History of California, Volume I, Part 20

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852

USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 20
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 20

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

(9 Not shown on the map. Called by Cabrera Bueno a 'famoso puerto que tiene abrigo de todos vientos, y tiene un rio de muy buena agua, y de poco fondo, el qual por las orillas está muy poblado de muchos Alamos negros;' also 'alamos blancos' as the others say.

70 Often written in early times in two words Monte Rey or Monte-Rei, also Monterei and very commonly Monterrey. Of course the European origin of the name in very remote times was monte del rey or 'king's mountain.'

102

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

not affected by the scurvy. Many were seriously ill, and sixteen had died. In a council held immediately after religious services it was decided to send back one of the vessels to carry the sick and report progress. Accordingly after such rest and relief as could be obtained from a short stay on shore, the Santo Tomás was despatched on the 29th of December for Acapulco, carrying Father Aquino among the disabled. The voyage was one of great suffering; twenty-five men died either on the way or soon after arrival; and only nine survived, among whom were the admiral, Corvan, and Fray Tomás. Five days after Corvan's depart- ure the San Diego and Tres Reyes having obtained a supply of wood and water sailed from Monterey for the north on January 3, 1603.

The qualities of Monterey as a harbor protected from all winds were somewhat exaggerated, though no minute description was given in the diary; and the explorers were very enthusiastic in their praises of its surroundings, its abundance and variety of ani- mals and fishes, its fertile soil, and plentiful wood and water. It was deemed especially well fitted for a re- fitting station for the Philippine ships, being in the latitude where they often sighted the coast. The natives, respecting whom less information is given than about the fauna and flora of the region, were friendly.71

For three days from Monterey no discoveries are recorded; and on the 7th of January the vessels are separated, not to meet again, by some misunderstand- ing of signals. Vizcaino on the San Diego turns back by a point passed on the sixth, and named from the day Punta de los Reyes, to enter the port of San Francisco under that point in search of traces of Cermeñon's visit in 1595. He anchors, but does not

71 Both Torquemada and Ascension give some details of animals, plants trees, and fishes. The latter mentions the fact that a dead whale was lying on the beach, which bears came down to eat at night. Cabrera Bueno puts the port in 37°, gives a very accurate description of it, and states that the anchorage is well protected except against north-west winds.

103

VIZCAINO AT CAPE MENDOCINO.

land, and next day sails on in quest of the consort, making inconsiderable progress till the 12th, when they sight what they believe to be Cape Mendocino, in latitude 41° 30'. Next day the ship is hove to in a south-east gale; and as only six men are fit for work, it is decided to return to La Paz in the gulf, but the

Costa que guia al Co. blanco

C.Memtorinor TIERRAS DEL CO. BLANQUISCAS Y SIERRAS NEVADAS

Cta. Aspera

Aun que este rio corra algunas leguas de N. S. como dicen no puede tener su nacimto al N. porq. tendria breve termino pa, ser tan Caudaloso

Pa de la Bu grande

B. Grande cerca del Cabo

Costa de barrancas asperas

Costa Seguida entre el rio grande de 8. Sebastian y la bahia grande del Co. Mendocino

Costa de lomas

Costa de arboleda

Costa aspera

Costa de arboleda'

Costa limpia Rio grande de S. Sebastian.

Ro. Salado

Conta inezur

Pto. de los Reyes

Pa. de barrancas blancad

Costa de arboleda

FRATLES TA HENDIOF

Costa de barrancas tazadas

Ens. Grands

Costa segura

Costa de barrancas y arbola.

P. de Ano Nuevo

VIZCAINO'S MAP.

gale causes them to drift northward. On the 14th they are close to Cape Mendocino, but on the 19th the weather clears and they find themselves in latitude 42,° in sight of a white point near high snowy moun- tains. They name the point Cabo Blanco de San

104

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

Sebastian, and, with a favorable wind, turn south- ward on St Sebastian's day. They keep near the shore, but without discoveries that have left any traces in the narrative, and without anchoring until they come to Cedros Island on the 7th of January. The suffering and loss of life from scurvy have been terrible, but relief is found at Mazatlan.

