USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 78
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 78
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When the news reached Mexico it brought out a protest of the guardian, in which he narrated the past history of the rancho, claimed that Borica had acted in opposition to the king's wishes that the mission lands should not be encroached upon, and demanded an order to remove not only the rancho but the cattle owned by the soldiers. The pasturage it was claimed was all needed for the mission herds, which now must be driven far down the peninsula; and the natives were suffering great injury in their
20 In the cattle aecount of 1782 appears an item of three arrobas of yerba de Puebla with which to poison wolves. Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 115. April and May 1790, commandant refers to ravages of bears and savages. Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 213-14. Bears numerous in 1798. Id., xvii. 103.
21 Cattle of the rancho in 1790, 1, 174 head. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 6, 7. Net proceeds of sales, $91. Id. Sales in 1791, $SI. Id., xv. 5. Number of cattle at transfer on March 31, 1791, 1,215 head. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. GS. The rancho was moved by order of Fages, Id., or by order of commandant general at request of padres. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16. Statistical reports show that the soldiers had from 96 to 147 cattle down to 1797 and then the number inereased to 500 or 600, not including the king's cattle. In 1793 the number was 115, and the names of 14 owners, 23 eredited to Juan Bernal being the largest number, are given from an old inventory in Halley's Centennial Year Book of Alameda County, 27. There is quite a mass of information from the archives given in this work, but there are nearly as many blunders as words in the translation, copying, and printing. In 1794, 75 cattle for food were sent up from Monte- rey. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 30.
22 Boriea to commandants April 30, 1796, Aug. 15, Sept. 1, 1797. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 85, 269; iv. 255-6. Argüello to B. Sept. 29th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 92.
708
LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.
natural and legal rights.23 Borica, being called upon for an explanation, asked Argüello for a report in which the governor's eleven question were clearly answered. According to this report the mission was in no respect injured by the king's cattle at Buriburi, feeding on the hills westward to the Cañada de San Andrés and south-westward for two leagues, nor would it be injured even should its cattle greatly in- crease, for it still had several large sitios: San Pedro, five leagues southward on the coast, where horned cattle were kept; another two leagues to the south, where were the herds of mares; El Pilar,24 where there was abundant pasturage for the oxen; San Mateo, five leagues from the mission, stretching to Santa Clara on the south-east and to San Pedro on the west; besides the smaller and nearer tracts of La Visitacion, San Bruno, and Lake Merced. Argüello also proved that the mission had been accustomed to sell to the presidio and the vessels cattle about one third smaller than those of Monterey at prices ex- eeeding those of the tariff, besides obliging the pur- chaser to go long distances after the animals.25 His arguments seemed conclusive to the viceroy, who in March 1799 ordered the rancho maintained, notwith- standing the opposition of the friars.26
The natives, Christian and gentile, caused more trouble in the region of San Francisco than in any other part of California, the troublesome gentiles being chiefly those inhabiting what is now known as
23 Feb. 5, 1798, guardian to viceroy, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 14-16. Horses were kept 10 leagues distant; sheep under a salaried man six leagues away; and the oxen not actually at work were also pastured at a long dis- tance.
"4 But according to Prov. Rec., MS., v. 103, Argüello himself had received a provisional grant of El Pilar in 1797.
25 June 14, 1798, Borica to Argüello. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., i. 68-70. Arguello, Informe sobre el Rancho del Rey y su influencia y relacion con la Mision de San Francisco, 24 de Julio 1798, MS. Salazar speaks of S. Pedro or Punta de Almejas. Arch. Sta Bárbara, ii. 75.
26 March 13, 1799, Viceroy Azanza to Borica. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 220. June 5th, to commandant. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 298, Dec. 31st, num- ber of cattle in the rancho, 879. Net yield from sales, $179. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxviii. 5.
