USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 57
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 57
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We come finally to the other new mission of 1791, La Soledad. True to the condition expressed in the name, 'Our Lady of Solitude' has left but a meagre record either of foundation or subsequent career. As we have seen, Lasuen had personally selected a site. The 29th of September a party of natives departed from San Carlos to erect a shelter. The friar, delayed by Malaspina's visit, intended to go to Soledad again by October 9th at the latest.37 He did go on that date or perhaps the day before, for on the 9th with the aid of Sitjar and García, and in the presence of Lieu- tenant José Arguello, the guard, and various natives, he sprinkled holy water on the site, blessed and raised the cross which all adored, and performed all the nec- essary rites by which the mission of Nuestra Señora de la Soledad was ushered into existence. The site was called by the natives Chuttusgelis and the region
only at Santa Cruz, and like him was ill-tempered to such an extent that his constant bickerings with his companion received the reprocf of his superiors His temper was, however, largely the result of ill-health. He was the vic tim of hypochondria which unfitted him for missionary duties and he retired in August 1796. Arch. Sta. Bárbara, MS., vi. 228, xi. 56-7; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 163. In Mexico it seems his health was restored, for on Aug. 8, 1818, he was elected guardian of San Fernando.
36 P. Mannel Fernandez was a native of Tuy in Galicia, Spain, born in 1767, who became a Franciscan at Compostela in 1784, and joined the college of San Fernando in 1793, being sent to California in 1794. Arch. Sta. Bárbara, MS., xi. 248. He was one of five priests who came recommended by Mugár- tegui as of a different kind from several who had exhausted Lasuen's patience, these being in fact model missionaries. Mugártegui, Carta al P. Lasuen 30 de Enero 1794, MS. An original letter. He was impetuons, violent, cruel, and a bad manager of neophytes. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 103; or at least over-zeal- ous in converting pagans, and was admonished by the president to moderate his zeal. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 125-32. This was at Santa Clara where he served in 1794. He was much at San Francisco in the early part of 1795. During his service at Santa Cruz in 1795-8 we hear no complaint against him, and in October 1798 he obtained license to retire on account of sickness. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 52.
37 See p. 493, this volume.
499
FOUNDING OF SOLEDAD.
had been known to the Spaniards as Soledad since the first occupation of the country.38
Beyond the names of officiating missionaries and the usual statistics Soledad has no recorded history for this first decade. One entry in the mission books however deserves mention, by which it appears that on May 19, 1793, there was baptized a Nootka Indian, twenty years of age, "Iquina, son of a gentile father, named Taguasmiki, who in the year 1789 was killed by the American Gret (Gray) captain of the vessel called Washington belonging to the Congress of Bos- ton." 39
Fathers Diego García and Mariano Rubí were the first ministers of Soledad, the former being present at the founding and the latter arriving shortly after. Rubí left the mission in January and the country in February or March 1793. García left Soledad in February 1792, but he returned, serving there from December 1792 to March 1796, when he was trans- ferred to San Francisco. These two were of the class alluded to by Mugártegui as having exhausted the president's patience. They were even worse than Salazar and Lopez at Santa Cruz, for Rubí was an immoral man, while García, if not partially insane, was unpopular and disobedient.40 After the terms of
38 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 1, 2. Narrative signed by Lasuen. Romeu to viceroy Dec. 1, 1791, in St. Pap. Sac., MS., v. 93. The first baptism of an aboriginal was on Nov. 23d. The following names from the mission records are those of the soldiers and sirvientes during the decade: Soldiers, Macario Castro, corporal in 1792, Ignacio Vallejo, corporal in 1793, José Dionisio Ber- nal, Leocadio Cibrian, Teodoro Gomez, José Ignacio Mesa, Antonio Buelna, Marcos Villela, Manuel Mendoza, Salvador Espinosa, Miguel Espinosa, Ca- yetano Espinosa, Marcos Briones, Bartolomé Mateo Martinez, José María Soberanes, Juan Maria Pinto, and Manuel Rodriguez. Servants: Antonio Santos, Leocadio Martinez, Matias Solas, Pedro Bautista Leonardo, José Bernardino Flores.
