USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 68
USA > California > History of California, Volume I > Part 68
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81
18 Fages' report to Ugarte Nov. 20, 1784. Navarro's opinion, Oct. 27, 1785. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 325-7. Ugarte's order June 21st. Id., i. 343. HIST. CAL., VOL. I. 39
610
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
In 1789 a series of instructions was issued with royal approval for the establishment of the Villa of Pitic in Sonora since called Hermosillo, instructions which were to be followed also in the founding of similar establishments throughout the northern prov- inces. Omitting details unimportant to my present purpose, cach pueblo was to have assigned to it with definite bounds four square leagues of land in rectan- gular form; the land given to each settler to depend somewhat on his character and needs, but might be fifty per cent larger than that already given in Cali- fornia; and after four years the ownership might be- come absolute. I do not find that this regulation ever had any effect at Los Angeles or San José.19 In 1790 a pensioned corporal, Cayuelas, who had married a neophyte of San Luis Obispo, asked in the name of his wife for lands at Santa Margarita belonging to that mission; but the grant was opposed, probably with success, by the friars, on the ground that the land was needed for the community, to which the neophyte in question had rendered no service.20
A beginning of the presidial pueblos was made by General Nava in 1791, when he authorized com- mandants of presidios to grant lots and fields to sol- diers and settlers desiring them within the prescribed four square leagues,21 but there is no clear evidence
19 Pitic, Instruccion aprobada por S. M. que se formó para el establecimiento de la nueva Villa de Pitic, y mandada adaptar á las demas nuevas poblaciones proyectadas, 1789, MS. Dated Chihuahua, Nov. 14, 1789.
20 Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., xi. 398-9, 400-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., ix. 163-6. This instance and that of Butron are the only ones recorded of land being asked for by neophytes before 1800. In fact only 24 neophyte women had married gente de razon since 1769. Lasuen, in Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ii. 192.
21 Nava's decree, dated Oct. 22, 1791, at Chihuahua, and approved provi- sionally by the viceroy before Jan. 19, 1793. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 320-2, 341-2; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xi. 27-8. This decree has been often translated and referred to in legal reports, sometimes erroneously under the date of March 22d. According to the Ordenanza de Intendent"s of 1786, the royal intendentes had been intrusted with the distribution of royal lands; but this order shows that the four leagues belonged to the pueblo and were not included in the king's lands. Dwinelle's Colon. Hist. S. F., 34-5. In U. S. Sup. Court Repts., 9 Wallace, 639, it is stated that the words 'the extent of 4 leagues measured from the centre of the plaza of the presidios in every direction,' found in an order of Nava of June 21, 1791, and in other papers, caused Los Angeles to claim before the land commission 16 square Icagues
611
LAND GRANTS.
that any such grants were made. Arrillaga reported to the viceroy in 1793 that no grants had been made by his predecessors under the order of 1786, and that on account of this failure to act, and because of the ultimate right of the natives to the best sites- although he was constantly asked for ranchos and believed that it would be well for the country to grant them-he would not act without further in- structions.22 Yet early in 1794 he reported that he had permitted several persons to settle on the Rio de Monterey from three to five leagues from the pre- sidio, the permission being only provisional.23 In April 1795 Borica sent to the viceroy his views on the subject. He did not know why his predecessors had failed to grant sites for cattle-raising, but he did not favor such concessions. . It would be difficult to tell what lands the missions really needed, since new converts were constantly made. Troubles between the owners of ranchos and rancheria Indians would lead to excesses and war; the animals of the settlers would do injury to the food-supply of the gentiles; the rancheros would be far removed from spiritual care and from judicial supervision; and finally the province had already live-stock enough, there being no export. Borica therefore proposed that no ranchos should be granted for the present, but that settlers of good character be allowed to establish themselves provisionally on the land asked for near a mission or pueblo, to be granted them later if it should prove best. In fact several ranchos already existed under those conditions.24
instead of 4. This would literally be 64 square leagues; but the original '4 1. measured from the centre of the plaza, 2 in each direction,' might-like the corresponding definition in the Recopilacion de Indias-be interpreted naturally 16 square leagues. It is a curious complication; but that an area of 4 square leagues, either in square or rectangular form, was what was intended, and in hundreds of cases actually surveyed for cach Spanish pueblo, there can be, I suppose, no doubt.