709
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Alameda and Contra Costa counties, acting in con- junction with deserters from San Francisco mission, but threatening more seriously Mission San José. All was quiet, however, until 1795.27 In March of that year Father Dantí sent a party of fourteen neo- phytes to the rancherías of the Chaclanes, or Sacal- anes, to bring in some fugitives, but they were attacked by gentiles and Christians combined, and at least seven of the number were killed. The affair was reported to Borica, who informed the viceroy, but ordered no retaliation as the Sacalanes were a brave people and would be troublesome as foes, and the friars were directed to send out no more such parties.28 In Sep- tember of the same year over two hundred natives deserted from San Francisco, different parties in different directions, the number including many old neophytes who had always been faithful before. In the correspondence which followed, Borica indicated his belief that the disaster was due largely to cruelty on the part of the padres. He ordered a strict inves- tigation; instructed the soldiers to afford no aid in the infliction of punishments unless at the request of both padres, for it seems that Dantí was much more severe than his associate, and finally protested to the presi- dent that rigorous steps must be taken to insure better
27 In February 1793 a new convert named Charquin ran away and waged war on all aborigines who favored christianity, holding 20 women and chil- dren captives in the mountains. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 24-5. In February 1795 the governor reported the prospects for new converts excellent at San Francisco and Santa Clara, on account of a scarcity of seeds. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 37.
28 March 3, May 3, May 29, 1795, commandant to Borica. June 23d, B. to viceroy. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 241-2, 275-6; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 50, 56; vi. 43-50. I suppose the Sacalanes lived in what is now Alameda County, somewhere between Oakland and Missiou San José. The messengers are said to have travelled two nights and one day before reaching the rancherías. Borica says the Chimeues did the killing and lived 30 leagues from Bodega on the coast. Subsequent expeditions show, however, that the Sacalancs, the guilty parties, did not at any rate live north of the bay. The commandant charges Danti with having at first pronounced the story of the survivors a lie, and with attempting later to keep it from the knowledge of the officers. July 6th, Borica to friars, regrets that they continue seuding Indians to the other side of the bay. It must be stopped. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 146. Sept. ISth, V. R. approves B.'s policy of avoiding war. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 82.
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LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.
treatment and better food, to which Lasuen gave as- sent.29
In June 1797 a new mishap occurred. A large part of the fugitives belonged to the Cuchillones across the bay. Notwithstanding the governor's orders the missionaries sent one Raimundo, a Califor- nian-a name still applied exclusively to the natives of Baja California-with thirty natives to bring back the runaways. They crossed in balsas and fell into a difficulty with the Cuchillones which is not clearly described, though it appears that no life was lost and no fugitive recovered. This affair gave rise to a new correspondence and to earnest protests from the friars, who were inclined to think that the quarrel, if any occurred, had been greatly exaggerated.33 Now the Sacalanes assumed a threatening attitude toward Mission San Jose, and Sergeant Amador was sent to investigate. He found that the gentiles were threat- ening to kill the Christians if they continued to work, and the soldiers if they dared to interfere. He ac- cordingly recommended to Borica that an expedition be sent to punish them, to collect fugitives, and to dispel the idea of the Sacalanes that the Spaniards were afraid of them. Borica assented and ordered Amador to take twenty-two men and fall upon the ranehería at dawn, capturing the head men and desert- ers, but avoiding bloodshed if possible. They set out July 13th, and on the 15th the troops under Amador and Vallejo reached the hostile camp. The Sacalanes would listen to nothing; they had digged pits, so that the Spaniards were forced to dismount and attaek with sword and lance. In the fight two soldiers were
29 Correspondence on the subject during 1795-6. In Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 147-8; xiv. 176; Id., Ben. Mil., xxiv. 8-10; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 69, 80, 91; vi. 172, 176.
30 Letters of Argüello, Espí, Fernandez, and Landaeta in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 19-25. July 16th, Argüello assembled the natives and made known to them the governor's orders that they were not to go after fugitives even if told to do so by the padres. Then the padres received a lecture on the evils that might have resulted. Landaeta insisted that the natives had gone of their own accord and had not been sent. Argüello to Borica, in Id., xv. 25-7.
711
AMADOR'S EXPEDITION.