Meanwhile Aguilar in the Tres Reyes advances to latitude 41° and is then driven by the gale to an anchorage behind a great cliff near Cape Mendocino. Continuing his voyage after the storm, he finds his latitude on the 19th to be 43°, near a point named Cape Blanco, beyond which the coast turns to the north-west,72 and also near a large river. On account of sickness and because he has already reached the limit of the viceroy's instructions, Aguilar resolves to return. Both he and Flores die on the voyage, only five men surviving. I give a copy of the map repre- senting discoveries above Monterey, not agreeing in all respects with the narrative, and showing nothing above Cape Mendocino. The great river, supposed by Padre Ascension to be the entrance to Anian Strait, must have been either imaginary or a small stream. It is not possible to determine accurately the northern limit of this exploration; but the indications are that it was not beyond the present Oregon line of 42° and that Vizcaino's Cape San Sebastian and Aguilar's Cape Blanco were identical with the modern Trinidad and St George.73

72 Ascension says north-east and names the river Santa Inés.

73 See Hist. Northwest Coast, i. 147-8. Cabrera Bueno's description of the northern coast is as follows: 'In latitude 42° is a high cape, apparently cnt down perpendicularly to the sea, and from it runs a lower coast some eight leagues southward, where the land forms another high point, bare, with some white cliffs which rise from the water's edge; this point is in 41° 30' and is called Cape Mendocino. From here the coast trends s. E. to lat. 39° 30', the land being of medium elevation and thickly wooded, with some small hills bare along the shore. In the said latitude it forms a low point of white cliffs cut down to the sea; and from here the coast trends s. E. one quarter s. to 38° 30', where the land forms a point of medium height, separated from the coast so as to appear from a distance to be an island, which is called Punta de los Reyes. It forms a steep cliff (morro), and on its north side affords a good shelter from all winds, in lat. 38° 30', and is called San Francisco. In a south or south-east wind the anchorage is at the end of the beach where it forms an

105

RESULTS OF AGUILAR'S EXPLORATION.

Except the discovery of Monterey Bay Vizcaino had accomplished no more, and indeed in several respects less, than had Cabrillo sixty years before; but the results of his voyage were clearly recorded, while the expedition of his predecessor had left practically no trace in the world's knowledge. From 1603 the trend and general character of the California coast, together with its chief harbors, always excepting the undiscov- ered San Francisco, were well known to the Spaniards by these records; but for more than a century and a half there was no addition to this knowledge. No ship is known to have entered the northern waters from the south, while the Manila ships from the far west neither touched at the new ports nor left any record of what they saw as they passed. Vizcaino mnade strong efforts to be intrusted with a new expe- dition for the occupation of Monterey; and in 1606 there was a prospeet of his success; but attention was diverted to the far west; and though this navigator, returning as a passenger from Japan, on the San Fran- cisco, again sighted Cape Mendocino on December 26, 1613, no more attempts were made on the outer coast.™4 There is a perfect blank of one hundred and sixty-six years in the annals of what we call California.

Herrera's history containing an account of Ca- brillo's discoveries had been published in 1601-15, and new Spanish editions appeared in 1728 and 1730. Torquemada's great work with a record of Vizcaino's

angle on the N. w .; while on the N. E. are three white rocks very near the sea, and opposite the middle one an estero makes in from the sea with a good entrance and no breakers. Inside are found friendly Indians, and fresh water may be easily obtained. S.s. w. from this port are six or seven small white fara- llones some larger than others, occupying over a league in circuit. . . About 14 leagues s. E. ¿ s. from Pt Reyes, the land makes a point, before reaching which the land is of medium elevation, bare along the shore, with some steep cliffs, though inland it is high and wooded, until a low point is reached in 37° 30' called Pt Año Nuevo.' Navegacion, 302-3. This author's latitudes are from 30' to a degree too high. He evidently saw a more minute account of Viz- caino's voyage than the one published, or what is not unlikely, had access to Cermeñon's report.

14 Venegas, Not. Cal., i. 191, 201; Clavigero, Storia della Cal., 159-60; Cali- fornia, Estab. y Prog., 9, 10; Doc. Ilist. Mex., ser. ii. tom. iii. 443; Cardona, Memorial, 46; Vizcaino, Relacion, 1611-13, p. 199; see Hist. North Mex. St., i. chap. viii. this series.

106

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

voyage and Cermeñon's mishaps appeared in 1613 and was republished in 1723. Drake's adventures were related in scores of popular voyage collections besides the original printed accounts. In 1734 Ca- brera Bueno's sailing directions were printed across the Pacific, but the work was not widely circulated.75 In 1742 Anson, the English privateer, found on a captured galleon the Spanish chart of which I re- produce that part showing the coast of California. There is nothing to indicate that the maker had access to any information not given by Vizcaino and

110

Punta de los Reyes

LOS PEROLLOHES 4

Pta.de Ano Nuevo

Pta.de Pinos

Pia de Is Conceptione

Punta de la Conversion

Sn.Pedro

Pta, de Sn.Diego

Ensenada de los Virgines

LIESLA DE SN.MARTIN

LÀ6 DE SM. MARCOS

SPANISH CHART, 1742.

