USA > Alabama > History of Alabama and dictionary of Alabama biography, Volume I > Part 135
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the extract which follows that the practice of this system was to be limited to those only who had obtained a license from the society, except as specified in the following provision:
"That the said corporation shall keep a record book, in which shall be entered copies of all the licenses that shall be issued by said board; and that no person shall be permitted to practice the Homeopathic sys- tem of medicine for fee or reward, or to receive compensation for attending as a Homeopathic physician in the State of Ala- bama, unless license shall have been granted by the said Alabama Homeopathic Society (unless such person shall have ob- tained a diploma from some medical col- lege or shall have obtained a license from some medical board in this state) to such person and upon such evidence of qualifi- cation as in the judgment of said society shall entitle him to such license."
No particulars of its operations are avail- able.
REFERENCE .- Acts, 1851-52, p. 259.
HOPEWELL MANUAL TRAINING
SCHOOL. A private institution for the education of negroes, located at Furman, Wilcox County. On September 30, 1916, its report to the State superintendent of educa- tion showed buildings and site valued at $1,500; equipment, $20; 2 teachers; 90 pu- pils; and a total support of $260.
REFERENCES .- Superintendent of Education, Annual report, 1916, pp. 182-183.
HORSES. See Live Stock and Products.
HORSESHOE BEND, BATTLE OF. The last and decisive engagement between the Creek Indians and the United States forces, under Gen. Andrew Jackson, fought at Horseshoe Bend, in what is now Tallapoosa County, March 27, 1814. The Burnt Corn Fight took place July 27, 1813, followed by the frightful Fort Mims Massacre, Au- gust 30, 1813, and the Kimball-James Mas- 'sacre of September 1, 1813. The arming of the white settlers quickly followed, and the forces of the Government were at once set in motion for the punishment of the In- dians.
In south Alabama the settlers had quickly armed and fought the Indians at Fort Sinque- field, September 2, and at Bashi, October, 1813. The Canoe Fight, November 12, 1813, gave evidence of the physical prowess of the pioneers, and stimulated the courage of the people in the whole region. The Mississippi volunteers and the Tensaw and the Tombig- bee militia closed the year, 1813, wth the Holy Ground Campagn and Battle, Decem- ber 23.
The Georgians, with a few brave men from the Carolinas, had fought the Red Sticks at Autossee, November 29, 1813, followed by Calebee, January 27, 1814.
The Tennesseans, under Gen. Jackson, struck on the north. In swift succession had come the destruction of Black Warrior Town, October 22, the burning of Litta-
futchee, October 29, the battles of Tallase- hatchee, November 3, of Talladega, Novem- ber 9, the Hillabee Massacre, November 18, 1813, the battles of Emuckfau, January 22, and of Enitacopco, January 24, 1814.
For two months Gen. Jackson had been increasing his forces and assembling sup- plies. The Indians throughout the Nation rallied to a strong native defensive situa- tion on the Tallapoosa River, known as Horseshoe Bend, for a final stand. The In- dians themselves called it Cholocco Litabixee (q. v.), meaning a "horse's flat foot." The place had still another name, Tohope-ka, meaning a "wooden fence," that is, "a fenced off place, a fort."
At Fort Strother, March 1, 1814, Gen. Jackson had an effective force of 4,000 men. This force consisted of the Thirty-Ninth United States Infantry, commanded by Lieut .- Col. John Williams, Gen. Johnston's brigade of West Tennesseeans, Gen. Dougher- ty's brigade of East Tennesseeans, and Gen. Coffee's mounted rifles, with an in- definite number of Cherokees and friendly Creeks. A wagon road had been opened over the divide between the Tennessee River and the headwaters of the Coosa, so that now supplies came to the army in such quantities that full rations were issued regu- larly to the troops, with a surplus of ten days or more ahead.
About two weeks prior to this time, Gen. Jackson was informed hy the Kailaidshi chiefs that the Yufaules, the Niuyakas, the Okfuskis, and the remnant of the Hillabis, with many hostiles from other quarters, num- bering 900 to 1,000, were concentrating in Horseshoe Bend, which they were fortifying, and were resolved to defend it to the last. Menawa was their head chief.
This information determined Gen. Jack- son to march down Coosa River to some eligible point, there establish a new depot, then march across the country and strike the Indian stronghold. The mouth of Cedar Creek was selected. Flat boats were con- structed on which the supplies were placed, and on March 14, the hoats in charge of the Thirty-Ninth Regiment, proceeded down the river. On the same day, after leaving 480 men under Col. Steele to hold Fort Strother and keep open the communication with Ten- nessee, Gen. Jackson crossed the river with his army, proceeded down the country, and on the 21st reached the mouth of Cedar Creek. He had to wait a day for the arrival of the boats.