wounded and seven natives killed. The Cuchillones were subsequently attacked and retreated after one had been killed. On the 18th Amador returned to San José with eighty-three Christians and nine gen- tiles, including five Sacalanes implicated in the affair of 1795 and three Cuchillones in that of Raimundo.31
The testimony and confessions of fourteen of the captives were taken the 9th of August, and nine of them having been proved guilty, were subsequently sentenced by Borica to receive from twenty-five to seventy-five lashes and to work in shackles at the presidio from two months to a year.32 In this exam- ination and in another held the 12th of August with a view to learn why the neophytes had run away, nearly all the witnesses gave as their reasons exces- sive flogging, hunger, and the death of relatives.33 Borica subsequently announced that in consequence of his efforts and especially of the kindness of Father Fernandez, the natives were treated better than be- fore; but Lasuen declared that the charges of cruelty were unfounded, as proved by the large number of conversions. The neophytes fled, not because they were flogged or overworked, but because of the rav-
31 Amador, Expedicion contra los gentiles Sacalanes, con Correspondencia perteneciente al asunto, 1796, MS .; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 176-8; xvi. 38-9, 70-1, 88, 90; Prov. Rec., MS., v. 206-7. The diary is dated San José, July 19th, and the papers include: July 6th, Argüello to Borica; July Sth, Amador to B .; July 10th, B. to A .; July 19th, A. to B .; July 21st, B. to A. Christians not to be punished, but gentiles kept at work on presidio; July 26th, receipt of Espí and Landaeta for 79 returned neophytes. Return- ing natives have never been punished. July 30th, Argüelle to B., has given up the neophytes and will try the gentiles.
32 Arguello, Relacion de lo que declararon los Gentiles Sacalanes, 1797, MS .; Borica, Castigos que han de sufrir los Indios, 1797, MS.
33 Argüello, Relacion que formó de las declaraciones de los Indios Cristianos huidos de la Mision de San Francisco, 1797, MS. Tiburcio was flogged five times by Danti for crying at the death of his wife and child. Magin was put in the stocks when ill. Tarazon visited his country and felt inclined to stay. Claudio was beaten by the alcalde with a stick and forced to work when ill. José Manuel was struck with a bludgeon. Liberato ran away to escape dying of hunger as his mother, two brothers, and three nephews had donc. Otolon was flogged for not caring for his wife after she had siuned with the vaquero. Milan had to work with no food for his family and was flogged because he went after clams. Patabo had lost his family and had no one to take care of him. Orencio's niece died of hunger. Toribio was always hungry. Magno received no ration because, occupied in tending his sick son, he could not work.
712
LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.
ages of an epidemic.3 No further troubles occurred at San Francisco, but the Sacalanes and other gentiles continued their hostile influence at San José mission, several times requiring the presence of Amador, who in April 1800 made another raid, killing a chief, cap- turing twenty fugitives, and breaking all the bows and arrows of the foe.35
Something remains to be said of San Francisco Mis- sion, where we left Cambon and Dantí in charge as ministers at the end of 1790. Cambon, one of the few remaining pioneer missionaries, and a founder of San Francisco, retired to his college entirely broken down in health at the end of 1791,86 and was succeeded by Martin Landaeta, a new-comer, who however was absent from October 1798 to September 1800, Espí serving in 1797-9, and Merelo in 1799-1800. Diego García remained until October 1791, and returned in 1796-7. Dantí retired in the summer of 1796; Padre Fernandez took his place in 1796-7 with García as a supernumerary, and Rámon Abella came in July 1798. Padre Martiarena was also supernumerary from August 1800, and the names of several others appear on the mission-books as having officiated here at dif- ferent dates. 37
3+ July 1, 1798, Borica to viceroy, in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 97-8; Lasuen, Representacion, 1801, MS., in Arch. Sta Bárbara, ii. 202-5.
35 Amador, Salida contra Indios Gentiles, 1800, MS. Also on slight previous troubles at San José. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 173-4; xvii. 97, 100-1, 106-7. 36 Pedro Benito Cambon, a native of Santiago in Galicia, Spain, was ordered to California from the college in August 1770, setting out in Oct., sailing from San Blas in January 1771, and arriving at San Diego March 12, and Mon- terey May 21st. He was a founder of San Gabriel in September 1771, and served there until April 1772. He then spent several years at Velicatá in Baja California for the benefit of his health, and to look after Franciscan property. He went to San Francisco in Oct. 1776, but was absent from Oct. 1779 until May 1782, during which time he made a trip from San Blas to Manila as chaplain of the San Carlos, devoting his pay to the purchase of sup- plies for his neophytes, and also founded San Buenaventura in March 1782. He was a zealons and able man, but his health repeatedly broke down, and finally in November 1791, at the request of Lasuen, and on a certificate signed by three surgeons, he was permitted to depart without waiting for the vice- roy's license. His last signature on the mission-books was on Sept. 10th. S. Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., i, 61, 69; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 18, 19.
