History of California, Volume I, Part 42

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852

USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 42
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 42

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

346

COLONISTS AND RECRUITS.

three were described as useless. But the rest went to work, and soon the governor reported satisfactory progress in their irrigating ditch and mud-roofed huts of palisades, the latter before the end of 1784 being replaced by adobe houses, the needed public buildings having also been erected, and a church begun of the same material.25 Some changes also took place among the settlers during these few years.26

I have recorded the preceding items of local Angeles annals beyond the chronological limits of this chapter because they may as well be recorded here as elsewhere, and because a still later event of 1786 seems to belong here properly. I allude to the formal distribution of lands to the settlers. Some kind of a grant in the king's name must have been made at the beginning,27 and there is nothing to show that the survey and dis- tribution made at that time were not permanent. The fact that formal possession, or renewal of pos- session, was given in 1786, just five years after the founding, when according to the regulations govern- ment aid to settlers was to cease and advances were to be repaid, has probably some significance, though there is nothing in the regulation to show that full titles were to be given only at the expiration of five years.23

25 For scattered references to buildings, see Prov. Rec., MS., i. 175-6, 184; iii. 23; Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 91.

26 Early in 1782 Lara, Mesa, and Quintero, a Spaniard, and two negroes, were sent away as useless to the pueblo and themselves, and their property was taken away by order of the governor. The record does not show that Miranda, the 'chino,' ever came to Los Angeles at all, unless he be identical with another 'useless' settler said to have been sent away in 1783. José Francisco Sinova, who had lived a long time as a laborer in California, applied for admission as a settler in 1785, and was admitted, receiving the same aid as the original colonists in the way of implements and live-stock, save in respect of sheep and goats, which the government had not on hand. One of the deserters, Rafael Mesa, seems to have been caught and brought to Cali- fornia, but there is no evidence that he settled at Los Angeles. Two grown-up sons of Basilio Rosas appear on the list of 1785, as does also Juan José Domin- guez, a Spaniard; but all three disappear from the next year's list. Prot. Ree., ii. 79; iii. 185; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 144-5; xxii. 29-30; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 1.

27 In fact the titles given to settlers seem to have been approved by the commandant general ou Feb. 6, 1784. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 152.

28 Art. 17, sect. xiv., simply provides that the governor or his comisiona- dos shall give titles and cause the same, with register of brands, to be re- corded and kept in the archives-impliedly at the beginning.

347

DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS.

However this may have been, Governor Fages, of whose accession to the rule more hereafter, on August 14, 1786, without any preliminary correspondence so far as the records show, as if this was unquestionably the natural and proper thing to be done at this par- ticular time, commissioned Alférez José Argüello to go to Angeles and put the settlers in possession of their lands in accordance with section xiv. of the regulation.29

Argüello accepted the commission September 4th and on the same day appointed Corporal Vicente Félix and private Roque de Cota as legal witnesses. On the 18th he reports his task completed and duly recorded in the archives. This was perhaps the first important public service rendered by a man who was later governor and father of a governor. In the performance of his duty Argüello with his wit- nesses summoned each of the nine settlers in succes- sion and in presence of all granted first the house-lot, then the four fields, and finally the branding-iron by which his live-stock was to be distinguished from that of his neighbors. In both house-lots and fields the pretence of a measurement was made. In each case the nature of the grant was fully explained, the grantee assented to the conditions involved, and for each of the twenty-seven grants a separate document was drawn up, each bearing, besides the signatures of Argüello and his witnesses, a cross, for not one of the nine could sign his name. I give herewith a map showing the distribution of lands.30 Argüello's sur- vey of the various classes of reserved lands is not very clearly expressed; the propios, however, are said to extend 2,200 varas from the dam to the limit

29 Los Angeles, Reparticion de Solares y Suertes, 1786, MS. The document contains Argüello's appointment, his acceptance, the appointment of two witnesses, three autos de diligencias, or records of granting house-lot, field, and branding-iron respectively to each of 9 settlers, one auto of survey of municipal and royal lands, and a final certificate of having completed his task and deposited the records in the archives.

30 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 55; Id., Ben., ii. 2; signed by Argüello Dcc. 21, 1793. The map of the pueblo is on a scale five times larger than that

348

COLONISTS AND RECRUITS.

of distributed lands, and the royal lands were on the river's opposite bank.

