History of California, Volume I, Part 52

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 852


USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 52
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 52


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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448


FOREIGN RELATIONS AND COMMERCE.


possible system could have been successful, considering the class of colonists obtainable, the character of the natives, the isolation of California, and the general cur- rent of Hispano-American affairs, I seriously doubt; but unlike some Mexican governors who affected a like position in later times, Neve was honest in his views and worked calmly and intelligently for their realiza- tion. Such men would have done all that it was pos- sible to do with half-breed colonists, stupid aborigines, and opposing priests.


At Neve's death José Antonio Rengel was ap- pointed by the audiencia of Guadalajara to the tem- porary command; and by royal order of October 6, 1785, General Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola was placed in command,39 where he remained until 1790. During this period there were several subdivisions of the in- ternal provinces, but Ugarte always possessed power over those of the west, including California. During the term of Viceroy Galvez, 1785-7, he had authority over the commandant general, who had before been independent; and after his death the dependence con- tinued, though not very clearly defined, until 1788. In 1790 Ugarte was succeeded by Pedro de Nava under whose rule all subordination of the command was removed, and in 1792 or 1793 all the provinces were reunited in one independent command.39


Viceroy Flores in his instructions to his successor


38 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 154-5; v. 63-4; vi. 106; Galvez, Instruccion formada de real órden, 1786, pp. 1-56.


39 Ugarte commanded in person in Sonora and California; had a subordi- nate in N. Vizcaya and New Mexico, and another in Coahuila and Texas; was subordinate to Viceroy Galvez; but became independent at his death. Instruc- ciones de Vireyes, 124-5; Mayer MSS., No. 8. February 10, 1787, Ugarte in- forms Fages that by death of Galvez his command again becomes independent. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 43-5. March 2, 1787, royal order giving Viceroy Flores the same authority that Galvez had held. Id., vii. 31, viii. 40-1. December 3, 1787, comandancia divided into eastern and western provinces. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 58, 61. May (or March) 11, 1788, king gave vice- roy increased and full powers over Provincias Internas. Mayer MSS., No. 1; San Miguel, Rep. Mex., 13. July 9, 1788, Viceroy Flores gives Ugarte full powers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., viii. 5, 6. March 7, 1790, Ugarte succeeded by Nava and Ugalde (in eastern provinces) by Rengel. Mayer MSS., No. 2; November 28, 1790, Nava announces his appointment. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 348. 1792, all provinces reunited. Escudero, Not. Sonora, 71. 1793, In- strucciones de Vireyes, 201.


440


MEASURES IN MEXICO AND SPAIN.


Revilla Gigedo in 1789 devoted considerable atten- tion to California and to the importance of its defence and further colonization, recommending war-vessels to protect the coast, since an attack by foreigners was possible and the reconquest would be extremely difficult. A reenforcement of soldiers who would later become settlers was likewise proposed for considera- tion; and the viceroy had also asked the king for a few families from the Canary Islands to take care of a large number of foundlings whom he intended to send to California.40 During the period, however, there was practically nothing done in behalf of colo- nization, beyond allowing discharged sailors in the ports to be enlisted as settlers or soldiers; yet Fages reported strongly in favor of colonization, since the missions with their increasing number of neophytes could not be depended on to supply grain for the pre- siclios. 41


The old desire for overland communication with California had pretty nearly died out. Fages at the beginning of 1785 proposed to lead an expedition and to open communication with New Mexico; but the scheme met with no favor, and was positively for- bidden by Viceroy Galvez in his instructions to Gen- eral Ugarte in 1786, on the ground that small parties would be exposed to great danger on the route, and large ones could not be spared.42


40 Instrucciones de Vireyes, 139-40; Florés, Instruccion, MS., 22-5.


41 Prov. Rec., MS., i. 203-4; St. Pap., Sac., ii. 17; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 164. Feb. 15, 1785, Gen. Rengel forwards orders of king for weather reports every 6 months. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 26. Dec. 31, 1785, the gov- ernor renders the only report extant for this decade, describing the climate as cold and humid, especially at San Francisco, but better for Spaniards than natives; yet the region is fertile and attractive with ample resources for col- ouies. The spring rains are as in Spain, and this year have been very abundant. Relacion de Temperamento 1785, MS.