37 José de la Cruz Espí, possibly Espi as written by himself, a native of Valencia, came to Mexico in 1786, and two years later weut to Nootka as chaplain with the expedition of Martinez, which touched on the California
713
MISSION STATISTICS.
During the decade 1,213 natives were baptized, 1,031 were buried, 203 of them in 1795, and the neo- phyte population as registered grew from 438 to 644, from which it would appear that most of the fugitive cimarrones had been recovered before 1800. Large stock increased from 2,000 to 8,200, and sheep from 1,700 to 6,200.38 Crops in 1800 amounted to 4,100 bushels, one half wheat, the largest yield having been
coast. He came to California as a missionary in 1793, serving at San Antonio from September of that year until September 1794; at Soledad until Decem- ber 1795; at Santa Cruz until 1797; and at San Francisco from June 1797 until August 1799, when he obtained leave to retire and sailed from San Diego Jan. 16, 1800. He had served 10 years and refused to remain longer. His signature appears on the San Francisco books until Aug. 19, 1799. S. Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 44; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., xi. 60, 220; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 57.
Of Antonio Dantí we only know that he was minister at San Francisco from October 1790 until July 179G; that he had a fiery temperament-genio de pólvora, as Borica termed it-and was disposed to be unduly severe to his Indians; and that he was finally allowed to retire, suffering from some trouble with his legs and with inflammation of the eyes threatening blindness. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 41; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., vi. 227; xi. 56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 149, 157, 163.
Diego García came to California in 1787, serving at San Francisco from September of that year until October 1791; at Soledad until February 1792; at San Antonio until November 1792; again at Soledad until March 1796; and again at San Francisco until May 1797. He was generally a supernumerary and his services as minister were not in great demand. One year on some frivolous pretext he neglected to sow any grain; he made himself obnoxious to each successive associate; and once when assigned to San José refused obedience. Naturally no objection was made to his retiring at the end of his term of 10 years, the coming of which probably saved him from dismissal hy Lasuen. His license was dated July 8, 1797; his last signature at San Fran- cisco was on May 18th. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 40, 61; Soledad, Lib. de Mision, MS .; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., xi. 227-8; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 115.
José María Fernandez left his college in February and arrived at San Francisco in September 1796, serving until May 1797 as minister, receiving his license in July, and leaving California a little later. He was a very kind- hearted man, and as we have seen Borica gave him great credit for having sceured better treatment for the natives at San Francisco; but a blow on the head accidentally received affected his health and especially his mind to such an extent as to incapacitate him for missionary labor. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS .; Arch. Sta Barbara, xi. 57-8; Prov. Rec., MS. vi. 98.
38 May 28, 1791, Fages informed Romeu that the padres of San Francisco had formed a new establishment seven leagues away, where they kept most of their neophytes. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 149; but we hear no more of the subject. The controversies between mission and presidio about pasturage, and the alleged inferiority of San Francisco cattle, have been already noticed. In Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 79, it is stated that sheep-raising was introduced in 1796, but no special inercase appears in the statistics for that ycar. May 19, 1797, Argüello says the San Francisco sheep being of Merino stock may be a little better than elsewhere. He wanted to buy 100, but Landaeta refused to sell. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 8, 9.
714
LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.
5,800 bushels in 1796; the smallest 1,200 in 1792,39 and the average 3,600 bushels. The mission build- ings were described by Vancouver as forming two sides of a square, without any apparent intention of completing the quadrangle, the architecture and ma- terial being as at the presidio, but the apartments larger, better constructed, and cleaner. At this time all roofs were of thatch, and the dwellings of the Ind- ians were huts of willow poles, basket-work of twigs, and thatch of grass and tules, about twelve feet high, six or seven feet in diameter, and "abominably in- fested with every kind of filth and nastiness." In 1793 nineteen adobe houses were built, which number was subsequently increased until in 1798 there were enough for most of the married neophytes. In 1794 a new storehouse 150 feet long was built and roofed with tiles as were some of the old buildings, and half a league of ditch was dug round the potrero and fields. In 1795 another adobe building 180 feet long was erected; and tile roofs were completed for all the structures, including the church, about which from the laying of the corner-stone in 1782 nothing more is recorded down to 1800.40 At the time of Vancouver's visit one large room was occupied by manufacturers of a coarse sort of blanketing, made from wool pro- duced in the neighborhood. "The looms, though rudely wrought, were tolerably well contrived, and had been made by the Indians. The produce is wholly applied to the clothing of the converted Ind- ians. I saw some of the cloth, which was by no
39 Where the cultivated fickds were situated at this time does not appear. In 1795 supplies furnished to the presidio amounted to $2,831. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 26. In January 1795 cold weather prevented the padres from say- ing mass. Id., v. 40-1. From 1797 to 1800 regular weather reports were rendered at the end of each year. 1797 was cold, windy, and foggy. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 100. In 1798 the summer began with 'terrible and continu- ous wind' and fog, and the winter with frost, heavy rains, and roof-damaging winds. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xvii. 22-3. In 1799 little rain, heavy north winds, and much frost. Id., xxvii. 2. 1800, heavy rains, some frost, strong winds. Id., xxviii. 12-13.