At San José de Guadalupe, notwithstanding the informality of its original foundation, nothing was done under the new regulation until 1783, or five years after the beginning, as in the south. Some of the settlers, not having been among the original founders in November 1777, were still receiving rations from

PROPIOS

CBBA

Z --

ROAO

Main Ditch

River

REALENGAS

Los ANGELES IN 1786.

of the fields. The distribution is shown by the letters as follows: A, guard- house; B, town-houses; C, trozo del posito; D, Pablo Rodriguez; E, José Vanegas; F, José Moreno; G, Félix Villavicencio; H, Francisco Sinova; Y, vacant; J, Basilio Rosas; K, Alejandro Rosas; L, Antonio Navarro; M,

349

PUEBLO MAPS.

the government.31 In December 1782 Governor Fages commissioned Moraga of San Francisco to put the settlers in formal possession of their lands.32 After

Main Ditch

Pueblo Ditch

PUEBLO

River Porciúncula

ROAD

Ford

PUEBLO OF LOS ANGELES

Ditch

Manuel Camero; N, O, streets; P, Plaza. Two other maps are given-St. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 103, 307-one of which I reproducc. For the third transfer 1 to 2; add a lot at 3; and move 4, 5, 6, 7 one tier to the east. I suppose these maps to have been of earlier date than 1786.

3I According to documents in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., iii. 23, the pay or rations of 6 of the 9 settlers ceased Nov. 1, 1782; one had rations to Nov. 3d; and 2 had rations all the year. According to other records in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 25-6, 28, 4 had rations during 1783, and 3 at beginning of 1784. In Id., iii. 244-7, Moraga says that from June to Dec. 1781 three settlers had pay and rations, while 2 had rations only.

32 In Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 154-6, this document is given under date of Dec. 2d, and is preceded, Id., 153-4, by a letter of instructions dated Dec. 12th, and ordering that the mandamiento (the document of Dec. 2d) be placed at the head of each title. On Jan. 4, 1783, Moraga writes that he cannot attend to the distribution at once as ordered by the governor in letter of Dec. 6th, but will do so at an early date. Stat. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 30. In the regular record, however, Id., 244-71, Moraga's appointment as comisionado, differing very slightly from the doc. of Dec. 2d, is dated Dec. 24th, being followed by Moraga's auto de obedecimiento dated May 13th and containing most of the land clanses of the reglamento, and this by the 27 diligencias de posesion by which the 9 settlers were granted their lots, fields, and branding-irons: then comes the measurement of public lands, and finally Moraga's final certificate of Sept. Ist at San Francisco.

350

COLONISTS AND RECRUITS

some delay Moraga appointed Felipe Tapia and Juan José Peralta as witnesses and began his task at San José May 13, 1783, completing it on the 19th. The proceedings and the resulting records were like those already noted at Los Angeles, save in the settlers' names and in the fact that the location of each man's land is given. In the matter of education San José was in advance of its southern rival, since one of its citizens, José Tiburcio Vasquez, ancestor of the fa- mous bandit, could write, though the alcalde, Archu- leta, could not. Here as at Angeles all four of the fields granted to each settler were on soil that could be irrigated, and here also a map is given in connection with the records which I reproduce. 83

15 Way to Mission

Low Land

Rio

Acequia Madre

FUEBLO

MAP OF SAN JOSE.

33 St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 243. On the original the names are writ- ten on their respective lots. I refer to them as follows: a, a, a, Realengas; 1, 2, Manuel Amézquita; 3, 4, Claudio Alvires; 5, 6, Sebastian Alvitre; 7, 8, Manuel Gonzalez; 9, 10, Bernardo Ro- sales; 11, 12, Francisco Avila; 13, 14, José Tiburcio Vasquez; 15, 16, Antonio Romero; 17, 18, Ignacio Archuleta. As I have before noted, four of these names differ from those of the original founders. Alvitre wasa pioncer soldierof theearlier years; Alvires had beena laborer or serv- ant before 1780; Ávila and Rosales ap- pear here for the first time. This map in the archives is dated at San Francisco June 1, 1782, and contains a statement by Moraga that he distributed the lots on April 23, 1782, all of which is alto- gether unintelligible. Evidently how- ever the map was made before 1783 since it shows only two fields for each man. Here as at Los Angeles there is nothing to show that at this final distribution any change was made. The map so far as it goes agrees with Moraga's location of lots, and the new lots seem to have ex- tended in different directions from the original. Hall, Hist. San José, 26-31, gives a pretty full account of Moraga's proceedings, and alludes to the map as being dated April 23, 1783, and as show- ing 19 suertes. After granting the private lands, Moraga went, apparently, to the west bank of the river, where he meas- ured 1,958 varas from the dam down to

351

LOCAL ITEMS.