42 Fages to Gen. Rengel, Jan. 14, 1785. Prov. Rec., i. 18G, ii. 104-5; Ren- gel to Fages, July 1st. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 23; Galvez, Instruccion, 1786, MS., 31; Escudero, Not. Son., 70; Mayer MSS., No. 8. In the diary of an expedition to the Tulare region in 1806 P. Muñoz mentions a report by the chief of a San Joaquin rancheria that some twenty years before-1786-a party of soldiers had arrived from the other side, killed some of the natives when attacked, and retired. The padre thinks this must have been a party from New Mexico. Arch. Sta. Bárbara, iv. 25-6.


HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 29


CHAPTER XXII. RULE OF FAGES ; LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS. 1783-1790.


PLAN OF LOCAL ANNALS-SAN DIEGO PRESIDIAL DISTRICT-PRESIDIO OFFI- CIALS-ALFÉREZ JOSÉ VELASQUEZ-FORCE AND POPULATION-BUILD- INGS-GARRISON LIFE-INDIAN AFFAIRS-EXPLORATIONS-SAN DIEGO MISSION-JUAN FIGUEROA-RIOBOO-MATERIAL AND SPIRITUAL PROG- RESS-SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO-GREGORIO AMURRIO-PABLO MUGAR- TEGUI-SAN GABRIEL-PUEBLO OF LOS ANGELES-SETTLERS-FÉLIX AS COMISIONADO-PRESIDIO OF SANTA BÁRBARA-PLAN OF BUILDINGS-A VOLCANO-SOLDIERS KILLED WHILE PROSPECTING FOR MINES-SAN BUENAVENTURA-PRESIDIO OF MONTEREY-OFFICIALCHANGES-SURGEON DÁVILA-SAN CARLOS-NORIEGA-SAN ANTONIO-SAN LUIS OBISPO -- JOSÉ CAVALLER-PRESIDIO OF SAN FRANCISCO-LIEUTENANTS MORAGA AND GONZALEZ-LASSO DE LA VEGA-PRESIDIO CHAPEL-THE MISSION- FRANCISCO PALOU-MAP OF THE BAY-SANTA CLARA-NEW CHURCH- MURGUÍA-PUEBLO DE SAN JOSÉ-VALLEJO AS COMISIONADO.


DURING the era of exploration, conquest, and foun- dation, which was for the most part ended soon after the beginning of the second decade, the local history of each new establishment has been a link in the chain of provincial development so closely united with affairs of government and the general march of events as to be susceptible of strict chronological treatment. Local annals will be to the end an important and deservedly prominent element in Californian history, as in any provincial history properly so called; but hereafter it will be best, that is, most conducive to a clear presentment and easy study of the subject, to group these annals in decades, or other convenient periods, and to present them side by side with and to some extent independently of the more formal and ( 450 )


451


AFFAIRS AT SAN DIEGO.


general narrative which they support and illustrate. The present chapter I devote to purely local annals of the missions, presidios, and pueblos during the rule of Pedro Fages, from 1783 to 1790, a period which may, however, be regarded practically in most respects as beginning a year or two earlier, and thus compris- ing the second decade of Spanish occupation.