22 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 45-7. This report was sent back to Borica for his opinion on Ang. 25, 1794. . Arrillaga recognizes the four-league limit even in the case of missions.
23 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 132; xii. 189.
24 April 3, 1795, Borica to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 39-41.
612
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
There was certainly a degree of force in some of Borica's arguments, though most of them were quite as conclusive against his substitute for land-grants. Indeed there is something mysterious about the pref- erence of successive governors for provisional permits of occupation over the regular concessions authorized by superior authority. I suspect that the preference may have been largely on the part of the settlers them- selves, who did not like to comply with the conditions attached to a regular grant. There were some sixteen ranchos in the regions of Los Angeles and Monterey thus provisionally held by some twenty men in 1795. Two and doubtless more similar permissions were given before the end of the decade.23 In 1796 a part of the land which Fages had allowed Nieto to occupy was taken from him, on the claim of San Gabriel mis- sion that it was needed by the natives. In 1797 the Encino Rancho, held by Francisco Reyes, was taken from him, and both land and buildings were appro- priated by the new mission of San Fernando. This same year the Villa de Branciforte was founded, pre- sumably on the plan of Pitic, though there is no posi- tive information extant respecting the distribution of lands in that famous town. In 1798 Borica gave some kind of a confirmation to the title of Verdugo at San Rafael, but we know nothing of its nature. The condition of land matters in California at the end of the decade and century was then briefly as follows: There were eighteen missions and four presidios, each without settlers,26 but each intended to become a pueblo, and each entitled to four square leagues of land for distribution to settlers in house-lots and sow- ing-lands, or for other pueblo uses; three pueblos of Spaniards already established, entitled like the pros-
25 See chapters xxx. and xxxi. for lists of the ranchos with additional de- tails. Borica, whatever may have been his real motives, opposed even the provisional concessions in several instances.
26 It is noticeable, however, that some of the tracts occupied near Monte- rey under the provisional permits were probably within the limits of the prospective presidio-pueblo, where there was no legal authority for granting lands for stock-raising.
613
MANUFACTURES AND LABOR.
pective ones to four leagues of land, though like them as yet without fixed boundaries, inhabited by over one hundred settlers, each of whom held about four acres of land still subject to conditions and not to be alienated or hypothecated; and finally twenty or thirty men raising cattle on ranchos which they occu- pied temporarily by permission of the authorities, without any legal title, though some of them or their children subsequently became owners of the land.
Besides the missions and pueblos, conversion and colonization, there are various institutions and indus- tries of the province whose progress during this peric :1 merit brief notice here; though in most respects that progress was great only in comparison to that of other epochs of California history. The order in which the several topics are treated being a matter of no mo- ment, I begin with that of manufactures and labor. At the first occupation of Upper California some Christian Indians from the peninsula; the only per- sons for many years who were honored with the name of Californians, were brought north as servants of all work in the new missions. The presidial companies usually had a few smiths, armorers, and carpenters whose services were available at times, as well for the friars as for the soldiers; the soldiers themselves were obliged to render assistance in building and some other kinds of work. Gentiles were hired from the first, especially on the Channel coast. After 1773 men were enlisted and paid as sailors to serve in Cal- ifornia as laborers, and among the settlers at the pueblos were persons of various trades, on which, however' none seem to have depended for subsist- ence. This was the condition of mechanical indus- try down to 1790. Besides the repairs executed on arms, implements, and articles of clothing, there were rude attempts at tanning and various other simple and necessary processes suggested by the needs of the soldiers and ingenuity of the friars; but
614
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
progress in this direction was slight and is but vaguely recorded.