In the meantime a depot was built near. the mouth of the creek to which was given the name of Fort Williams in honor of the commander of the Thirty-Ninth Regiment. Gen. Jackson garrisoned the place with a detachment of 400 men under Brig .- Gen. Thomas Johnston, which was to serve as a reserve and to keep open the line of com- munication with Fort Strother.
The detachments at Fort Strother and Fort Williams, together with various other causes, had by this time reduced the army to about 2,400, in which were included Gen.
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Coffee's 900 mounted riflemen. His artil- lery now consisted of two cannon, a new three-pounder, and his old six-pounder of Emuckfau and Enitachopco.
On the morning of March 24, with eight days' rations, Gen. Jackson left Fort Wil- liams and at nightfall on the 26th camped within 5 miles of Horseshoe Bend. Early the next morning, agreeably to Gen. Jack- son's order, Gen. Coffee, with 700 mounted men, and 600 Indian footmen, 500 Cherokees and 100 Creeks, all the Indians commanded by Col. Gideon Morgan, crossed the Talla- poosa River at the Little Island ford, 3 miles below the bend, and took possession of the river bank. Gen. Jackson, meanwhile moved his army forward, and by 10 o'clock it was drawn up in line of battle in front of the Creek breastwork.
No place on the Tallapoosa River was bet- ter adapted for the construction of an In- dian stronghold than the Horseshoe, a name well descriptive of the locality. It was a peninsula formed by a bend of the river, abont 100 acres in area. Across the isthmus or neck of the peninsula, about 350 yards in extent, the Creeks had erected a ram- part from 5 to 8 feet high, curving towards the center, composed of large logs laid upon each other. Two ranges of portholes were made in the rampart, which was so con- structed that an army approaching it would be exposed to a double and cross fire from the enemy, who would be well protected on the inner side. During the long time in which Gen. Jackson was detained at Fort Strother, the Creeks were busy in constructing this massive stronghold, and from its pe- culiar strutcure, some historians have hinted that they must have had the assistance of some English engineer. There were but few trees on the high grounds within the en- closure. But along the declivity and along the flat bordering the river, extending from the terminus of the bend above to the ter- minus below, the large trees had been felled and so arranged that every fallen tree formed a breastwork, which connected with another fallen tree, thus making a continu- ous breastwork encircling the entire inner bend. At places in the bank of the river artificial caverns were made, from which concealed warriors could fire.
On the low grounds adjacent to the river and in the extreme southern part of the bend, or point of the Horseshoe, was the Creek village, known as Tohopeka, in which were several hundred women and children, and not far off, many canoes lined the river bank.
A study of the workings of the mind of the Creek Indian of that day, who, apart from certain objective appropriations of the white civilization, was still, subjectively, a man of the stone age, clearly shows that he believed that he would be the victor. Largely ignorant of the overwhelming resources of the white man, encouraged and emboldened by his partial successes at Emuckfau and Enitachopco, driving Gen. Jackson, as he supposed, back to the Coosa River, day and
night kept in a continual religious frenzy by his prophets, it can well be seen that he did not believe that his stronghold could be taken. As Indians are always provident and careful of their families in time of war, another evidence of the belief of the Creeks in the impregnability of the place is the fact that when they knew of the coming of the army they did not remove their women and children to some other place, where they would be beyond the reach of danger.
About half past 10 o'clock Gen. Jackson planted his cannon on a low hill about 80 yards from the nearest point of the breast- work and abont 250 from the farthest, and promptly opened fire upon its center. For two hours, in which 70 rounds were fired, the balls of the two cannon were hurled against the rampart, but they remained un- shaken. The cannonading was accompanied at times with the firing of muskets and rifles, whenever the Creeks were to be seen be- hind their breastwork. During all this time, unappalled by the fire of the cannon and the small arms, the Creeks gave vent to derisive yells, and were asssured of the victory by the prophets. These men with their faces painted black, their heads and shoulders decorated with feathers, waved their cow tails, jingled their bells, and danced their wizard dances.