Beyond what has been recorded in connection with the new establishments, there is very little to be said of the year 1781. The natives were troublesome on the frontier below San Diego, and Neve had planned to march against them with forty men, but other duties prevented the campaign. 34 Father Mugártegui also wrote from San Juan Capistrano that there were reasons to fear a rising of the gentiles reënforced from the Colorado, and that two of the six soldiers on' guard were unfit for duty.35 At Santa Clara August 12th the festival of the patroness was celebrated with the aid of Dumetz from San Carlos and Noriega from

San Francisco. The latter, after accompanying Serra to San Antonio, took temporarily the place of Crespí at San Carlos while Crespí went with Serra to San Francisco on his tour of confirmation, this being the venerable friar's first visit to the northern missions, and his last journey on earth. Returning by way of Santa Clara, they officiated with Murguía and Peña on November 19th in laying the corner-stone of a new church dedicated to "Santa Clara de Asis, virgin, abbess, and matriarch of her most famous re- ligion." The soldiers of the guard were present, and Alférez Lasso de la Vega from San Francisco acted as secular godfather. Under the stone were placed a cross with holy images and pieces of money.36 The building was completed in 1784.

The supply-ship did not arrive this year, because on account of troubles with England37 the Santiago was obliged to make a trip to Lima for quicksilver. A small transport was laden at San Blas, but proved to

the Santa Clara boundary, designating half the space (no width is given) as propios and the rest as realengas. Then the egidos 1,500 x 700 varas were located on the eminence where the pueblo stood.

31 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 130-1.

35 Letters of Sept. 23th and 28th in Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 3, 4.

3G Santa Clara, Lib. de Mision, MS., 10, 11; Palou, Not., ii. 369-70 ; Arch. Sta. Bárbara, MS., xi. 131; Palou, Vida, 236-7. A scrap in Levett's Scrap-book says the site was called by the natives Gerguensen, or 'valley of the oaks.'

37 Orders for a war tax circulated by Gen. Croix and sent to California. Arch. Misiones, MS., 1. 59-70.

352

COLONISTS AND RECRUITS.

be so worm-eaten that she could not safely be trusted to sail. In December the San Carlos de Filipinas from Manila touched at San Diego. The old San Carlos had remained at the Philippines and the new vessel had been built to take her place. Father Cam- bon was on board as chaplain, and being unwell was allowed to remain at San Diego. He had some vest- ments and other articles for San Francisco which he had bought with his wages, but they were invoiced for San Blas and could not be unloaded.68 Cambon brought by a roundabout course the tidings that six friars had been appointed for the three Channel mis- sions, at which Serra rejoiced greatly, but about which there is more to be said hereafter.

38 Palou, Not., ii. 369-73.

CHAPTER XVII.

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO. 1780-1782.

PRELIMINARY RÉSUMÉ-REPORTS OF GARCÉS AND ANZA-PALMA IN MEXICO- ARRICIVITA'S CHRONICLE -YUMAS CLAMOROUS FOR MISSIONARIES -- ORDERS OF GENERAL CROIX-PADRES GARCÉS AND DIAZ ON THE COLO- RADO-NO GIFTS FOR THE INDIANS-DISGUST OF THE YUMAS-MISSION- PUEBLOS FOUNDED-A NEW SYSTEM-POWERS OF FRIARS CURTAILED- FRANCISCAN CRITICISM-A DANGEROUS EXPERIMENT-FOUNDING OF CON- CEPCION AND SAN PEDRO Y SAN PABLO-NAMES OF THE COLONISTS- SPANISH OPPRESSION-FOREBODINGS OF DISASTER-MASSACRE OF JULY 17, 1781-FOUR MARTYRS-FIFTY VICTIMS-DEATH OF RIVERA-FRUIT- LESS EFFORTS TO PUNISH THE YUMAS-CAPTIVES RANSOMED-EXPEDITIONS OF FAGES, FUEROS, ROMEU, AND NEVE.

THE reader of Sonora history will remember the expeditions of Father Kino and his companions to northern Pimería during the Jesuit period, their flattering reports of prospects both spiritual and temporal, and their efforts oft repeated but always unsuccessful to establish missions in the Gila and Colorado region. The natives were always clamorous for friars; but the necessary combination of circum- stances could never be effected. The requisites were a favorable disposition on the part of the government, a favorable condition of European and Mexican affairs, money to spare in the royal treasury, and quiet among the Sonora tribes. What Kino's zeal in time of peace could not do, was impossible to the comparative luke- warmness of his successors in times of constant rebel- lion and warfare with the Apaches. The Franciscans, if somewhat less enthusiastic than the earlier Jesuits, and notwithstanding their greater difficulties, never HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 23 (353 )