During the last decade of the century all the classes of laborers mentioned continued to be employed, except that no new natives were brought from Baja Cali- fornia. Neophytes were extensively hired from the friars for all kinds of presidio work, the mission and not the Indian receiving the pay, and there were few Spanish families without a native servant. This ques- tion of neophyte labor was, as we have seen, a fruit- ful source of misunderstanding between friars and officers. Gentiles were also hired in large numbers to work both at presidios and pueblos, being paid chiefly in grain, but also with blankets and other articles of clothing. Negotiations for laborers were made for the most part with chiefs who contracted to supply the required number. It is not improbable that the chiefs were already so far advanced in civilization as to make a profit on the contracts. Spanish regula- tions required kind treatment and fair compensation to all Indian laborers, and any notable or habitual abuses in this respect would in these early times have largely cut off the supply. The friars complained that the gentiles earned so much grain and clothing that one of their chief incentives to become Christians was lost.27 The sailor sirvientes, several of whom were
27 Nov. 10, 1791, Sergt. Ortega wanted men to build a house, etc., at San Gabriel; but the padres refused to furnish any even for wages. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 4, 5. The gentiles, though lazy, offer themselves to work for a manta and daily rations of meat and boiled maize. The best are chosen, who take their blankets, lay down their arms, and go to work bringing building-mate- rials. Sutil y Mex., Viage, 164-5. Great care taken in employing Indians, and a daily sum of money paid. Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 497. May 7, 1794, governor to Sal, if padres want a gratuity for Indians above wages it must be refused. At Sta Bárbara they get 19 cents per day, and an almud of corn per week. San Antonio Indians at the Rancho del Rey get a coton and manta per month. Even if content with little they should be given all they deserve. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 147-8, 163. Dec. 1794, at San Diego Indians got one real and rations. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 7. Indians must be treated well and work equally. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 15, 16. April, 1796, Indian laborers not to be obtained without governor's permission. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 176. 1796, Sal sends 30 blankets to San José with which to hire 30 Indians. They will be treated well. Any capitanejo helping to get them may be given a gratificacion. Travelling expenses paid. Later some invalids are sent to look after the 30; who were to be treated with alguna comiseracion. S. José,
615
ARTISANS FROM MEXICO.
furnished to each of the new missions, did not in many instances give satisfaction. There was also some diffi- culty about their wages being paid by the royal treas- ury, and they were all sent back to San Blas in 1795, though sailors were subsequently allowed to remain in California as workmen at the presidios and as settlers. 28
In the promotion of manufactures, however, a de- cided effort was made in this decade, and with consid- erable success. The plan adopted was to send skilled artisans from Mexico under government pay to teach their trades to neophytes and to white apprentices. About twenty of these artisan instructors were sent to California, chiefly in 1792 and 1795, a few of whom remained permanently as settlers, but most retired on the expiration of their contracts before 1800.29
Arch., MS., ii. 75. Wages paid to mission, not to Indians. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 158. 1800, mission Indians get two reals per day, one in extra food and one in cloth, or sometimes money from presidios. Private persons pay in corn or meat. Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ii. 119.
28 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 193-4; xiii. 69, 123-4; xvi. 2; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 232; v. 5. The sailor sirvientes got $10 per month and 19 cents for rations. One slave is mentioned during the decade. He was owned by Col. Alberni, and was tried for robbery in 1798. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 102.