In the meantime Gen. Coffee moved up the river, but bearing off for some distance. When about half a mile below, he heard the yells of the Creeks and supposed they were crossing from the village to attack him. He at once formed his men in line of battle and moved forward. When within a quarter of a mile of the village, the firing of Jackson's cannon was heard. Acting according to a previous order, the Cherokees and friendly Creeks immediately rushed forward in good order, took possession of the river bank, and shot some fugitives in the river. Gen. Cof- fee now formed his men in line of battle against an attack from the Okfuskee vil- lage, some miles below, not knowing at the time that the Okfuskees were in the Bend. About 100 warriors with many women and children could now be seen. This sight, with the continual fire of Jackson's cannon and small arms, so aroused the Cherokees and friendly Creeks that some of them plunged into the river, swam across, and brought back a number of canoes. These were at once filled with warriors, rowed across, and landed under cover of the bank, and sent back for reinforcements. In this manner the Cherokees and the friendly Creeks crossed over. Capt. Russell's company of spies likewise crossed over. The river bank was thus left unguarded, and Gen. Coffee placed one-third of his men along around the bend, while two-thirds remained in line in the rear to protect against a possible at- tack from the Okfuskees.
The attack of the Cherokees and the friendly Creeks upon the rear of the Red Sticks was sufficient to announce to Gen. Jackson that Gen. Coffee had complete pos- session of the river bank, precluding all hope
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of escape in that quarter. It was now half past 12 o'clock, and he determined to carry the breastworks by storm, the entire length of which was lined with warriors. The sol- diers, regulars and militia, were eager for the assault. The word was given and the entire line sprang forward. For a few min- utes a deadly struggle took place, the muz- zles of the opposing guns often meeting in the same porthole. So close was the fire that afterwards many of the Creek bullets were found lodged and welded fast between the bayonets and barrels of the American muskets. . Maj. Lemuel Purnell Montgomery of the Thirty-Ninth Regiment was one of the first Americans to fall. He had just shot an Indian with his pistol through a port- hole, when, an instant after, he fell dead, his head pierced by a bullet coming from the same place. The breastwork was at last in American possession, and the battle now assumed a more deadly aspect.
Everywhere over the peninsula, from be- hind trees, logs, the tops of fallen timber, and caves in the river bank, from every place that could furnish protection or con- cealment, assailed by the Americans in front and by their Indian allies in the rear, the Creeks, now hopeless of victory, fought with all the fury of despair. They asked for no quarter and rejected it when offered. It was no longer a battle but a butchery. Everyone that sought escape by swimming the river became a target for the deadly rifles of Coffee's men. The few that reached the other shore were killed the instant they set foot on land. Bean's company killed every man that approached the island, while Capt. Hammond's company was equally de- structive at the extremity of the bend above. Many of the Creeks sought the heaps of brush on the west angle of their line of defense, where from their concealment they kept up a constant fire upon the Americans.
Gen. Jackson wishing to save them from utter destruction and to convince them of the hopelessness of a further struggle, now ordered his interpreter to advance with a flag, under the protection of some trees, within forty yards of the concealed Indians and there deliver his talk. The interpreter acted according to instructions, and elevat- ing his voice and speaking the Indian tongue, he told them of the folly of further resis- tance, and that he was commanded by Gen. Jackson to say, that if they would surrender they should be duly treated as prisoners of war. With the old aboriginal sense of decorum the Creeks listened patiently to the talk of the interpreter. But their stern re- solve had been taken, and it may be that, in that same moment, they bitterly thought of the massacre of the Hillabees, and with it no confidence in Gen. Jackson's word. Be the matter as it may, after a few moments pause at the close of the talk, they responded by opening fire upon the flag, by which, whether intentional or otherwise, the inter- preter was wounded.
After this, there was no alternative but
utter annihilation. After some ineffectual efforts to dislodge them, fire was applied to the brush and thickets, which spreading in every direction drove the Creeks forth and the work of carnage went on. The Creeks fought everywhere and were slain every- where, on the high ground, in the caves and along the margin of the river. Night at last put an end to the day's slaughter. The next morning saw the last of the butchery in the killing of 16 Creeks, concealed under the' river bank. Of these may be included a small party discovered in a cave in the river bank, and who refused to surrender. The soldiers finding it impossible to dislodge them, finally drove a series of long sharp- ened stakes deep in the earth along the bluff overlooking the cave. Exerting all their united strength they then pried off the immense mass of earth, which fell and buried the Creeks alive.