354

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

allowed the matter to drop. The record of their efforts, as of earlier attempts, belongs in detail to another part of this work; but there was little or no actual progress down to the time of Anza's expeditions, made with a view to open communication by land with Cal- ifornia.1

With the second of these expeditions in 1775-6 Francisco Garcés and Thomas Eixarch had gone to the Colorado and had been left on the western bank of the river with a few Indian attendants and under the protection of Palma, a prominent Yuma chieftain noted for his friendship for the white men. Both friars were Franciscans from the Queretaro college. During Anza's absence in the west, Eixarch remained on the river, at or near the site of the modern Fort Yuma; while Garcés travelled extensively down and up the Colorado, west and east to San Gabriel and the Moqui towns, well received by all natives except the Moquis. So well were the Colorado Indians pleased with Anza's treatment that, as Garcés was led to believe, they refused aid to the hostile San Diego tribes. The only source of possible danger was believed to be in Rivera's tendency to ill treat those who for one pur- pose or another visited the coast establishments. In their explorations the two friars fixed upon the Puerto, or Portezuelo, de la Concepcion and the Puerto, or Ranchería, de San Pablo as the most desirable sites for future missions. The former, Concepcion, was, as I have said, identical in site with Fort Yuma, while the latter, San Pablo, was eight or ten miles down the river on the same side in what is now Baja-Cali- fornian territory.2 Eixarch went back to Sonora with

1 See chapters x. and xii. of this volume.

2 I suppose that San Pablo was identical with the Rancheria or Laguna of San Pablo, or Capt. Pablo, 4} or 5 leagues below Concepcion, visited by Anza and mentioned in his diary and in that of P. Font. Arricivita gives the dis- tance between the two as three leagues. Taylor, in Browne's L. Cal., 51, 71, doubtless following Arricivita, says the two were 9 miles apart. P. Sales, in his Noticias de ( 'al., carta iii. 65-7, says that the Franciscan missions were on territory conceded to the Dominicans, so that they were even then in a sense considered to be in Lower California. The author would seem almost

355

PLANS OF GARCÉS AND ANZA.

Anza, and Garcés followed a little later. Palma also accompanied Anza to Mexico to present in person the petition of his people for missionaries. All the re- turning travellers were impressed with the feasibility and great importance of founding on the Colorado one or more missions under the protection of a strong presidio.3

The viceroy favored the views of Garcés and Anza. He promised early in 1777 to transfer northward the presidios of Horcasitas and Buenavista as a protec- tion to the proposed missions, and recommended the whole matter to the favorable consideration of Gen- eral Croix.4 Palma in the mean time was kindly en- tertained; and after being baptized as Don Salvador, he was sent home with promises of friars and other favors to his country and people.5

Croix it is said entertained an idea of going in person to the Colorado and to Monterey, but he was detained by illness in Chihuahua and had, besides, a broad territory to attend to. Colonel Anza was about this time sent to New Mexico as governor, and thus the northern enterprise lost one of its most effective supporters. In March 1778 Palma, seeing no sign that the promises made him were to be fulfilled, came down to Altar to ascertain the reason. He was more or less satisfied with the excuses offered by the pre-

to entertain the idea that the Franciscans, in their zeal to get the rewards offered, brought upon themselves the resulting misfortunes by intruding ou Dominican ground.

$ Garcés suggested a route by water by way of the gulf and river, or by the ocean to San Diego. He also recommended that San Diego be subject to the Colorado presidio instead of Monterey, so as to protect communication and prevent conflicts with the California authorities. Thus his views in be- half of his college were somewhat ambitious. Whether they resulted in some degree from his own treatment by Rivera, or whether Rivera's policy was in- fluenced by the views of Garcés, there is no means of knowing.

4 In 1778 Croix writes to Galvez on the importance of conciliating the Col- orado and Gila tribes, and of founding settlements on the route to California. Ugakle, Documentos, MS., 5.

5 Arricicita, Crónica Serafica y Apostólica del Colegio de Propaganda Fide de la Santa Cruz de Querétaro, 491-314. This important work, the official chronicle of the Querétaro College, is the leading authority for the contents of this chapter, in fact the only continuous narrative of the whole subject, though as will be seen there are other authorities that throw much light on certain parts of it.

356

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

sidio captain and went back to wait. Still no Span- iards came, and Palma's people began to taunt him, and to more than hint that all the stories he had brought from Mexico were lies. Palma endured it for a while and then went again to Altar and then to Horcasitas to explain his difficulties.

