History of California, Volume I, Part 37

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852

USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 37
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 37

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26 The patron of this mission, it is needless to say, was the founder of the Franciscan order of friars. He was born in the city of Assisi, Italy, in 1182, in a stable, and on the shoulder was a birth-mark resembling a cross. With a slight education and somewhat dissolute habits he was employed in trade by his father until 25 years of age. Taken prisoner in a petty local war, his captivity caused or was followed by an illness during which his future vocation was revealed to him in dreams. Useless thereafter for business and regarded as insane by his father, he renounced his patrimony, vowed to live on alms alone, and retired to the convent of Porciúncula near Assisi, where he laid the foundations of his great order. This organization was approved by the pope in 1209, and at the first chapter, or assembly, in 1219 had over 5,000 members in its different classes. The founder gave up the generalship as an example of humility, and went to Egypt in 1219 in search of martyrdom; but the Sul- tan, admiring his courage, would not allow him to be killed. Among the many miracles wrought by or through him, the most famous is that of the stigmata, or llagas de Jesus, the wounds of the nails and spear inflicted on the

293

EARLIEST ANNALS.

The annals of San Francisco for the first months, or even years, of its existence are meagre. The record is indeed complete enough, but there was really very little to be recorded. On October 21st

body of Christ imprinted by an angel on Saint Francis as he slept. Though in feeble health he continued preaching until his death on Oct. 4, 1226. He was canonized in 1228, and his festival is celebrated on the day of his death, Octoher 4th.

As to the exact date of the foundation there is a degree of uncertainty, it lying between the 8th and the 9th. True, Palou, Not., ii. 320, in a statement which from its connection with the date of Moraga's return (p. 318) cannot be a slip of the pen or typographical error, is the only authority for the former date, while Palou himself, Vida, 214, and all other authorities (except- ing of course a few very recent writers who follow the Noticias), including the annual and biennial reports of missionaries so far as they have been pre- served, agree on Oct. 9th. Yet this evidence is not so overwhelming in favor of the latter date as it seems, since all printed works have doubtless followed Palou's l'ida, and it is not certain that the regular reports alluded to did not follow the same authority. I have seen no report preceding 1787, the date when Palou's work was published, which gives the date at all. Ordinarily the writers of official reports obtained such dates from the mission books, on the title-pages of which the date of founding is in every other mission cor- rectly given; but strangely enough in this instance San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 2, the date is given in Palou's own handwriting as August 1st, which is not only incorrect but wholly unintelligible. Lacking this source of information I suppose the friars may have used Palou's work, which was in most if not all the mission libraries. To name the writers who have given one date or the other would not aid in settling the question, and it must be left in doubt. Since it is only conjecture that the source of information for official reports was Palou's printed book, the balance of evidence is of course in favor of Oct. 9th. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histórico, MS., states that the founding was on Oct. 4th, but in a note appended to the translation of his discourse, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 105-6, as in conversation, he ex- plains his meaning to be that as Oct. 4th was the day appointed for the cer- emony, as it was the day of San Francisco, and as it was the day annually celebrated by the Californians, it ought still to be the day celebrated as an anniversary. Whatever may be said of the theory, it has no bearing on the actual date as an historical fact. Vallejo's suggestion that both Oct. 8th and Oct. 9th in Palou may be typographical errors is scarcely sound.

Respecting the locality of the mission there was a theory long current that it was first founded on Washerwoman's Bay, the lagoon back of Russian Hill, and subsequently moved to its present site. Soule's Annals of S. F., 46-7; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 85-6; and many other modern writings in books, magazines, and newspapers. This supposition was unfounded, except in the statements of Palou, Vida, 209-10, the only authority extant until quite recently, that Moraga's expedition encamped June 27th 'on the bank of a great lagoon which emptied into the arm of the sea of the port which extends inland 15 leagues toward the south-east,' and that a mission site was selected 'in this same place at the lagoon on the plain which it has on the west.' To John W. Dwinelle, Colon. Ilist. S. F., p. xiii., belongs, I believe, the credit of having been the first to show the inaccuracy of the prevalent opinion as early as 1867, and without the aid of Palou's Noticias which he had never seen. By the aid of the Vida, of La Pérouse's map (which I reproduce in chap. xxii.) and the testimony of Doña Cármen Cibrian de Bernal, an old lady at the mission, he identified the Laguna de los Dolores with 'The Wil- lows,' a lagoon, filled up in modern times, which lay in the tract bounded by 17th, 19th, Howard, and Valencia streets, discharging its waters into Mission