To begin in the extreme south; the presidio of San Diego from 1781 to 1790 and for three years more was under the command of Lieutenant José de Zúñiga, who, as habilitado, was also intrusted with the com- pany accounts. So far as the records show no com- plaint was ever made against him in either capacity, and he not only enjoyed the entire confidence of both governor and commandant general, but was popular with his men, and efficient in keeping the savages quiet.1 The second officer was at first Alférez José Velasquez, who like Zúñiga was one of the new officers sent to California under the regulation of 1781, who did good service among the southern and frontier sav- ages, some of whose explorations I shall have occasion to mention later, but who died at San Gabriel Novem- ber 2, 1785.2 During 1786 the position was vacant,


1 Fages to Gen. Ugarte Nov. 8, 1787, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 4, urges that it would be unsafe to remove Zúñiga in view of his success in ruling the natives. Capt. Soler wished to put him in command at Santa Bárbara so that under his supervision a stupid alférez might be utilized as habilitado. Id., vii. 114-16. Lieut. Ortega, Zúñiga's predecessor, had practically commanded at San Diego since its foundation, at first as sargeant in charge of the esco'ta, and after March 1774, Id., i. 149, as lieutenant and commandant of the presidio. Rafael Pedro y Gil, who as guarda-almacen had charge of the accounts before Zúñiga's time, gave them up on Oct. 19, 1781, and went to San Blas under arrest to account for a deficit of $7,000. Prov. Rec., MS., i. HIS: ii. 70-1. Pedro y Gil was a native of Baroca in Aragon, married to Doña Josefa de Chavira y Lerma, a native of Jalisco, by whom he had several children, three of them born at San Diego. S. Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 12, IS. 20. He came as store-keeper in 1774, asked to be relieved the same year, had a deficit of $333 in 1775, and asked again for dismissal before he was ruined. Prov. St. Pap., MS., i. 234-5, 238. In 1782 his deficit was $6,300. Monterey Co, Arch., MS., vii. 6. In 1791 he was a revenne-officer in Etzatlan, Jalisco, elid again in debt to the government. Nueva España, Acuerdos, MS., 10.


2 He was buried Nov. 3d by Sanchez in the mission church. S. Gabriel, Lib. de Mision, MS., 8; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., vii. 2. Hi . . cath was caused by a sore hand. Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 100. In Pror. Rec., MS., ii,


452


LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.


but early the next year Sergeant Pablo Grijalva of the San Francisco company was made alférez, or sub- lieutenant, and sent down to take the place, which he held for the rest of the period.3


Grijalva, it will be remembered, had come from Sonora with Anza's San Francisco colony in 1776. The sergeant of San Diego had been Juan José Robles, a victim of the Colorado River massacre, and after his death Guillermo Carrillo served for a time, but died in December 1782,4 and after a vacancy of two years Ignacio Alvarado was promoted from among the corporals to fill the place from 1784. The pre- sidial force under these officers was by the regulation to be five corporals and forty-six soldiers, and the ranks never lacked more than three of being full. Six men were constantly on duty at each of the three missions of the district, San Diego, San Juan Capis- trano, and San Gabriel; while four served at the pueblo of Angeles, thus leaving a sergeant, two corporals, and about twenty-five men to garrison the fort, care for the horses and a small herd of cattle, and to carry the mails, which latter duty was the hardest connected with presidio service in time of peace. There were a carpenter and blacksmith con- stantly employed, besides a few servants, mostly natives. The population of the district in 1790, not including Indians, was 220.5


132, it is implied that Velasquez had been habilitado, that the office fell to Zúñiga at his death, and that Raimundo Carrillo was to be sent to aid Zuñiga in his new duties; but this is certainly an crror.


$ His commission as alférez of the San Diego company was sent by the gen- eral Feb. 9, 1787. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vii. 45.


San Diego, Lib. de Mision, MS., 79.