General Croix, still at Chihuahua, hearing of Palma's visit and knowing that his complaints were just, wrote in February 1779 to the president asking him to send Garcés and another friar to the Colorado to begin the work of conversion, at the same time ordering the authorities of Sonora to furnish supplies and soldiers. Juan Diaz was selected to accompany Garcés. The governor gave an order for supplies, but the com- mandant could not furnish a proper guard, for his force was small and the natives were unusually bitter. In obedience to orders, however, he told Garcés to select the smallest number of soldiers that would meet immediate necessities. The friars realized that in establishing a distant mission under these circum- stances there was danger. But delay was also for many reasons undesirable, and the early establish- ment of a presidio was confidently hoped for. There- fore after much discussion, including a reference to the viceroy and college, the two friars chose seventeen soldiers from Tucson and Altar, though when they started in August for their destination they had but thirteen. After passing Sonoita in the Pápago coun- try, they were forced to turn back for want of water; but Garcés with two soldiers soon continued and reached the Colorado at the end of August. He found Palma and those of his rancheria very friendly, but other Yumas considerably disaffected, the Jalche- dunes and other tribes being also somewhat hostile to the Yumas.

On September 3d the two soldiers were sent back with letters for Diaz and for Croix, leaving Garcés alone with the Yumas. Rumors were rife of hostilities on the part of the Pápagos, and the soldiers at Sonoita

357

A NEW SYSTEM.

were disposed to abscond. Father Diaz sent to Altar for aid, and received from a new commandant a letter advising the friars to abandon the enterprise for the present. Diaz declined the advice. He succeeded in removing the soldiers' fears, and joined Garcés on the 2d of October. The two friars with their guard of twelve men and a sergeant now found themselves in an embarrassing position. Promises had been lavishly bestowed on Palma by the viceroy and by Croix in Mexico, promises which had not lost color in transmis- sion, and which had roused expectations of lavish gifts. Long delay had lessened somewhat the native faith in Palma's tales; but even now the contrast between expectation and reality was great, and at sight of two friars bearing trinkets hardly sufficient to buy their daily food, the natives regarded themselves as victims of a swindle. Nor did they take pains to conceal their disgust. The two padres could barely maintain them- selves in Palma's ranchería, that chieftain's authority proving to be limited, and his position being hardly more agreeable than their own. Entreaties for aid were sent south, but the soldiers so sent were usually retained in the Sonora presidios on some excuse, thus lessening the escort and increasing the danger.

In November Croix arrived at Arizpe, whither Diaz proceeded to report in person, and Juan Antonio Barreneche was sent as companion to Garcés. The general listened to the padre's report, and resolved on the establishment of two mission-pueblos on the Colo- rado, in accordance with a new system devised for this occasion, the formal instructions for which were issued March 20, 1780. There was to be no presidio, mission, or pueblo proper, but the attributes of all three were to be in a manner united. The soldiers, under a sub- lieutenant as commandant, were to protect the settlers, who were to be granted house-lots and fields, while the friars were to act as pastors to attend to the spiritual interests of the colonists, but at the same time to be missionaries. The priests were to have

358

PUEBLO-MISSIONS ON THE RIO COLORADO.

nothing to do with temporal management, and native converts were not to be required to live in regular mission communities, but might receive lands and live in the pueblos with the Spaniards. Each pueblo was to have ten soldiers, ten settlers, and six laborers.

This was certainly a change in the mission system. Palou italicizes it as a nuevo modo de conquistar, and passes on without further comment to relate results.6 Arricivita denounces both the system and its author, charging Croix with having been influenced by políticos arbitristas who knew nothing of the subject, and by false notions of economy. And further with having paid no heed to the advice of the only men who were qualified to give it; with giving instructions to the friars in matters entirely beyond his jurisdiction; with direct opposition to the laws of Spain, especially in uniting Spaniards and Indians in the same pueblo, and with having in his stupid pride and ignorance exposed over fifty families to sure destruction. A large part of the bitter feeling exhibited by Fran- ciscans on the subject may be fairly attributed to the tragedy that followed and to the removal of the tem- poral management from their hands, a matter on which they were very sensitive; yet it must be admitted that Croix acted unwisely. The time and place were not well chosen for such an experiment. Anza, a warm advocate of the Colorado establishments, a man of great ability and experience, and one moreover who had seen the Yumas and their neighbors at their best, had expressed his opinion that missions could not safely be founded in this region except under the protection of a strong presidio. At the time of Anza's return it would have been hazardous to try the experi- ment, but in the light of the friars' reports it was a criminally stupid blunder.

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History of California, Volume I, Part 42

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 852

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852