The American loss at the Horseshoe was 26 white men killed and 107 wounded. The Cherokees had 18 killed and 36 wounded; the friendly Creeks 5 killed and 11 wounded. The loss of the Red Sticks was fearful, 557 were found and counted on the field. Gen. Coffee estimated that from 250 to 300 were killed in the river. Combining these figures will give at least 800 Creeks killed. Three prophets were slain, one of these, Mono- hoe, was shot in the mouth by a cannon ball. Gen. Jackson writing to Gov. Blount four days after the battle, supposed it quite certain that not more than 30 Creeks es- caped. Pickett, the Alabama historian, thought it safe to state that about 200 may have survived. Of the survivors was the great chief Menawa, who managed to escape in the darkness of the night. Of the women and children 370 were captured, and accord- ing to Buell, about 60 warriors, who were so badly wounded that they could neither fight nor run.
On March 28, 1814, Gen. Jackson buried his dead by sinking them in the river, there- by preventing their mutilation by the Creeks. He had litters made for the transportation of his wounded; and began his return march to Fort Williams, where he arrived on April 1. Here the friendly Indians were dismissed.
The importance of this battle has been universally recognized by historians, both local and general.
A. C. Buell, "History of Andrew Jackson" (1904, Vol. I, p. 338) says:
"This ended the Creek war. For stub- born fighting and for general destruction alike of life and property on the part of the Indians it stands alone in the history of savage warfare on this continent. Never before had the Indians fought in such mili- tary fashion, suffered such losses, or held out to the bitter end as the Creeks did. The fighting power of the tribe was annihilated. At the outbreak of the war the Creeks were. the richest Indians in America. At its end they were the poorest. From its disasters they never fully recoverd. The destruction of three-fourths of the able-bodied men in
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any nation or tribe of any race or color must inevitably change its destinies perma- nently."
The anonymous author of "Memoirs of Andrew Jackson" (1848, p. 122) :
"This battle gave a death blow to their hopes, nor did they venture afterwards to make a stand. From their fastness in the woods they had tried their strength, agree- ably to their accustomed mode of warfare, in ambuscade, had brought on the attack, and, in all, failure and disaster had been met. None of the advantages incident on surprise, and for which the red men of our forests have always so characterized, had they been able to obtain. The continual defeats they had received were doubtless the reason of their having so strongly forti- fied this place, where they had determined to perish or to be victorious. Few escaped the carnage. Of the killed many of their friends were thrown into the river whilst the battle raged; many, in endeavoring to pass it, were sunk by the steady fire of Cof- fee's brigade, and 557 were left dead on the ground. Among the number of the slain were 3 of their prophets. Decorated in a most fan- tastic manner -- the plumage of various birds about their heads and shoulders-with sav- age grimaces, and horrid contortions of the body, they danced and howled their canta- tions to the sun. Their dependents already believed a communion with Heaven sure, which, moved by entreaty and their offered homage, would aid them in the conflict and give a triumph to their arms. Fear had no influence, and when they beheld our army approaching and already scaling their line of defense, even then, far from being dispir- ited, hope survived and victory was still an- ticipated. Monohoe, one of the most consid- erable of their inspired ones and who had cheered and kept alive the broken spirit of the nation by his pretended divinations, fell mortally wounded by a cannon shot in the mouth while earnestly engaged in his incan- tations."
A. B. Meek, in the "Red Eagle" (1855, pp. 88-89), thus commemorates this fierce and fateful engagement:
Yes, by their courage and their strength, Muscogee's braves are quelled at length. Six moons have rolled their silver tide, And they are blasted in their pride; The autumn stars saw triumph's glow; The spring-time sun, the broken bow! Their blood has crimsoned all their rills: From Estanaula's tumbling wave, To where Escambia's waters lave, The fire and sword have swept their land, Dealt with an unrelenting hand. At Tallisee in vain they stood, Or poured at Autossee their blood! No skill or cunning could drive back, The conqueror from his fiery track. One final effort in despair, As turns the panther in his lair. Beside fair Tallapoosa's wave, Within the "Horseshoe Bend" they made, Yet found its refuge but a grave,
That scarce a warrior could evade! Oh, seldom in the battlefield
Have fiercer scenes or deadlier strife Than this been witnessed.
A monument has been erected by the United States Government on the battle ground, as "a memorial to the men who fought in that battle under the command of General Andrew Jackson," at a cost of $5,000. The appropriation was made by act of Congress, April 2, 1914. Congressional action was the direct result of an agitation, begun in 1907 by S. S. Broadus of Decatur. Following an appeal by him the legislature of Alabama created the Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary Commission, August 6, 1907. The commission organized and later presented a "Memorial" to Congress, March 3, 1909. Under the auspices of the com- mission the 100th anniversary of the battle was celebrated by placing a tablet on the courthouse of Tallapoosa County at Dade- ville, March 27, 1914, and by a more elabo- rate celebration on the battle ground itself, July 4, 1914.