75 Navegacion Especulativa, y Práctica, con la Explicacion de algunos instru- mentos, que estan mas en vso en los navegantes, con las reglas necesarias para su verdadero vso, etc .; Tabla de las declinaciones del sol, computadas al meridiano de San Bernardino; el modo de navegar por la geometria; por las tablas de rumbos; por la arithmética; por la trigonometria; por el quadrante de reduccion ; por los senos logarithmos; y comunes; con los estampas, y figuras pertenecientes à lo dicho, y otros tratados curiosos. Compuesta por el almirante D. Joseph Gon- zalez Cabrera Bueno, piloto mayor de la Carrera de Philipinas, y natural de la isla de Tenerife una de los Canarias, quien la dedica al M. Ill.tre Señ D. Fer- nando de Valdés y Tamon .. . Governador y Capitan General de las Islas Phili- pinas, etc. Manila, 1792, fol. 11 f. 392 pages. 2 f. The bulk of the work is a ircatisc on navigation; but Part V., 292-364, is devoted to derrotas, containing sailing directions for the various Philippine and Pacific routes; and chap. v., 302-22, relates to the coast from C. Mendocino to Panamá. Portolá and Crespí in 1769 had a copy of this work, or at least were familiar with its con- tents; but from that time to 1874, when it was described and quoted in the Overland Monthly by my assistant, I have found no indication of its having been consulted by any writer.

107

THE NORTHERN MYSTERY.

Cabrera Bueno.76 In 1757 appeared Venegas' work on Baja California, from which, more than from any other, a popular knowledge of the northern expedi- tions was derived.77

The topic that I designate the Northern Mystery- that is what was thought and written and pictured in maps respecting the coast region above the Californian gulf from 1530 to 1769, the voyages which I have described in this chapter furnishing a slight founda- tion of actual knowledge on which an imposing struct- ure was reared by imagination, theory, and falsehood- might very plausibly be regarded as a part of the his- tory of California as a country stretching indefinitely from the peninsula to the mythic strait of Anian. Yet much more essential is this subject to the annals of the regions above latitude 42°, and therefore, especially as a general view of the theories involved has already been presented,78 to avoid undesirable repetition I treat the subject very fully, with a repro- duction of many quaint old maps, in another volume relating to the northern countries,79 confining my re- marks here to a very brief statement.

The chief element of the Northern Mystery was the belief in and search for an interoceanic strait sepa- rating the Mexican regions from Asia. This strait at first was between South America and the Asiatic main; but was pushed constantly northward by ex- ploration, and was to be found always just beyond the highest latitude visited. Each inlet was the entrance to the strait until the contrary was proved; inlets were discovered or written about that existed only in imagination, and navigators even went so far as to claim boldly that they had sailed through the strait.

76 Anson's Voyage, ed. 1776, 384. Also in Venegas, Not. Cal., iii. 235-6. The dotted line shows the route of the galleons.

77 Here may be mentioned a report given by the natives of San Luis Obispo to Father Figuer and recorded in Anza, Diario, MS., 192-3, in 1776, that 23 years before, in 1753, twelve white men dressed like the Spaniards landed from a boat and were subsequently castaway on the coast and perished. 78 See Hist. North Mexican States, i., this series.

79 See Ilist. Northwest Coast, i, chap. ii .- iv., this series.

108

THE DISCOVERY OF CALIFORNIA.

At first the belief in rich islands on the way to India had been strong, and with reports of the strait, rumors of great kingdoms, cities, amazon isles, gold, and pre- cious stones naturally multiplied.

Next by some strange blunder, apparently of the historian Gomara, the wanderings of Coronado in Arizona, New Mexico, and the far north-east, were transferred to the Pacific coast, and for many years Tiguex, Cicuic, Quivira, and the rest appeared dis- tributed along the shore with names from Cabrillo and Drake. For no other reason apparently than to provide room for all these names, it was customary to make the coast trend but little north of west between 25° and 40°, thence extending north to the strait. One map, however, placed California far north of the strait of Anian, and very near the north pole.