39 Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 4.
40 Mariano Rubí was one of the four padres who arrived in California in July 1790 sent expressly for the new establishments. He served at San Antonio 1790 to Sept. 1791, and from Oct. 1791 to Jan. 1793. He retired under a provisional license, being in ill-health. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 160. In Oct. 1793 and again in Feb. 1794 the guardian wrote to the president asking for detailed reports on Rubi's conduet and excesses, and an official certificate on the nature of his disease, which was doubtless venereal. He was to be expelled for the honor of the college. Arch.
500
RULE OF ROMEU.
these first ministers the following missionaries served for brief periods: Father Gili, like Rubí more muge- riego than was well for his reputation and health, ir. 1793, Espí in 1794-5, Martiarena in 1795-7, and Car- nicer in 1797-8. At the end of the decade the min- isters were Antonio Jaime and Mariano Payeras, since March 1796 and November 1798 respectively. In neophyte population Soledad counted eleven converts only at the end of 1791, but 493 in 1800, the baptisms having aggregated 704, deaths 224, and marriages 164. Large stock gained from 194 to 1,383 head; small stock from 213 to 3,024. Agriculture yielded 525 bushels in 1792; 350 in 1794; 2,000 in 1797, and 2,600 in 1800. Total yield of decade 14,800 bushels. In 1797 this mission possessed an adobe church with roof of straw.41
Sta. Bárbara, MS., xi. 229-31, 255. Of García's shortcomings I shall have more to say hereafter. At Soledad he once neglected to sow grain on some frivolous pretext, and the neophytes were near starving in consequence.
41 St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 120. Supplies to the presidio in 1796 $418. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 203.
CHAPTER XXIV.
RULE OF ARRILLAGA-VANCOUVER'S VISITS. 1792-1794.
COUNCIL AT MONTEREY TO APPOINT A TEMPORARY GOVERNOR-ARRILLAGA'S ACCESSION-ARRIVAL AT MONTEREY-CALIFORNIA SEPARATED FROM PROVINCIAS INTERNAS-ARRILLAGA'S POLICY AND ACTS-THE JORDAN COLONY-MARITIME AFFAIRS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS-NORTHERN EX- PLORATIONS-SPANISH POLICY-THE NOOTKA QUESTION-VOYAGE OF THE 'SUTIL' AND 'MEXICANA'-BOUNDARY COMMISSION-VANCOUVER'S FIRST VISIT-RECEPTION AT SAN FRANCISCO, SANTA CLARA, AND MONTEREY- ENGLISH DESERTERS-THE GOVERNOR IN A DILEMMA-PRECAUTIONS AGAINST FOREION VESSELS-REVILLA GIGEDO'S REPORT-ATTEMPTED OCCUPATION OF BODEGA-VANCOUVER'S SECOND VISIT-A DISGUSTED ENG- LISHMAN-SUSPICIONS OF ARRILLAGA- HOSPITALITIES IN THE SOUTH- END OF THE NOOTKA SETTLEMENT-VANCOUVER'S LAST VISIT-HIS OB- SERVATIONS ON CALIFORNIA.
IN view of the governor's illness a council was held at Monterey April 5, 1792, by call of Lieutenant Argüello,1 to decide on whom the command should fall in the event of Romeu's death, which Surgeon Pablo Soler pronounced to be near. The council con- sisted of Argüello, Ortega, Goycoechea, and Alférez Sal. The decision was that according to the regula- tion the governorship ad interim would belong to Captain José Joaquin de Arrillaga, commandant at Loreto and lieutenant-governor of the Californias; that the provincial archives should be kept tempo- rarily by the council, and that Arrillaga should be notified at once of the state of affairs. Goycoechea and Sal should return to their presidios, and Ortega