40 Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 10-14; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 124; ii. 15, 78; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 59-60. Fages states that in 1787 there was but a suplemento de iglesia, a temporary affair. Fages, Informe Gen., MS., 146.
715
ANNALS OF SAN JOSÉ.
means despicable; and, had it received the advantage of fulling, would have been a very decent sort of clothing." In 1797 Borica ordered that mission blankets should be used at the presidio, and no more obtained from Mexico; but in 1799 he disapproved the friars' scheme of building a fulling-mill. In 1796 a manufacture of coarse pottery was established un- der Mariano Tapia.41
The new establishments of Branciforte, Santa Cruz, and Mission San José having been elsewhere noticed, there remain the annals of Santa Clara and the pueblo of San José, the former within this northern jurisdic- tion, and the latter most conveniently included in it, though it really belonged to the military jurisdiction of Monterey. At the pueblo population increased in general terms from eighty to one hundred and sev- enty, though the variation from year to year is so
11 White apprentices were to come to San Francisco to learn to make pot- tery. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4: v. 78, 206; vi. 230. Some cotton from San Blas was woven before 1797. St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100. In 1798 the mis- sion contracted to furnish tiles to the presidio at $20 per thousand. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 97; xvi. 25, 42.
Such are the facts briefly stated in 23 pages that I have to present respect- ing San Francisco from 1791 to 1800. Most of the facts are in themselves not very startling or important, but they constitute the annals for ten years of what is now a great city; and they have been recorded not diffusely, I believe, but with due condensation. As I write, a History of the City of San Fran- cisco comes from the press. It was written in accordance with a resolution of congress calling for a historical sketch of each town from its foundation, as a centennial memorial; it was written by a pioneer, an editor, the author of several good works, the historian of the Society of California Pioneers; in fact by a man generally supposed, and with much reason, to be better qualified than any other for the task, for which he was paid by the city. Being a his- tory of a town the work might naturally be expected to deal largely in local details whose absence in a history of California would be excusable. The work has received no unfavorable criticism, except for its rendering of modern events involving personal and political prejudices. For the Spanish period there is nothing but praise. The leading journals of the city credit the author with immense research among the records of the past, and with au exhaustive treatment of his subject. Naturally, therefore, it was with some trembling that I compared the results with those of my own labors; but I breathe more freely and am encouraged, when I see that respecting this dec- ade the work alluded to contains the following, and nothing more : 'Cambon was soon superseded by Danti, and he by Avella, who served 20 years, com- mencing in 1797;' the muission had in '1793, 704 Indians, 2,700 cattle, 2,300 sheep, and 314 horses. ' For four decades, from 1780 to 1820, all that the work contains will barely fill ono page of foolscap manuscript. This is but a sample of the record of early California events hitherto called history, and yet the work to which I refer is one of the best of its class.
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LOCAL EVENTS-SAN FRANCISCO DISTRICT.
great and inexplicable as to inspire doubts of entire accuracy.42 Of the nine original settlers six were still left in 1797, the latest complete report extant, and about fifty new names of settlers, pensioners, and sol- diers appear during the decade. Ignacio Vallejo held the office of comisionado until November 1792, and from May 1797 to November 1799; Macario Castro from 1792 to 1794, and from 1799 to 1807; and Gabriel Moraga from 1794 to 1797, the same men being corporals of the guard. Marcos Chabolla was alcalde in 1796, José María Martinez in 1797, Jacobo Velarde in 1798, Ignacio Castro in 1799, and Fran- cisco Castro in 1800.
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