29 Their names were: Santiago Ruiz, Manuel D. Ruiz, Toribio Rniz, Salva- dor Rivera, Joaquin Rivera, and Pedro Alcántara, masons; Mariano Tapia, potter; Cayetano Lopez, mill-maker; José A. Ramirez and Salvador Véjar, car- penters; Miguel Sangrador, tanner and shoemaker; Joaquin Ávalos, tanner; Mariano Tapinto and Joaquin Botello, tailors; Pedro Gonzalez García, José Arroya, and José F. Arriola, blacksmiths; Antonio Dom. Henriquez and Mari- ano José Mendoza, weavers; Manucl Muñoz, listonero, ribbon-maker; José de Los Reyes and Antonio Hernandez, saddlers. One or two of these names may have heen those of settlers who had trades; and one or two of convicts. A few of the maestros got $1,000 per year, and the journeymen from $300 to $600. The contracts were for four or five years. Sept. 10, 1790, Fages speci- fies 51 mechanics needed, besides teachers, millers, and a surveyor. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xv. 13; St. Pap., Miss., MS., i. 82. 1790 and 1792, lists of trades existing. Id., i. 96, 98, 101-2. Salvador Rivera, the stone-cutter, was at first left at Nootka in 1791. St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 95. Four mechanics arrived in Dec. 1791. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xv. 6. Viceroy says a carpenter must teach his trade to at least 12 Indians in the four years. Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 137. In 1791 tailor at Monterey did $135 worth of work for private parties. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xiii. 3. June 20, 1792, opinion of the fiscal on the project, including provision for granting the artisans land and making permanent settlers of them. The engineer Miguel Costansó appears as one of the advisers in the matter. St. Pap., Sac., MS., ix. 62-8. March 1793, three artisans sent back as useless. Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 163. Jan. 1794, no visible progress inade though the artisans work well. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxi. 178-9. Of the value of work done by the artisans half goes to the treasury, one third to apprentices, aud one sixth to artisans. Id., xi. 158; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 140. April 29, 1795, V. R. wonders that though wages have been paid, $10,000 is yet due the artisans. Id., iv. 227. July 19, 1795, new opinion of
616
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
At first the artisans were distributed in the missions and presidios, or in some cases travelled from one place to another giving instruction. The friars were of course pleased, for they thus received almost without cost instructions for themselves and their neophytes which in the future must contribute largely to the prosperity of their establishments. But they were deeply grieved when they found that the king's mechanics were by no means disposed to regard them- selves as mere mission servants to be utilized according to the orders of the padres, and at the necessity of pay- ing something for the work done by the artisans in the course of their teaching. As usual they wanted all the benefits of the enterprise and its management, but pleaded poverty when payment was asked. The government was not willing to do so much for the missions, and after 1795 the friars were obliged to pay for the work done, to pay the artisans' salaries, or to send their neophytes to the presidios to be taught. In many cases they refused to do either, and quite a controversy ensued. But the difficulty settled itself as the terms of contract expired, and before 1800 the neophytes had acquired a stock of instruction which it was thought would suffice for the mission needs.30
the fiscal on details. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 56-60. Aug. 24, 1795, B. says V. R. has ordered work of artisans to cease at missions. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 61. Pay began when artisans left Mexico. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 41-3. Fifty dollars advanced for travelling expenses. The married ones to be given in California a male and female Indian servant for each family, to be fed and cdu- cated. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiii. 202-4; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 184. Dec. 4, 1795, fiscal's report, with details of contracts. Id., xiii. 34-42. Jan. 1796, the missions must be asked to support the new artisans expected. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 78. 1796, effort to obtain white apprentices. Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 53-4, 72-3; v. 249; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xiv. 16. July 1796, lands ordered granted (in pueblos) to several artisans. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 164. 1797, the basis of pay was changed in later years, one eighth of the valne of work done going to the artisan, and seven eighths to the treasury. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 90-1 (and many other references). See also for voluminous correspondence on this sub- ject-chiefly on the names, salaries, engaging, distribution, arrival and depart- ure of the artisans-Prov. St. Pap., MS., x. 41; xii. 192-3; xiii. 40-2, 52-3, 60, 107, 126-7; xiv. 6; xvi. 202, 213; xvii. 40, 135; xxi. 36-7, 44, 73-4, 89-90, 229, 236, 238, 253, 280, 287; Id., Ben. Mil., MS., xxi. 9; xxiii. 3; Id., Pre- sidios, MS., ii. 4, 5, 82-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., ii. 9, 10; iv. 2, 62; vii. 47-9; xvii. 8; Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 157; iv. 190, 210; v. 14; vi. 32, 35, 76; Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 33.
30 Dec. 21, 1792, Lasuen to Arrillaga, some of the artisans show a ten-
617
WEAVING AND TANNING.
Some white apprentices were obtained and taught, though instances were not wanting where parents deemed it degrading to put their sons to a trade.