1 Argüello had succeeded Ortega in the spring of 1791, and Alférez Sal had been put in command at San Francisco.
( 501 )
502
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
on Romeu's death should proceed directly to Loreto.2 This decision was communicated on the same day to Arrillaga and to the commandants not present at the council. The date of Arrillaga's accession may there- fore be considered as identical with that of Romeu's death the 9th of April. On May 4th Arrillaga an- nounced his succession to the viceroy, and on the 7th to the officials in California, who acknowledged the receipt in June.3
Arrillaga chose to take a modest view of his own abilities and a rather exalted one of his new duties, asking for counsel and suggestions from his subordi- nates. "From this moment I unload my conscience upon each, and hold him responsible for results," writes the new ruler, "since an officer must be directed in his acts more by his own honor then by fear of authority." Viceregal authority for his exercise of the chief command bore date of the 8th of July. It was his intention to remain at Loreto; but on Sep- tember 28th he was ordered to Monterey, where he arrived early in July 1793, soon visiting San Fran- cisco and returning to the capital the 17th of Sep- tember.4
Arrillaga's attention was given almost exclusively, during this first term of office and long after, to the inspection of the presidios and to the adjustment of the old presidial accounts in continuation of the task that had been intrusted to Romeu. He worked diligently
2 Junta de 5 de Abril de 1791 en Monterey, MS. Argüello's letters to com- mandants Zúñiga and Gonzales, same date. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxii. 13-15. 3 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 4, 7, 8. May 4th, Arrillaga to viceroy. Id., xxi. 71. May 7th, Id., to Goycoechea and Argüello. Id., xi. 25; St. Pap .. Sac., MS., i. 115. May 7th, Id., to Lasuen, and the padre's congratulations on June 25th. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 27-8. May 10th Gen. Nava sends to the governor a copy of Neve's previous instructions to Fages; but this document was probably intended for Romeu since Nava first announces knowl- edge of Romen's death on June 17th. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 72-3; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 59.
4June 8, 1792, Arrillaga to commandants in St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 76-8. Viceroy to governor, July 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xx. 3. Sept. 28, 1792, Arrillaga ordered to Monterey. Ib. At San Diego in March 1793; at Monterey, before July Sth; went to San Francisco July 27th; returned Sept. 17th. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 92-3, 101, 109, 116. His last communication from Loreto is dated Dec. 29th.
593
A NEW GOVERNOR.
at the complicated task and with much success, though many years passed before it was completed. Beyond the details of this adjustment, and the ordinary routine of official correspondence with commandants, general, or viceroy-for early in 1793 California became by royal order separated from the Provincias Internas and subordinate directly to the viceroy5-the archives contain but little on this administration, which con- tinued until 1794.
Arrillaga carried out conscientiously the instruc- tions of general and viceroy on the strengthening of coast defences and assistance to north-coast establish- ments. He met the English navigator Vancouver on his second visit to Monterey, leaving a not very favor- able impression on the mind of his visitor, and urged the viceroy to put the presidios under captains, who should have nothing to do with the financial accounts.6 He granted lands provisionally to three or four men in the Monterey region,7 issued in the interests of agriculture a proclamation forbidding the natives to kindle fires in the fields, and in the direction of public works opened a new road and ford at the Pájaro River. By Arrillaga's advice the proposition of the clergy- man, Alejandro Jordan, to found a colony in Califor- nia for the supply of San Blas with products at cheaper rates, was declined by the king in 1794.8 Besides
5 The king resolved in council of Sept. 7, 1792, on making the Provincias Internas independent of the viceroy; but the Californias and some eastern provinces were excepted in military and political matters. Revilla Gigedo, Bandos, 63. Feb. 12, 1793, viceroy gives corresponding orders to the gov- ernor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 106.
6 July 18, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 108-9. In 1791 the office of habili- tado general of the Californian Presidios had been created with Mannel Car- caba as first incumbent. Id., x. 136-7.