In the third great development of the imaginary geography, California played a more definitely im- portant part than in those mentioned. The New Mexican names were removed from the coast, but California from Cape San Lúcas to latitude 44° be- came a great island. At first the gulf and peninsula were mapped with remarkable accuracy. But Lok in 1582 turned the coast abruptly eastward above 44°. Ascension in 1603 argued that Aguilar's river in 43° was the entrance of Anian, and probably connected with the gulf. Oñate at the Colorado mouth in 1604 convinced himself that the gulf extended north and east to the Atlantic. Cardona in 1617, having as he believed seen deep water extending far beyond 34°, openly declared the whole country an island. And finally a party of adventurers about 1620 had no dif- ficulty in circumnavigating California. For many years the country was so mapped and described, Nova Albion forming the north end of the island. From 1700 to 1746 the Jesuits labored to restore the belief in a peninsula, and were successful. The last phases of the mystery were those of 1751 and 1774 that the Colorado River sent off a branch to Monterey or San

109

ANCIENT MAPS.

Francisco, and then the search for northern wonders was transferred to the far north, beyond the farthest limits of our California.

Of the many maps of the early times which I re- produce elsewhere, and of the many more similar ones which I have studied, not one except those presented in this chapter contains any real information about the coast of Upper California. On them the reader will find a coast line varying in its trend from north to west, marked with capes, bays, rivers, and towns, which, except so far as founded on the narratives and maps which I have noted in this chapter, are purely imaginary, the names being traceable to the same nar- ratives and maps, except such as come from Coronado's inland explorations. These maps afford an interesting study, but have no bearing on real discovery. It is not unlikely, however, that useful original maps of Cabrillo's, Cermeñon's, or Vizcaino's explorations may yet come to light, or that in the mean time men will continue to build grave theories of local discovery ou the vagaries of the old cosmographers.

CHAPTER IV. MOTIVES AND PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION. 1767-1770.

STATE OF THE SPANISH COLONIES-ACCIDENTAL AWAKENING FROM APATHY- REVIVAL OF OLD MOTIVES-FEAR OF THE RUSSIANS-VISITADOR JOSÉ DE GALVEZ ON THE PENINSULA-CHARACTER AND AUTHORITY OF THE MAN- CONDITION OF AFFAIRS IN LOWER CALIFORNIA-INSTRUCTIONS AND PLANS OF GALVEZ FOR THE OCCUPATION OF SAN DIEGO AND MONTEREY-A FOUR- FOLD EXPEDITION BY SEA AND LAND -- VESSELS, TROOPS, AND SUPPLIES- PORTOLÁ, RIVERA, AND SERRA-PLANS FOR THE CONQUISTA ESPIRITUAL -GALVEZ CONSULTS THE PADRE PRESIDENTE-SACRED FORCED LOANS- ACTIVE PREPARATIONS-SAILING OF THE FLEET FROM LA PAZ AND CAPE SAN LUCAS-MARCH OF THE ARMY FROM THE NORTHERN FRONTIER- LOSS OF THE 'SAN JOSE'-TIDINGS OF SUCCESS.

IN all the historical phases briefly alluded to in the introductory chapters of this volume, and fully pre- sented in early volumes of this work, I have shown an epoch of decadence, of varying length in different provinces, but nowhere much less than half a century in duration. The adventurous spirit of the conquerors had for the most part faded away. Poorly equipped soldiers performed their routine of garrison duty, and of entradas against frontier savages, in a listless me- chanical way that but feebly reflected old-time glories. Presidios were a kind of public works for the support of officials, and the drawing of money from the royal coffers. Missionary zeal had not perhaps materially abated; but one of the great religious orders had been driven from the country. The friars were impeded in their efforts by discouraging difficulties; and the mission establishments, reduced in number by secular- ization in the south, by destruction and consolidation

( 110 )

111

AWAKENING FROM LETHARGY.

in the north, decimated in population by pestilence, desertion, and diminished fecundity, ever coveted and disturbed by vicious pobladores, or settlers, had passed the era of their greatest prosperity. The most famous mineral districts had yielded their richest superficial treasures and were now, by reason of savage raids, inefficient working, and the quicksilver monopoly, comparatively abandoned. Commercial, agricultural, and manufacturing industries were now as ever at a low ebb. The native population had lost more than nine tenths of its original numbers, the survivors liv- ing quietly in the missions as neophytes, toiling in the mines or on the haciendas practically as slaves, or ranging the mountains as apostates more dreaded than the savages of the frontier. The fables of the Northern Mystery had lost something of their charm, and were no longer potent to inspire at court the fit- ting-out of armies or fleets. For more than a century and a half no exploring vessel had sailed up the north- ern coasts. Province after province had settled into that stagnation which sooner or later became the lot of every Spanish colony.

