourteen men were raised in April, I suppose after the class system. Below is a list, with date of enlistment so far as as- certained, of those who served that year.
Enlisted for three years or the war :-
Allis, Aaron Allis, John
Bailey, Cæsar
Buckman, Benj., July 7
Cato, Pomp, May 5
Holmes, Philip Lewis, Williams, Apr. 9
Chase, James, Mar. 26
Cleaveland, Henry, Aug. Negus, William, Apr. 5 1, deserted Oliver, Peter, June 27
Davidson, Barnabas, Apr. Paine, Charles 5 Read, Jesse Rugg, Phineas, Apr. 13
Dunkin, Levi, Apr. 5
Farnam, Joseph, June 19
Fethergill, Joseph
Russell, Henry, Apr. 25 Scott, Ebenezer, Apr. 5
Shattuck, Capt. Oliver Stebbins, Lieut. Col. Jo- seph, In Hugh McClel- lan's regiment Sweet, Joshua, Apr. 16 Taylor, Eliphalet Ward, Joseph, Mar. 23, deserted Wells, Solomon Williams, Perez Willis, Jesse, Mar. 22
Enlisted for six months :-
Faxon, Thomas
Hinsdale, John
Hunter, John
Johnson, John Lanfair, Leonard Lawrence, Levi
Newton, Alpheus Jr. Smith, Jacob, deserted Wells, John
Serving for unknown terms :-
Call, Amos Newton, Alpheus
Parker, Jonathan
Williams, Solomon Wilson, James
Nims, Jonathan
Shattuck, Oliver Smith, Titus
Parker, Abraham
Wells, Asahel
Fletcher, John, Aug. I Fletcher, David, Aug. I Harding, Sergt. Abiel Hitchcock, Gaius
CHAPTER XXIII.
CLOSE OF THE WAR-HARD TIMES-ELY INSURRECTION.
1782. With the capture of Cornwallis, Oct. 19th, 1781, the war of Independence was practically over, and only five men were called for to recruit the Continental army this spring. The struggle henceforth was to be with financial affairs and the establishment of a stable government. All business was unsettled. The currency issued to carry on the war had now become almost worthless. A large quantity had accumulated in the hands of the treasurer, and at the March meeting the selectmen were instructed to dispose of it as best they could. The bills might sell for a trifle in 1886, as relics, but at the close of the war their value was generally measured by the price of waste paper. The people had bought and sold by this stuff while it was falling from par to five, ten, twenty, forty for one, and debt and credit could not find a level with- out a disturbing struggle. There was little hard money to be had, but taxes must be paid in silver or gold. Creditors clamored for their pay and sued for its recovery. The costs of collection were heavy. To relieve debtors a law was passed authorizing Justices of the Peace to take acknowledgments of debts, and if they were not paid within a year to issue executions. This was called the "Confession Act." It saved the burdensome costs of court, but much injustice grew up under its provisions. Soon after, the "Legal Tender Act" was passed, which made live stock at a disinterested apprais- al, legal tender in payment of all private debts ; and "many a debt," says Justin Hitchcock, "which ought to have been paid in money was paid at the tail of an execution in pine boards, bulls and stags, as they were prised off to the creditor."
Remedies for the hard times were sought in every direc- tion and the "crank" found full occupation-and some fol- lowers. A county convention had been called at Hatfield to consider the burdens of the people and seek relief ; March
751
DISCUSSION OF GRIEVANCES.
25th, at a town meeting Col. Joseph Stebbins and Capt. Thos. W. Dickinson were chosen delegates to attend it. The dele- gates met in the Hatfield meetinghouse early in April, and sat for several days discussing and voting upon the various "grievances" with which they were afflicted. Everything which touched their empty pockets was voted a grievance. The Court of General Sessions of the Peace-Justices of the Quarter Sessions-the Fee Bill-Sheriffs and their Deputies . - the act for qualification of voters-even the Confession Act was not what it should be-and a committee was chosen to suggest changes to the General Court. They,-
Voted that there be no County Court of the Sessions of the Peace. Voted that ye Constables be authorized to serve all writs in their own Town, the same as Deputy Sheriffs.