" Arrillaga says that his predecessors had not granted any lands, he favors it and has granted ranches to several invalids on the river 3 or 4 lcagnes from Monterey. Prov. St. Pap., xii. 43-7, 189; xxi. 132. It was in his rule, 1793,' that General Nava's order, allowing commandants of presidios to grant lands within 4 leagues, was approved by the viceroy. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 320-1, 341-2.
8 Arrillaga to viceroy, November 8, 1792, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 85-6. Jordau is said to have spent 8 months in Alta California at some previous time, and to have caused some dissatisfaction by his intrigues, though 1 find! no other record of his presence than Arrillaga's statement. Jordan asked for
.
504
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
ordering the appropriate manifestations of rejoicing at the queen's happy delivery in 1793, the governor con- tinued the collection of alms for the Capuchin nuns of Granada authorized before his accession, and in 1794 had the pleasure of forwarding California's contribu- tion of $154 for so pious an object.9
From what has been said it will be apparent to the reader that little occurred to distract Arrillaga's atten- tion from his figures. The period was one of quiet prosperity for the missions, and no new establishments were founded. The governor was liked by the friars, with whose management he made no attempt to inter- fere. He had no quarrels; introduced no reforms; met with no disasters, but regarding himself as merely an accidental and temporary ruler he was content with the performance of routine duties until a successor could be selected. We shall hear more of him later. Local events during this and the preceding and fol- lowing administrations I shall group into the annals of a decade. General topics of provincial progress I shall group practically in the same way by attaching the little that belongs to Romeu and Arrillaga to the much that is to be said of Borica's time.
Maritime affairs and foreign relations, or the dread of foreign relations and consequent precautions, form the only general topic of Arrillaga's term which de- mands extended notice. The subject is somewhat closely connected with the annals of the Northwest Coast, fully recorded in another volume of this work,
$4,000 salary, 18 men, and a supply of implements. Arrillaga thought that the expense of a colony would outweigh its advantages, since the supply- ships might take south produce obtained from the settlers. August 7, 1794, the viceroy communicates to the governor the king's decision against the pro- posal, on the ground that free trade with San Blas would of itself accomplish quite as satisfactory results. Id., xi. 192-3; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 145. The king's order was dated March 7, 1794. Nueva España, Acuerdos, MS., 179.
9 May 8, 1793, order for te deum on queen's delivery. Prov. Rec., MS., i. 210; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 34. December 1, 1791, authorization of Capuchin collection by general. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 23. June 6, 1794, viceroy acknowledges receipt of $154 collected at Monterey and Sau Fran- cisco. Id., xi. 172-3; 832 at San Francisco. Id., x. 14, 40; xxi. 116, 132, 104; Prov Rec., MS., i. 213.
505
THE NORTHWEST COAST.
and therefore briefly referred to here.10 Spain no longer attached the same importance as in former years to her exclusive claims in the far north, now that the geographical relations of America and Asia were approximately known, and the occupation of Cal- ifornia had furnished suitable ports for the Philippine trade. After the explorations of 1774-9 to latitude 60° nothing was done for a decade. Had it not been for the possible existence of an interoceanic strait and the ever present fear of foreign encroachment from the north, the Spaniards would have given no more thought to these far-off coasts. New rumors came, however, that the Russians were advancing south- ward, rumors proved to be of no serious importance by the expedition of 1788; but this expedition brought the more alarming report of a British plan to occupy Nootka. Therefore Martinez was sent in 1789 to pre- vent this step and establish a Spanish post at that place. In the execution of his duty Martinez seized several English vessels as prizes. This led to complications between the two nations which nearly plunged Europe in war, but were settled by a treaty of 1790. By this treaty Spain virtually relinquished all her claims to exclusive sovereignty on the Northwest Coast, the right of navigation, fishery, and settlement being made common to both nations.