294

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

the San Carlos sailed for San Blas, leaving four sail- ors as laborers at the new mission, who completed the buildings and brought water in a ditch from the stream. Meanwhile Rivera, having received at San

Bay. Gov. Neve in his report to the viceroy of Feb. 25, 1777, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 141, says the mission was 14 leagues from the fort and near Lake Dolores. Vallejo, in his Discurso Histórico, advanced the theory that Laguna de los Dolores was a small lake situated between two hills to the right of the old road from the presidio to the mission. In the translation and accompany- ing notes, San Francisco, Centennial Mem., 25, 107, the lake is located, osten- sibly on Vallejo's authority, 'in Sans Souci Valley, north of the Mission ... and immediately behind the hill on which the Protestant Orphan Asylum now stands.' Dwinelle in his oration delivered on the same day and printed in the same book (p. 86) declared in favor of 'The Willows' and maintains his position in a supplementary argument (pp. 187-91). There can be no doubt, I think, that the Laguna de Dolores of Palou was identical with the pond of the Willows, formerly the head of an estuary, according to the testimony of Sra Bernal and other old residents, though fed by springs, and not with the pond to which Vallejo alludes. The statement of Palou that the mission was on the plain westward of the laguna, together with La Pérouse's map which gives the same relative position, seems conclusive. But while Dwinelle's argument against Vallejo is conclusive, it contains some curious errors. Palou, Not., ii. 309, says the Spaniards encamped on June 27th ' á la orilla de una laguna que llamó el Señor Anza de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores que está á la vista de la ensenada de los Llorones y playa del estero ó brazo de mar que corre al Sudeste,' that is, 'on the bank of the lake which Anza named Dolores, which is in sight of the Ensenada de los Llorones and of the beach of the estuary, or arm of the sea, which runs to the south-east.' Now the 'Ensenada de los Llorones, ' as we have seen, was Mission Bay, the name having been given by Aguirre in 1775 (see p. 247 of chap. xi.) from three ' weeping Indians' standing on the shore. Dwinelle, however, translated Llorones as 'weeping willows,' which but for the circumstance alluded to would be correct ; and having the willows on his hands, must have fresh water for their roots, which he obtains by translating ensenada as ' creek,' and thus identifying Ensenada de los Llorones with a stream of fresh water flow- ing from a ravine north-west of the mission and into the bay at what was in later years City Gardens, a stream which supplied the mission with water for all purposes, being 'in sight of ' the mission, and moreover lined in Dwi- nelle's own time with willows. Then having fitted the name of one of the objects seen from the mission site to the fresh-water stream, it remained to identify the other, the ‘playa del estero 6 brazo de mar que corre al Sudeste ' with Mission Bay, which he does by a peculiar system of (unwrit- ten) punctuation and by changing de to del, making it read 'shore of the in- let, or arm, of that sca which trends to the south-east'! The meaning of the original was 'in sight of Mission Bay and of the south-eastern branch of San Francisco Bay.' Dwinelle's reasoning is a very ingenious escape from diffi- culties that never existed.

After all I have an idea that Palou made the first blunder in this matter himself. It will be remembered that Anza applied the name Dolores to an ojo de agua, a spring or stream, which he thought capable of irrigating the mission lands, making no mention of any laguna. I suppose that this was the fresh -water stream alluded to by Dwinelle which did, as Anza had thought it might, supply the mission with water. Later when Palou came up, for some unexplained cause he transferred the name of Dolores to the pond at the Willows, too low to be used for irrigation and probably at that time connected with tide-water.

Respecting the name of this mission it should be clearly understood that

295

RIVERA AT THE NEW PRESIDIO.

Diego communications from the viceroy in which that official spoke of the new missions in the north as having been already founded, concluded that it was time to proceed north and attend to their founding. On the way at San Luis Obispo he learned that his orders had been disobeyed at San Francisco, and said he was glad of it and would soon go in person to found the other mission. From Monterey accom- panied by Peña, who had in the mean while returned, he went up to San Francisco, arriving November 26th and cordially approving the choice of sites and all that had been done. Three days later he set out with Moraga to make a new exploration of the great river and plain, leaving Peña at the mission, and promising on arrival at Monterey to send up soldiers for the founding of Santa Clara. Rivera's expedition accomplished nothing, for after fording the river he did not go so far as Moraga had done, fearing that a rise in the stream might prevent his return. On his way back he was met by a courier with news of trouble at San Luis, which claimed his attention, whereupon Moraga returned to his presidio, and Peña was obliged to wait.