5 Company rosters, containing the names of all officers and men, were made out monthly for each presidio. In the early years only a few of these rosters for each year have been preserved; but in later times they are nearly complete. The reglamento gave San Diego $13,000 per year; but the aver- age annual expense as shown by the company accounts was about $16,000. The average pay rolls were $12,000; Mexico memorias, $8,000; and San Blas, {3,500. In 1786 supplies to the amount of $3,653 were bought of the mis- sions. Between $400 and $500 were retained from soldiers' pay each year for the fondo de retencion. . Military accounts in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., ii. 21; iii. 14; vi. 4; v. 9; viii. 3-5; xx. 6, 7; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 169-70; Monterey Co. Arch., MS., vii. 6. For lists of arms and ammuni- tion see St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 26-7, v. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., v. 176-9.


453


BUILDINGS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.


Respecting the presidio buildings during this period the records are silent; but in view of Governor Neve's efforts in this direction, of the fact that the work of collecting foundation stones was begun as early as 1778, and especially because the correspondence of the next decade speaks of extensive repairs rather than original construction, I suppose that the pali- sades were at least replaced by an adobe wall enclos- ing the necessary buildings, public and private. Here on the hill lived about one hundred and twenty-five persons, men, women, and children. Each year in summer or early autumn one of the transport vessels entered the harbor and landed a year's supplies at the embarcadero several miles down the bay, to be brought up by the presidio mules. Every week or two small parties of soldier-couriers arrived from Loreto in the south or Monterey in the north with ponderous de- spatches for officials here and to the north, and with items of news for all. Each day of festival a friar came over from the mission to say mass and otherwise care for the spiritual interests of soldiers and their families; and thus the time dragged on from day to day and year to year, with hardly a ripple on the sea of monotony.


There was an occasional rumor of intended hostili- ties by the natives, but none resulted in anything serious, most of the trouble occurring south of the line in Baja Californian territory and requiring some attention from Fages during his southern trip in the spring of 1783. Here in the south, as in fact through- out the country, the natives were remarkably quiet and peaceful during Fages' rule. This is shown by the meagre records on the subject in connection with the well known tendency of the Spaniards to indulge in long correspondence on any occurrence that can possibly be made to appear like an Indian campaign.6


6 June 30, 1783, Fages to Padre Sales, in Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 218, says that he has ordered a sally against the Colorado Indians; and Oct. 26, Id., 201, he orders Sergt. Arce with a guard of 4 or 5 men to watch those Indians,


454


LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.


Neve's instructions on leaving California had included a recommendation to open a new and safer route from San Diego to the peninsula. The exploration seems to have been made, and the result, saving ten or twelve leagues of distance and avoiding some danger- ous bands of coast natives, was approved by General Rengel in 1786.7 At the end of May 1783 Alférez Velasquez made a reconnoissance eastward from San Diego with a view to examine a new route to the Colorado River recommended by Lasuen. He went no farther than the summit of the mountains, found the route impracticable, and returned by another way after an absence of four days.8 In October of the same year Velasquez had instructions from Fages to visit the Colorado, to examine a ford said by the natives to exist near the mouth, to recover as many horses as possible without using force, and to keep a full diary of the trip;ª but it seems that no such ex- ploration was made. In 1785, however, Fages in person made a similar reconnoissance accompanied by Velasquez, whose diary has been preserved.10 This trip was made from the frontier where Fages had been searching for a mission site, the ontward march being in what is now Lower California, but a portion


the guard to be relieved every 15 days. Ang. 21st, Zúñiga to Fages states that the Serranos have killed a neophyte and threaten to attack the mission. He has taken steps to keep them in check. Prov. St. Pap., MS., iv. 77. Nov. 15, 1784, governor to general, that a deserter, Hermenegildo Flores (an Indian probably) has been killed by the Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 181-2. Oct. 7, 1786, Zúñiga to Fages, that he has sent 7 men to reconnoitre Tomga- yavit. Prov. St. Pap., MS., vi. 38. Dec. 21, 1788, the soldier Mateo Rubio seriously injured while loading a gun. Id., viii. 68.


7 Prov. St. Pap., MS., iii. 131-3; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., iv. 18; vi. 113-14. Some details respecting the new route are given.