The establishment at Nootka was kept up, however, from the spring of 1790, before the date of the treaty, and was regularly supplied from San Blas by the Cal- ifornia transports which often went direct to the northern post and touched at Monterey on the return. Nootka was simply an extension of the Californian establishments. Spain had, as already explained, no desire for northern possessions, but she maintained the post for five years for two reasons-first, because if a strait or an inlet leading to New Mexico could be found it would be important to hold it, and to that end exploration was zealously prosecuted; and second,
10 See IIist. Northwest Coast, i. chap. v .- ix.
506
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
because if there were no strait the position could be used in diplomatic negotiations to secure a favorable boundary further south, such as the strait of Fuca, the main object being to secure a broad frontier be- tween San Francisco and the first foreign post. It is only certain voyages connected with the explorations and negotiations referred to that have a bearing on California history. The touching on the coast of several Nootka vessels connected with the expedi- tions of Elisa, Fidalgo, Quimper, Saavedra, Matute, and Malaspina in 1790-1 has already been noticed.
In the spring of 1792 three vessels sailed from San Blas for Nootka, one of them bearing Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Cuadra as Spanish commissioner to settle certain questions still pending with England. At Nootka he met Vancouver, the British commis- sioner. By the treaty Spain had agreed to restore all lands of which England had been dispossessed. Cuadra claimed, as was indeed the fact, that there were no such lands and therefore proposed to fix a boundary, offering to give up Nootka and make Fuca Strait the line. Vancouver demanded the unconditional surren- der of the port, and declined to treat on the boundary question at all. The commissioners not being able to agree, left the matter to be settled by their respective governments, and soon all the vessels, Spanish and English, sailed for the south.
The Sutil and Mexicana had been sent from Aca- pulco in March under captains Dionisio Galiano and Cayetano Valdés to explore the strait of Juan de Fuca and the coast to the south. After exploring the sound in company with Vancouver's fleet the two ves- sels returned to Monterey11 where they arrived Sep- tember 22d and remained till the 26th of October.
11 For northern explorations see Hist. N. W. Coast, i. 270, etc. Previous arrivals of 1792 had been the Concepcion, Captain Elisa, from Nootka, leaving supplies at Monterey July 9th, at Santa Barbara, Sept. Sth, and at San Diego, Oct. 8th; the Santa Gertrudis, Capt. Torres, from Nootka, touching at Monterey Aug. 11th to Oct. 26th, en route for San Blas; and the Saturnina, which arrived from San Blas at San Francisco Sept. 10th and at Monterey Oct. 17th. For arri-
507
'SUTIL' AND ' MEXICANA.'
The author of the diary devotes two chapters to Cal- ifornia, which contain a description of Monterey and its surroundings, a somewhat extended account of aboriginal manners and customs, and a superficial but not inaccurate view of the provincial establishments, including a table of mission statistics. He speaks highly of the country and of the missionaries; but there is nothing in his observations on California that possesses any special value as throwing new light on her condition or institutions. He presents, however, the following not very well founded complaint: "These deserving soldiers, and not less useful colonists, live with the affliction that when with failing strength they can no longer support the fatigues of their profession, they are not permitted to settle there and devote themselves to agricultural occupations. This prohi- bition of building houses and tilling lands near the presidio seems directly opposed to all the purposes of utility, security, and prosperity of those establish- ments, and contrary perhaps to what good policy should dictate. Were the soldiers permitted while in the service to employ their savings and moments of leisure in forming a hacienda and raising cattle, both for their families' convenience and as a resource against poverty ... it is very likely that within a few years there would be planted a flourishing colony most useful for its inhabitants and of great service to Span- ish navigators." After leaving Monterey Galiano and Valdés sailed down the coast, making some obser- vations without anchoring, and communicating with the transport Concepcion as they passed San Diego. Most of their stay in California had been spent in preparing their reports and charts of northern re- gions.12 I reproduce the general map of the Califor- nia coast.
vals and departures of vessels see Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73-6, 88-9, 159, 162-3; St. Prp., Sac., MS., iii. 17; vi. 68, 72; ix. 82-3; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 141, 157; Navarrete, Introd., cxxiii .- xxxi. There is some confusion respect- ing duties.