The following is the inscription on the tablet:
1814-1914. This tablet is placed by TALLAPOOSA COUNTY in commemoration of the One hundredth anniversary of the BATTLE OF HORSESHOE BEND,
fought within its limits on March 27, 1814, There the Creek Indians, led by Menawa and [other Chiefs,
were defeated by the American and allied [Indian forces
under Gen. Andrew Jackson. This battle broke the power of the fierce Muscogee, brought peace to the Southern frontier, and made possible the speedy opening up of a large part of the State of Alabama to civilization.
Dadeville, Alabama, March 27, 1914.
See Cholocco Litabixe; Coffee, John; Fort Jackson, Treaty of; Horseshoe Bend Battle Anniversary Commission; Menawa (Creek Chief) ; Tallapoosa County; Tohopeka.
REFERENCES .- Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson's Report, March 28, 1814 to Maj. Gen. Thomas Pinckney, in Niles Weekly Register, 1814, vol. 6, p. 130; Maj. Gen. Jackson's Report, March 31, 1814, to Gov. Willie Blount of Tennessee, in Niles Weekly Register, 1814, vol. 6, p. 146; Brig. Gen. John Coffee's Report, April 1, 1814, to Maj. Gen. Jackson, in Niles Weekly Register, 1814, vol. 6, p. 148; Brig. Gen. Coffee's letter, April 1, 1814 to Capt. John Donelson, in Ameri- can Historical Magazine, Nashville, Tenn., 1901, vol. 6, pp. 181-183; Col. Gideon Morgan, com- mander of the Cherokees, letter, April 1, 1814, to Gov. Blount, in Niles Weekly Register, vol. 6, p. 148; Eaton, Life of Andrew Jackson (1824), pp. 158-166; Parton, Life of Jackson (1861)
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vol. 1, p. 514-523; Frost, Pictorial life of Jack- son (1847), pp. 227, 240; Buell, History of An- drew Jackson (1904), vol. 1, pp. 326-329; Pick- ett, History of Alabama (Owen's ed., 1900), pp. 588-592; Handbook of American Indians (1907), vol. 1, p. 290 (1910), vol. 2, p. 772; Memorial of the Horseshoe Bend Battle Commission, 1909 (S. Doc. 756, 60th Cong., 2d sess.) ; Colyar, Life and times of Andrew Jackson (1904), vol. 1, pp. 159-172.
HORTICULTURAL SOCIETY, THE ALA- BAMA STATE. An organization formed for "the mutual advancement of its members in all that pertains to horticulture," and the promotion of the science and practice of hor- ticulture in Alabama. The society was or- ganized in Birmingham, January 27, 1903, at a meeting in which the following partici- pated: M. C. Scott, Montgomery; Prof. R. S. Mackintosh; Prof. J. F. Duggar; Dr. E. Mead Wilcox and Dr. C. A. Cary, Auburn; W. F. Heikes, Huntsville; A. M Troyer, Cal- houn; J. L. Winslow, Thorsby; E. F. Cau- then, Hamilton; E. A. Bishop, Talladega; Paul Hoffman, Waverly; and A. F. Cory, Syl- acauga. The first president was W. F. Heikes, and the first secretary, R. S. Mack- intosh.
The first act of the society was to urge the passage of laws to protect "fruit plantations against San José scale and other dangerous insects or fungus pests." The bill as pre- pared was passed, and approved March 5, 1903, hardly more than 30 days after the beginning of the agitation. It was entitled "An act to further protect horticulture, fruit growing and truck gardening, and to ex- clude crop pests of all kinds in the State of Alabama." A State board of horticulture and the office of State horticulturist were created to carry the act into effect. To the action of the society, therefore, must be as- cribed these new official agencies. The sum of $1,500 annually for defraying expenses was appropriated.
The general statement of the objects of the society gives little hint of the numerous ways in which the interests of horticulturists, farmers and others, and the science of horti- culture have been advanced. The activities of the society include annual meetings, the pres- entation of papers, field demonstrations, ex- tension work, and the coordination of all individuals, organizations, institutions and forces working in the horticultural and allied fields, whether scientific or practical. Of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, Pres. Heikes in 1907 said: "We feel that through its agricultural and horticultural departments we are practically identified with it in all its aspirations, and its struggle to build up a complete and powerful institution for the work for which it was founded." The insti- tute has been officially connected with the society from the beginning. At its meetings the' needs of institutions have been presented and urged; and their officers have had a part in the programs.
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