We come now to the partial awakening from this lethargy which caused, or permitted, the occupation of Alta California by Spain in 1769. This occupa- tion was in a certain sense accidental; that is, all the motives leading to it had long existed and had with one exception no new force at this time. For over one hundred and sixty years, or since the voyage of Sebastian Vizcaino in 1602, as much had been known of the country as was now known. This knowledge em- braced the general trend and appearance of the coast, the comparative fertility of the country and intelli- gent docility of its people, the existence, location, and general description of ports San Diego, Monterey, and that under Point Reyes called San Francisco, with a tolerably accurate account of the Santa Bárbara chan- nel and islands. Thus it was no new information about the country that prompted the Californian conquest.

112

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

During all those years the Spanish Court had fully realized the importance of extending its dominion over the north and especially over the coast region; but various troubles at home and abroad had encour- aged procrastination. Year after year the Manila galleon, coming from the west by the northern route sadly in need of a refitting and relief station, had borne her strained timbers and oriental treasure and scurvy-stricken crew down past the California ports; yet no practical effort was made to possess and utilize those ports, though it was always intended to do so at some future convenient season, and scores of un- heeded communications on the subject passed between Mexico and Spain. Tales of the Northern Mystery, of great empires and rich cities, of golden mountains, pearl islands, and giant queens, so effective in the earlier days, had lost, as we have seen, much of their power at court, if not elsewhere; yet little doubt was ever felt that the strait of Anian afforded a northern passage by which a fleet of English cruisers might any day appear from the north-east to seize upon Anian and Quivira, and to ravage more southern coasts. The fear was real enough to the Spaniards, but it was by no means sufficient to rouse them from their apathy, which also successfully withstood the better-founded fear of Russian encroachments from the north-west across rather than through the famous strait; a fear that furnished the only motive for north- ern conquest which had any new or unusual weight at this time. Finally among operative incentives must be mentioned the missionary ambition to convert northern gentiles. Many times was the king re- minded of the rich spiritual harvest to be gathered in California, by friars who never allowed him to for- get the secular advantages to be gained by complying with their wishes; but of late the petitions of Jesuits and Franciscans, even for aid and protection in the old frontier districts, had received but little attention. Indeed, it does not appear that the Franciscans were

113

GALVEZ IN THE PENINSULA.

especially urgent at this juncture in their claims to be sent up the coast.

The expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 fixed the attention of the Spanish and Mexican authorities on the north-west, where were situated the principal missions of the expelled order. California, by reason of the old mysterious charm hanging about the name and country, the strangely exalted value and impor- tance which the Jesuits had always attached to the barren peninsula, and the current tales of immense treasure hidden there by the society, attracted a very large share of this attention. Moreover the explora- tions of the Russians on the Alaska coasts from 1741 to 1765 were tolerably well known to the Spanish authorities; the danger of Russian encroachment seemed more threatening than in past years; and finally the fitting-out of a military expedition for the relief of Sonora suggested the expediency of taking steps at this time for the protection of the peninsula. Accordingly José de Galvez decided to visit in person the western coast, and not only to superintend prep- arations for the Sonora campaign, but to cross the gulf, investigate the state of affairs in Baja California, and to adopt such measures as might be found neces- sary for its safety.

Galvez set out from Mexico for San Blas April 9, 1768. Shortly after his departure Viceroy Croix re- ceived from King Carlos III. orders to the effect that in connection with other precautions against the Rus- sians on the north-west coast, San Diego and Mon- terey should be occupied and fortified. It had occurred to the monarch, or his advisers, that this would be an opportune time to carry into effect an old scheme, give to the galleons their long-desired harbor, and secure an important coast line from foreign aggression. How the order was worded, whether peremptory in its terms or in the form of a recommendation, does not appear. But that under ordinary circumstances it would have been obeyed with any degree of prompti- HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 8

114

PREPARATIONS FOR SPANISH OCCUPATION.

tude may well be doubted. The governor instructed to investigate and report; zealous friars called upon - for their views; the Franciscan authorities consulted as to the supply of missionaries; treasury officials questioned about ways and means; preliminary explor- ations, conflicting reports, petty quarrels-all these with the interminable complication of red-tape com- munications therewith connected, resulting in vexa- tious delay, if not in absolute failure, may be readily pictured by the reader of preceding volumes, familiar with the ways of the period.

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

History of California, Volume I, Part 20

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 852

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852