[A motion was made] To request the Inferior Court to forbear giving Judgment in civil causes, except the creditor make it appear he is in danger of losing his debt, or where the parties are agreed. [This vote was taken " by yeas and nays by towns." The result is given below: ]
YEAS-Granville, Norwich, Granby, Whately, Montague, Shel- burne, Charlemont, Greenwich, Conway, Westfield, Palmer, Pelham, Leverett, Ludlow, Ashfield.
NAYS-Springfield, Wilbraham, Deerfield, Monson, Blanford, Northampton, Southampton, Hadley, Westhampton, Hatfield, Go- shen, Cummington, Williamsburg, South Hadley, Amherst, Sunder- land, Shutesbury, Worthington, Chesterfield, Greenfield, Belcher.
Deerfield stood with the strong conservative element in the convention. Col. Stebbins had led a mob in the cause of Lib- erty, and had been for six years constantly fighting in the field for the same cause, but neither he nor Capt. Dickinson had any sympathy with the mob spirit which was willing to wreck the new Constitution in seeking an impossible relief from financial burdens, by interrupting the execution of the laws. The General Court had gone to the very verge of in- justice to the creditor in legislation to relieve the debtor and could do no more. The stubborn fact remained that hard times were upon the people and there was no easy way out. Samuel Ely, however, persuaded a sufficient number of suf- ferers that stopping the action of the courts was the true remedy. They administered it, and Ely in consequence soon found himself behind the bars in Springfield jail, where he was sent April 3d, as a leader in a riot.
In strong contrast with the complaints of those who were
752
CLOSE OF THE WAR- HARD TIMES.
safe at home was the action of our soldiers in the field. The condition of the men in the Continental army at this time is well portrayed by the following letter, which should properly find a place here :
NEW HAMPSHIRE HUTS Jany 28, 1782.
Hond Sir. I understand there was some confiscated estates sold some time last fall in Deerfield, in particular, Nathaniel Dickinsons. If father could have an opportunity to put off my next note, I should be very glad. I understand we are not likely to have them paid by the State. I think it would be better for me to have a Private mans security than the States. If father could [put | it off and git not more than one third part of the money down, I would willingly wait one year for the other, or longer if it be in good hands. it will not do for me to sell the Note to them-I may give them a Power of at- torney to act for me in regard to the payment of the Note for it will not be assured (?) unless it is certified that the note is still my prop- erty, and that I am in actual Service.
We have been bamboozled Baffled so much by the State, that we are detirmed not to take State for Pay master any longer & have chosen a Committee to send to Congress & make a Settlement for wages for the year 1781 who sit out this week. As we are employed by Congress we have an undoubted right to look to them for our pay-I do not know that the State has a right to loan our money for four, five, six and seven years as they have done, without our consent.
I am sensible that the State labors under great embarrisments, much more than the common people know and neither do they ought to know it.
The whole army is very sensable that the State is by no means able to pay our wages as fast as they become due-If they would pay so much as to Support us, while in the service, and give us good se- curity for the remainder I am very sensable it would be satisfactory to the army-only one fourth part would suffice, as the army would be willing to submit to any Embaresment from that Quarter if the State would only act the honest part. I have ever tride to put on the Best construction on the conduct that I possibly could, but it is my sincere oppinion that the State as a Body wish to wrong the army out of every farthing that is due them.
We have been under marching orders about fifteen days, but did not know which way were to march until yesterday I understand it was on account of the Rebellion, and disturbance which hath lately happened on the Grant in consequence of which Gen' Washington requested Gen1 Heath to order 2ª Connecticut Brigade and the 10 Massatts Regt to hold themselves in readiness to march at the short- est notis to Albany. If there [is] no further disturbance it is not likely we shall march Otherwise we shall.
from your dutiful son O. TAYLOR
Capt Othn1 Taylor Charlemont.
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