In December the self-exiled natives began to come back to the peninsula; but they came in hostile atti- tude and by no means disposed to be converted. They began to steal all that came within reach. One party discharged arrows at the corporal of the guard; another insulted a soldier's wife; and there was an attempt to shoot the San Carlos neophyte who was still living here. One of those concerned in this

it was simply San Francisco de Asis and never properly anything else. Asis was dropped in common usage even by the friars, as was Borromeo at San Cárlos and Alcalá at San Diego. Then Dolores was added, not as part of the name but simply as the locality, like Carmelo at San Carlos, and, more rarely, Nipaguay at San Diego. Gradually, as San Francisco was also the name of the presidio, and there was another mission of San Francisco Solano, it became customary among settlers, soldiers, and to some extent friars also, speak of the Mision de los Dolores, meaning simply 'the mission at Dolores.' No other name than San Francisco was employed in official reports. Dolores was in full Nuestra Señora de los Dolores, one of the virgin's most common appella- tions, and a very common name for places in all Spanish countries.

296

FOUNDING OF SAN FRANCISCO.

attempt was shut up and flogged by Grijalva, where- upon the savages rushed up and discharged a volley of arrows at the mission buildings, attempting a rescue, though they were frightened away by a dis- charge of musketry in the air. Next day the sergeant went out to make arrests, when a new fight occurred, in which a settler and a horse were wounded, while of the natives one was killed, another wounded, and all begged for peace, which was granted after sundry floggings had been administered. It was some three months before the savages showed themselves again at the mission.

Events of 1777 may be very briefly disposed of, and as well here as elsewhere. The natives resumed their visits in March, gradually lost their fears, and on June 24th three adults were baptized, the whole number of converts at the end of the year being thirty-one.27 Some slight improvements were made in buildings at both establishments; but of agricult- ural progress we have no record. José Ramon Bo- jorges was the corporal in command of the mission guard. In April San Francisco was honored by a visit from the governor of the Californias, who had come to live at Monterey, and wished to make a per- sonal inspection of the famous port.28 May 12th the Santiago, under Ignacio Arteaga, with Francisco Castro as master, and Nocedal as chaplain, entered the harbor with supplies for the northern establishments and San Blas news down to the 1st of March. This was the first voyage to the port of San Francisco direct with- out touching at intermediate stations. Arteaga set sail for Monterey on the 27th. In October the good

27 San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS. The first convert was named Fran- cisco Moraga, the commandant of the presidio standing as godfather. The first burial of a neophyte was on October 20th. There had already been eight deaths of Spaniards, but there were no more for two years. The first marriage was that of Mariano A. Cordero, a soldier, and Juana F. Pinto on November 28, 1776; the first burial that of María de la Luz Muñoz, wife of J. M. Valen- cia, a soldier.

28 His report to the viceroy dated February 25, 1777, is in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 140-2.

297

FATHER JUNÍPERO AT THE GOLDEN GATE.

padre presidente on his first visit to San Francisco arrived in time to say mass in the mission church on the day of Saint Francis in the presence of all the 'old residents' and of seventeen adult native converts. Passing over to the presidio October 10th, and gazing for the first time on the blue waters under the purple pillars of the Golden Gate, Father Junípero exclaimed: "Thanks be to God that now our father St Francis with the holy cross of the procession of missions has reached the last limit of the Californian continent. To go farther he must have boats." 29