8 J'elasquez, Diarioy Mapa de un Reconocimiento desde S. Diego, 1783, MS., with a rude sketch of the route, which although the earliest map of this region extant, I do not deem worth reproducing.


9 Proc. Rec., MS., iii. 188-90.


10 Velasquez, Relacion del Viaje que hizo el Gobernador Fages, 1785, MS. A continuation of the title explains the document: 'Diary made by order of Gov. Fages of the exploration made by him in person from the frontier, crossing the sierra, wandering from the mouth of the Colorado River to the gulf of California, passing through the country of the Camillares, Cucupaes, Guyecamaes, Cajucnches, and Yumas; and his return across said sierra to this presidio.' Dated San Diego, April 27, 1785. The trip lasted from April 7th to 20th.


455


SAN DIEGO MISSION.


of the return north of the line across the sierra to San Diego. There was one fight in which the natives were punished for having killed a horse as well as for previous offences with which they were charged. The narrative is long and filled with petty details, without value for the most part, but which might be of some geographical interest if presented in full and studied in connection with an accurate topographical map, did such a thing exist. It may be noted here that Fages in 1782 had crossed directly from the Colorado to San Diego, the first recorded trip over that route. I ap- pend a chart made by Juan Pantoja in 1782, which was copied by La Pérouse in substance.11


At the mission six miles up the river there was a total change in the missionary force about the middle of the decade, caused by the death of one of the ministers and promotion of another. Juan Figuer after seven years of service in this field died Decem- ber 18, 1784,12 and was buried in the mission church next day. For about a year Fermin Francisco de Lasuen served alone, until in November 1785 the duties of his new position as president called him to San Carlos, and his place was taken by Juan Mariner. Juan Antonio García Rioboo was associate until Oc- tober 1786, and was then succeeded by Hilario Tor-


11 Sutil y Mexicana, Viage, Atlas; La Pérouse, Voy., Atlas. I omit the soundings.


12 San Diego, Lib, de Mision, MS., 80, containing his partida de entierro signed hy Lasuen. Figuer was a native of Anento in Aragon, and became a Francisean at Zaragoza. Of his coming to America and to San Fernando col- lege I have found no record. With 29 companion friars for the Californias he arrived at Tepic from Mexico at the end of 1770, and with about 19 of the number sailed for Loreto in February 1771. The vessel was driven down to Acapulco and in returning was grounded at Manzanillo. Most of the padres returned to Sinaloa by land, but Figuer and Serra intrusted themselves again to the sea, when the San Carlos was got off, and after a tedious voyage reached Loreto in August 1771. Figuer was assigned to the Baja Californian mission of San Francisco de Borja. In November 1772 he was sent up to San Diego by Palou in company with Usson, both being intended for the proposed mission of San Buenaventura; but that foundation being postponed Figuer became minister of San Gabriel in May 1773. He served at San Gabriel 1773-4; at San Luis Obispo Oct. 1774 to June 1777; and at San Diego until his death in Dec. 1784. He was buried in the mission church on Dec. 19th, hy his associate Lasuen. In 1804 bis remains, with those of the martyr Jaume and of Mariner, were transferred with all due solemnity to a new sep- ulchre under an arch between the altars of the new church.


456


LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.


rens. The three last named friars were new-comers, Rioboo having been sent up by the guardian in the vessel of 1783 at Serra's request for supernumeraries, and the other two having arrived in 1785 and 1786,


Pto.Falso


Mission de S.Diego &


Presidio de S.Diego


P.de los Muertos


Pa.Sn.Estevan


s.Juan Nepomy


: Ro.y Pancheria de las Choyas


Plo.de.


P.Sn.Agustin


Po.de la Loma de


salada


Esto.de agua


....


Ro.y Rancha' de la Punta


7 Pa.de Arena


MAP OF SAN DIEGO, 1782.


doing their first work at San Diego. Rioboo is not heard of after he left this mission, and I suppose him to have retired to his college at the end of 1786.13


13 Juan Antonio García Rioboo, who should properly be spoken of as García-Rioboo, whose last name should perhaps be written Riobó, and of


457


LASUEN'S REPORT.