12 Sutil y Mexicana, Relacion del Viage hecho por las goletas Sutil y Mexicana en el año de 1792 para reconocer el Estrecho de Fuca; con una Introduccion,
508
RULE OF ARRILLAGA.
Co.Perpetua
[Po.de Sidman
=
C.Redondo
¿C.Toledo
C. Blanco de Martin de Aguilar
Ensa.de Indios Bravos
V
Co.de S.Sebastian
A
17 Pto.de Trinidad
C.Mendocinot @
17 Co. Vizcayno
CAL
Pa, Delgado
I
Pro.de la Bodega
FF
Pu.de S.Francisco
Lirde Refer
LOS FHAYLES
O
Pa.de Ano-Noivo Mision de Sa.Cruz
R N
LIDERII VEL del Comels 15% Monte-Rey to
Ro.de las Truchas
Mision de S.Luis / Pta.de la Concepcion Presidiu de Sta Barbara
o Mision de SD. Buenaventura
STO THOMAS
Io- IA,S.BERNARDOTA I.S.MIGUEL
Ptaly Ensa.de Sn. Pedro
LS. BARBARA
Ensa.de Sti» Juan Capistrano
CASA CATALINA
35
JA'SN NICOLAS2
:16 6 OLEMENTE/T
LaPto. S. Diego
MAP OF 1792.
NUE
509
ARRIVAL OF SPANISH VESSELS.
The probable arrival of the Spanish and English commissioners had been announced in advance, and the Californian authorities were instructed to main- tain by a cordial reception the Spanish reputation for hospitality.13 Cuadra on the Activa from the north arrived at Monterey the 9th of October. The Satur- nina, bearing important despatches for him, had been lying at San Francisco for a month and came down as soon as his arrival was known. These despatches, in accordance with a late royal order, contained new instructions from Revilla Gigedo by which Nootka was not to be surrendered as the viceroy had at first proposed. Since the proposal had not been accepted, there was no special haste about the new orders; yet they were sent up to Fidalgo at Nootka by the Horcasitas,14 and Cuadra remained in California through the winter. Before the end of October the Aranzazu, under Caamaño, arrived at Monterey from the north.
etc. Madrid, 1802, 8vo, 71. elxviii. 185, 20 pages with folio atlas. Chapters on California, 157-77. The atlas contains a general map of the whole coast, including California, and a chart of Monterey, made by these explorers ; a chart of San Diego, made by Pantoja in 1782 (given in chap. xxii. this vol.); and a map of the coast from Vizcaino's survey of 1602-3 (see chap. iii. this vol.) The most valuable part of this work, however, is Navarrete, Introduc- cion en que se da noticia de las Expediciones executadas anteriormente por los Españoles en busca del Paso del Noroeste de la América, i .- elxviii. This work, which has often been cited by me, is probably the best resume of Spanish voyages on the Pacific coast. It was written by Martin Fernandez de Navar- rete, whose name does not appear as the author, but whose facilities were of the best, by reason of access to Spanish archives and of ability. Greenhow's charge, Or. and Cal., 241, of 'gross and palpable misstatements of circum- stances, respecting which he undoubtedly possessed the means of arriving at the truth,' has, I believe, no just foundation. Galiano, Valdés, and Álava who visited Monterey a little later, all fell at the famous naval battle of Trafalgar. The viceroy had at first intended Lient. Manrelle to make this exploration. Revilla-Gigedo, Informe de 13 de Abril 1793, 141; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 40.
13 Arrillaga, still at Loreto, communicated this order to the presidio com- mandants on Sept. 16, 1792. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 35; St. Pap., Sac., MIS., i. 42-3. Orders had also been given in the spring of 1792 for the friendly reception and aid of the French expedition in search of La Perouse, which never arrived. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 73; St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 112.
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