29 Comprehensive references on the general subject of this chapter are Palou, Not., ii. 285-347; Id., Vida, 201-24. A few additional notes on minor topics of San Francisco history are as follows: February 23, 1777, the governor reports that Moraga has been ordered to enclose the presidio, and has begun the work. The commandant's house and the warehouse are of adobe, though very unsubstantial; all the other structures are mere huts. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 142. On June 4th the governor notes the arrival of a picture of St Francis for the presidio chapel, Id., 69, which it seems was sent at Moraga's request. Arch. Santa Bárbara, MS., vi. 139. The value of effects received in the warehouse in 1776 was $14,627. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 60. The expense of building the presidio down to 1782 had been in goods as per Mexican invoice $1,200. Id., iii. 230. Eight servants at the mission at end of 1777, names given. Id., Ben., i. Il. The force of the San Francisco district, including San José, at the end of 1777, was as follows: Lieutenant Moraga; Sergeant Juan Pablo Grijalva; corporals Domingo Alviso, Valerio Mesa, Pablo Pinto, Gabriel Peralta, and Ramon Bojorges; 33 soldiers, including mission guards at San Francisco and Santa Clara; settlers Manuel Gonzalez, Nicolás Berrey- esa, Casimiro Varela, Pedro Perez, Manuel Amezquita, Tiburcio Vasquez, Francisco Alviso, Ignacio Archuleta, and Feliciano Alballo; sirvientes of the presidio, including mechanics, etc., Salvador Espinosa, Juan Espinosa, Pedro Lopez, Pedro Fontes, Juan Sanchez, Melchor Cárdenas, Tomás de la Cruz, Miguel Velez, Felipe Otondo; sirvientes of the mission, Diego Olvera, Alejo Feliciano, Victoriano Flores, Joaquin Molina, Angel Segundo, José Rodri- guez, José Castro, José Gios; sirvientes of Santa Clara, 9 (see chapter xiv.); padres, Francisco Palou, Pedro Benito Cambon, José Antonio Murguía, and Tomás de la Peña; store-keeper, Hermenegildo Sal. Total 80 men. Moraga's report in MS. Moraga, Informe de 1777, MS.

CHAPTER XIV.

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS. 1776-1777.

INDIAN AFFRIGHT AT MONTEREY-FIRE AT SAN LUIS OBISPO-AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO-RIVERA AND SERRA -- REESTABLISHMENT OF THE MISSION- THE LOST REGISTERS-FOUNDING OF SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO-FATHER SERRA ATTACKED-FOUNDING OF SANTA CLARA-CHANGE OF CAPITAL OF THE CALIFORNIAS-GOVERNOR NEVE COMES TO MONTEREY-RIVERA AS LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR AT LORETO-PROVINCIAS INTERNAS-Gov- ERNOR'S REPORTS-PRECAUTIONS AGAINST CAPTAIN COOK-MOVEMENTS OF VESSELS-NEVE'S PLANS FOR CHANNEL ESTABLISHMENTS-PLANS FOR GRAIN SUPPLY-EXPERIMENTAL PUEBLO-FOUNDING OF SAN JOSÉ-IND- IAN TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH -A SOLDIER KILLED-FOUR CHIEFTAINS SHOT-THE FIRST PUBLIC EXECUTION IN CALIFORNIA.

ALL that is known of Monterey affairs during the year 1776 has been told in connection with the found- ing of San Francisco, except a rumor of impending attack by gentiles on San Carlos in the spring, which filled Father Junípero's heart with joy at the thought of possible martyrdom-a joy which, nevertheless, the good friar restrained sufficiently to summon troops from Monterey; but the rumor proved unfounded.1

Of San Antonio nothing is recorded save that the mission was quietly prosperous under the ministrations of Pieras and Sitjar. At San Luis Obispo there was a fire on November 29th which destroyed the build- ings, except the church and granary, together with implements and some other property. The fire was the work of gentiles who discharged burning arrows at the tule roofs, not so much to injure the Spaniards

1 Palou, Vida, 318-20. Anza in his report, Diario, MS., 135, represented San Cárlos as in a very prosperous condition, with over 300 neophytes.

( 298 )

299

FRANCISCAN POLICY.

as to revenge themselves on a hostile tribe who were the Spaniards' friends. Rivera hastened to the spot, captured two of the ringleaders, and sent them to the presidio.2 Cavaller and Figuer were in charge, assisted much of the time by Murguía and Mugártegui; while at San Gabriel, of which mission something has been said in connection with Anza's expedition, Pa- terna, Cruzado, and Sanchez were serving.

In the extreme south as in the extreme north the year was not uneventful, since it saw the mission of San Diego rebuilt and that of San Juan Capistrano successfully founded. Rivera returned to San Diego in May, to resume his investigations in connection with the disaster of the year before; but he seems to have had no thought of immediate steps toward re- building the destroyed mission. His policy involved long investigations, military campaigns, and severe penalties, to be followed naturally in the distant future by a resumption of missionary work. Such, however, was by no means the policy of Serra or of the missionaries generally. Throughout the north- west both Jesuits and Franciscans had from the first, on the occurrence of hostile acts by the natives, favored prompt and decisive action, with a view to inspire terror of Spanish power; but long-continued retaliatory measures they never approved. Condemna- tion and imprisonment were sometimes useful, but mainly as a means of increasing missionary influence through pardon and release. This policy, though sometimes carried too far for safety, was a wise one,