In June 1783 Lasuen sent to Serra a report on the mission of San Diego, which included an outline of its past history, already utilized in the preceding chap- ters, and a statistical statement of agricultural prog- ress, intended to show that the place was wholly unfit for a mission, although the spiritual interests of the converts made it necessary to keep up the establish- ment, there being no better site available. A de- seription of the mission buildings then in existence accompanied the other papers.14 There were at this time 740 neophytes under missionary care, and Lasuen estimated the gentiles within a radius of six or eight leagues at a somewhat larger number. In 1790 the converts had increased to 856, of this number 486 having been baptized and 278 having died. Large stock had increased from 654 to 1,729 head, small stock from 1,391 to 2,116, and the harvest of 1790 had aggregated about 1,500 bushels. In his general report of 1787 on the state of the missions Fages, repeating the substance of Lasuen's earlier statements respecting the sterility of the soil, affirms that only about one half of the neophytes live in the mission, since they cannot be fed there, that the gentiles are


whose early life I know nothing, came from San Fernando college to Tepic probably in the same company as Figuer (see note 12), in October 1770. He crossed over to the peninsula with Gov. Barri in January 1771, and was put in charge of the two pueblos near Cape San Lucas. In May 1773 he sailed from Loreto on his way to his college. We hear nothing more of him until he was assigned to the Santa Bárbara Channel missions, but refused to serve under the new system proposed. Later, however, he was sent up with Noboa as supernumerary, arriving at San Francisco June 2, 1783, and spending his time at San Francisco, San Juan, and San Gabriel until he came to San Diego in 1785. It is probable that even here he was not regular minister.


14 Lasuen, Informe de 1783, MS .; Hayes' Mission Book, 89-98. The report was first dated May 10th, but Serra having ordered it kept back -- probably in the fear that he might have. to show it to the secular authorities-the author made some additions under date of June 21st. The buildings werc: Church, 30 x 5.5 varas; granary, 25 x 5.5 varas; storehouse, 8 varas; house for sick women, 6 varas; house for men, 6 varas; shed for wood and oven; 2 padres' houses, 5.5 varas; larder, 8 varas; guest-room; hato; kitchen. These were of adobe and from 3 to 5.5 varas high. With the soldiers' barracks these buildings filled three sides of a square of 55 varas, and the fourth side was an adobe wall 3 varas high, with a ravelin a little higher. Outside, a fountain for tanning, 2 adobe corrals for sheep, etc., and one corral for cows. Most of the stock was kept in San Luis Valley 2 leagues away, protected by palisade corrals.


458


LOCAL EVENTS AND STATISTICS.


numerous and dangerous, and that it is only by the unremitting toil and sacrifice of the padres in connec- tion with the vigilance of governor and commandant that this mission has managed to maintain a preca- rious existence. He adds, however, that notwith- standing all difficulties San Diego was the first mission to register a thousand baptisms.15


Of San Juan Capistrano there is little to be said beyond naming its ministers and presenting a few statistics of conversion and of industrial progress. Lands were fertile, ministers faithful and zealous, natives well disposed, and progress in all respects sat- isfactory. Fages in his report of 1787 alludes briefly to this establishment as in a thoroughly prosperous con- dition. The number of converts was nearly doubled prior to 1790, and an occasional scarcity of water was the only drawback, apparently not a serious one, to agricultural operations.16 Of the original ministers who served at San Juan from the founding in 1776, Gregorio Amurrio had left the mission and probably the country in the autumn of 1779,17 and had been suc- ceeded by Vicente Fuster, who at the end of 1787 was transferred to Purísima, his place being filled by Juan José Norberto de Santiago, who had come from Mexico the year before and from Spain in 1785.




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