The results of all these efforts were that before 1800 rude looms were set up in many of the missions, on which by Indian labor the wool of the country was woven into blankets and coarse fabrics with which the neophytes were clothed;31 hides were tanned and made into shoes, some of the coarser parts of saddles and other leather goods being also manufactured, though
deney to act as officers rather thaninstructors. The tailorsdon't amount to mueh, in fact tailors are not much needed in a country where each native is tailor for himself. It is not well to send the natives to the presidios for instruction; but it would be a good idea to let certain artisans travel from mission to mis- sion. Arch. Arzobispado, MS., i. 30-2. 1793-4, several San Carlos Indians instructed in stone-cutting, bricklaying, etc. Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., xii. 59. Dee. 1795, Borica orders missions to send cach four or five Indians to presidios. They will be supported and will have a soldier to teach them religion. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 235-6. July 28, 1796, Lasuen in a circular regrets the restric- tions, but orders the padres to send the neophytes to the presidios, not how- ever expecting any good results. Arch. Sta Barbara, MS., xi. 138. Aug. S, 1796, B. says to Lasuen seven eighths of products of work must go to treas- ury and one eightlı to artisan. An Indian boy and girl must be supplied, as servants, or appeal will be made to the viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 166-7, 163-4. Dec. 20, 1796, V. R. says that the artisans are engaged to teach the natives aud not to serve at missions. The missions must pay. Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ix. 167-8. April 26, 1797, Lasuen to V. R. protesting against giving the artisans one eighth of the value of their work when the mission furnishes all the material, and also against sending Indians to the presidios ns being subversive of all subordination. Id., ix. 169-72; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xv. 281-2. Nov. 12, 1798, B. has given a mission the free use of a sinith and carpenter for a year. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 226. Sept. 21, 1799, V. R. to gov. and president, asking them to come to some conclusion how best to instruct neophytes without risk to Christian duties. Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ix. 173- 4; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 339; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 193. Jan. 22, 1800, Lasuen to V. R., neophytes ought not to be sent to the presidios where they are used as pcons and often run away; still something may he effected by sending docile youth and requiring a strict watch over them. The objection to the artisans coming to the missions, is the required payment for thic articles made by them which the mission cannot afford, especially after furnishing servants and material, and as the objects made are not sold. Arch. Sta Bur- bara, MS., ix. 175-80.
31 For items about weaving see Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-6; iv. 98-9, 251, 300; v. 206. 245-7; vi. 3, 79, 81, 117, 230; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xii. 24; xv. C7-8; xvi. 233, 261-2; xviii. 18, 19; xxi. 189; Id., Ben. Mil., xxv. 14; St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 100; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 103-5; Arch. Sta Bár- bara, MS., ii. 68, 96-7; ix. 168-9; Vancouver's Voyage, ii. 11-13. No blankets were brought from Mexico after 1797. A little cotton cloth was woven from material brought from San Blas. The Indians had some natural skill at dye- iug. The ribbon-maker was found to be of no use. There was a proposition in 1797 to make the learning of a trade obligatory. Weaving was a failure at Monterey. Some hemp was used for neophytes' garments. P. Espí wanted to establish a fulling-mill, but the governor disapproved the scheme. The pueblos got none of the instructors, but some weaving was done there.
618
INDUSTRIES AND INSTITUTIONS.
not enough as yet to avoid importation from Mexico.32 Soap was made of suitable quality and quantity to supply home needs after 1798;33 coarse pottery was produced at San Francisco and several other places ; 34 and water-power flouring-mills were built at Santa Cruz and San Luis Obispo, possibly also at San Gabriel and San José, which with the tahonas worked by horse or man power and the metates of the neo- phyte women, supplied the province with flour.35 Some details of these different branches of manufac- tures will be found in local annals of the different towns, missions, and presidios.33
In the way of public improvements, repairs were several times ordered to be made on the roads, espe- cially at the crossings of streams where couriers were liable to be delayed. There were several supposed discoveries of rich mineral deposits, including one of quicksilver in the black mud at Santa Bárbara in 1796. In fact Father Salazar reported that the province was supposed to be very rich in metals, which were not developed for fear that foreigners would rush in, but actual mining operations were confined to an occasional trip after tequesquite, or saltpetre, and the extraction of brea, or asphaltum, from the pitch-wells of the Channel coast, used to some extent for roofing.37
32 St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 46-7; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 50, 220; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ii. 72-3, 129. Some 2,000 hides were tanned at Santa Clara as early as 1792, but very few of them could be sold. At Sta Bárbara the cor- poral of the guard was paid $150 per year to attend to the tanning.
33 Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 33, 48, 50, 95, 105, 303; v. 211; ix. 5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 110. About $1,000 worth of soap was required each year. There was a manufactory of this article at the rancho del rey in Montercy.
3) Prov. St. Pap., MS., xvi. 25; xviii. 259; Prov. Rec., MS., iv. 75; v. 88; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., ix. 313.
35 Prov. Rec., MS., ii. 162-3; iv. 177, 187-8, 224, 232, 253, 293; v. 50; vi. 6, 68; Arch. Sta Bárbara, MS., xii. 59; Los Angeles Hist., 7. Hall's Ilist. S. Josć, 114.
36 See also general communications on the progress of the various industries between governor and viceroy in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 67-8, 89-90, 117; St. Pap., Miss. and Col., MS., i. 79; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., i. 46; St. Pap., Miss., MS., ii. 6.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.