2 Palou, Not., ii. 339-40. Neve's Report of Sept. 19, 1777, in Prov. Rec., MS., i. 19. The mission register of marriages was destroyed. Note of Serra in S. Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 57. The mission was twice again on fire within ten years, which caused the use of tiles for roofs to be universally adopted. Palou, Vida, 142-3. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 83, says that Ignacio Vallejo, the author's grandfather, was at the intercession of the padres allowed to quit the service temporarily to superintend the rebuilding of the mission and the construction of irrigation works; and in fact Vallejo's name appears as witness in a marriage which took place the day after the fire, as 'carpenter and employé of the mission.' San Luis Obispo, Lib. de Mision, MS., 57.

300

MISSION PROGRESS AND PUEBLO BEGINNINGS.

and indeed the only one by which the friars could have achieved their purpose.3

The viceroy on hearing of the massacre at San Diego had given orders for protective measures, in- cluding a reënforcement of twenty-five men; but a little later he expressed his opinion, agreeing with that of the missionaries, that it would be better to conciliate than to punish the offending gentiles, and that the reenforcement ordered should be employed rather to protect the old and new establishments than to chastise the foe.4 Bucareli's communications, though dated in the spring of 1776, seem to have been delayed; at any rate Rivera was doing nothing towards reestablishment, and the southern friars were becoming discouraged. Serra therefore determined to go down in person. As we have seen, he had wished to accompany Rivera, but that officer had pleaded necessity for a more rapid march than was suited to his advanced age and feeble health. Now he sailed on the San Antonio which left Monterey the last day of June, and arrived at San Diego the 11th of July. Father Nocedal was left at San Carlos; Serra took the latter's place as chaplain; and Santa María accompanied the president, who intended to substitute him for some southern missionary whose discontent might not impair his usefulness, for three had already applied for leave to retire.5

Serra found the natives peaceable enough; in fact Rivera had reported them to the viceroy as 'pacified;' but though the military force was idle in the presidio, the friars for want of a guard could not resume their

3 In a communication to Rivera Serra urges a suspension of hostilities, which would do more harm than good, and a light punishment to captives. Let the living padres be protected 'as the apple of God's eye,' but let the dead one be left to enjoy God, and thus good be returned for evil. St. Pap., MS., xv. 14, 15.

Bucareli's letters to Serra of March 26th and April 3d, in Arch. Santa Bárbara, MS., vi. 1-3, and Palon, Vida, 187-90. It is stated in the letters that instructions of similar purport were sent to Rivera.

5 These were probably Fuster, the survivor of San Diego, and Lasuen and Amurrio destined for San Juan. Their petition to retire was simply a protest against Rivera's inaction, and not improbably had been suggested by Serra himself.

301

WORK AT SAN DIEGO.

work. The president at once made an arrangement with Captain Choquet of the San Antonio, who of- fered to furnish sailors to work on the mission, and go in person to direct their labors. Then Rivera, asked in writing for a guard, could not refuse, and detailed six men for the service. On August 22d6 the three friars, Choquet with his mate and boat- swain and twenty sailors, a company of neophytes, and the six soldiers went up the river to the old site and began work in earnest, digging foundations, col- lecting stones, and making adobes. The plan was to erect first an adobe wall for defence and then build a church and other structures within the enclosure. Good progress was made for fifteen days, so that it was expected to complete the wall in two weeks and the buildings before the sailing of the transport, with time enough left to put in a crop. But an Indian went to Rivera with a report that the savages were preparing arrows for a new attack, and though a ser- geant sent to investigate reported, as the friars claim, that the report had no foundation" the commandant was frightened, and on September 8th withdrew the guard, advising the withdrawal of the sailors. Cho- quet, though protesting, was obliged to yield to save his own responsibility, and the work had to be aban- doned, to the sorrow and indignation of the mission- aries.

About this time a native reported that Corporal Carrillo was at Velicatá with soldiers en route for San Diego. Serra was sure they were the soldiers promised him for mission guards, and Rivera equally positive that they were destined to reënforce the pre- sidio; but he refused to send a courier to learn the truth until a letter came from Carrillo on the 25th.

6 Lasuen in his report of 1783, in Bandini, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 2, states that the mission was reestablished in June 1776. There may, however, be an error of the copyist.

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History of California, Volume I, Part 37

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 852

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852