History of California, Volume III, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

on legislation in behalf of California. Several of the reports, or parts of the same, relating to special topics of government, colonization, and mission policy, will require notice elsewhere, and may therefore be briefly disposed of here.

Unfortunately the instructions to Governor Eche- andía, on which the junta reported January 3, 1825, are not extant. In the suggestions made, especial im- portance is attached to the obtaining of accurate in- formation about the country, its people, and its pro- ductions; and it is evident from the allusions to Viz- caino, Venegas, the Sutil y Mexicana, Humboldt's works, etc., that the members had no idea of the fresh and complete sources of information accessible in the form of missionary and other official reports. There is also a noticeable confusion between the two Califor- nias. Great circumspection and careful instructions were recommended on the mission problem and Indian policy, subjects which must be treated with much deli- cacy to avoid trouble until a radical reform could be effected by means of definite laws. The junta ex- pressed some very wise views, and showed a clear appreciation of the difficulties to be overcome, leaving, however, the ways and means of overcoming them mostly to a subsequent report of April 6th, which will be noticed in another chapter. In the matter of distributing lands, it was thought that the governor should confine his immediate attention to investigation and reports on the actual condition of the territories. The subject of foreign relations was believed to require serious consideration, with particular reference to pos- sible encroachments of Russians and Americans on the north. There was yet some doubt whether the boun- dary of the forty-second parallel had been recognized by Mexico, but it was necessary at all hazards to prevent any passing of that line; and in this connection a naval force for the upper coast was recommended as of ur- gent necessity. Particularly was the attention of the government called to the prospective importance of

PLANS FOR CALIFORNIAS.

the northern province, both by reason of its varied products and of its frontier position.3

The plan of April 21st for foreign colonization may be disposed of, since I have no space to give the doc- ument in full, with the remark that it was utilized by the government in preparing the regulations of 1828, in which many of its twenty-eight articles were more or less fully embodied.4 To a great extent the same remark may be applied to the plan of May 30th for national colonization or settlement by Mexicans. But this plan contained certain elements intended for the special benefit of the Californias, and therefore not in- cluded in the general regulations which applied to all Mexican territory. It was proposed not only to grant lands to Mexican colonists, but to pay the expenses of their journey, a daily ration and monthly sum of three or four dollars to each family for three years, besides furnishing live-stock and tools; or in case the settler were not a farmer, he was to receive expenses of the journey, necessary tools, a house lot, and rations for one year. This aid it was thought might be furnished without burden to the treasury, by utilizing the ac- cumulations of mission capital. It was deemed desir- able to favor settlements on the coast islands; and to set apart one of them as a penal colony, not for Mexico, but for California.5

Another scheme of the junta, though pertaining to commerce, may as well be mentioned here, since it never went into practical effect. It was a politico- mercantile plan for the organization of a Compañía

3 Jan. 6, 1825, José Argüello wrote to Captain Guerra from Guadalajara that a board had been established in Mexico to make regulations for Cal. Guerra, Doc., MS., vi. 97. The dictamen, so far as it relates to Indian policy, is incidentally quoted by Manuel Castañares in an address of March 30, 1844, to Congress. Castañares, Col. Doc .. 12, 14, 50. Both Alvarado, Hist. C'al., MS., i. 122-3, 233-6, and Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., i. 299-300, speak of Sola as the leading spirit of the junta, which devised many liberal and enthusiastic measures without the slightest idea as to where the money was to come from. 'Fifty years later,' says Alvarado, 'in the hands of energetic men backed by coin, some of these plans might have proved successful.'

4 See chap. ii. this vol. for reglamento of 1828.

5 There are several other items, but as the recommendations were never adopted, it seems unnecessary to notice them.

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

Asiático-Mexicana, protective of Californian industrial development. Monterey was to be a grand commer- cial centre; and not only was California to be saved from all possibility of foreign aggression, but the whole trade of the Pacific was to be wrested from American and English hands. The author of the project, Ta- mariz, aimed at a revival of the old Philippine trade, with vastly augmented facilities and profits; and he pictured California in glowing colors as a veritable paradise abounding in all good things, and better fitted than any other spot on earth for its grand des- tiny. "Fortunate the Californians in the midst of the promised land; happy the provinces that adjoin that land; lucky even the hemisphere that contains it," writes the enthusiastic Mexican in substance page after page. The scheme was a grand one on paper- too grand to go any further; for though approved by the famous junta, and favored apparently by president, cabinet, and congress, it was never heard of so far as I know after 1827.6

In addition to the acts of the president and junta de fomento, there is nothing to be noted bearing on my present topic, beyond a few minor routine commu- nications of the ministers in the different departments, in one of which the Californians were showered with flattery, even if they got no more substantial tokens of attention.7

6 The reglamento is copied in full by Vallejo in his Hist. Cal., MS., i. 300- 10, from an original formerly in the possession of David Spence. The com- pany is also mentioned in Castañares, Col. Doc., 50. It seems useless to give the details of such a plan; some of the leading points are as follows: Capital, $4,000,000 in 2,000 shares, 50 of which were to be taken by the Mexican gov- ernment, and 50 reserved for Cal. until she was able to pay for them. Term of existence, 10 years. The president of Mexico to preside at meetings. The company to have privileges in the matter of paying duties; to be preferred as sellers and buyers; to have a monopoly of fisheries and pearl-diving against foreigners; but had to bring settlers free to Cal., aid in the suppression of smuggling, etc.

7 Californians are lovers of order and justice, 'compensating with these vir- tues for the influence which in other communities would be the effect of law and authority.' 'They have always shown a strong attachment to the supreme powers, and given constant evidence with ardent fidelity that they are, and glory in being, excellent Mexicans; and their benemérito gefe político Argiiello answers in his last communications for good order and strict administration

CONSTITUTION RATIFIED.

On receipt of the constitution, Argüello at once sum- moned the diputados to assemble. The rivers were so swollen by the rains that the southern members could not come; but on the 26th of March the four Castros, with the president and secretary, met to ratify the new organic law of the nation. The document was read by Secretary Torre, and the oath was taken by governor and diputados. Then the constitution was read again in the plaza, and Argüello administered the oath to the garrison drawn up under arms, and to the assembled citizens of all classes. A salute of ar- tillery, and the usual shouts of acclamation, with ring- ing of bells, repeated for three days, marked the act; but for the first time on such an occasion there was no mass, or sermon, or other religious ceremony, for Pre- fect Sarria declined to sanction republicanism. On the 28th of March Argüello forwarded copies of the constitution to the different presidios and pueblos, at each of which it was ratified with appropriate cer- emonies before the end of May. At San Francisco Padre Esténega conducted the customary religious services, though it is not certain that he took the oath. At San Diego, as at Monterey, the padres re- fused to take any part in the ratification. At other places there is no record respecting the friars' action. Thus California become formally a territory of the Mexican republic.8

of justice, even in their actual condition.' Mexico, Mem. Justicia, 1826, p. 6. General information on finances of California, and relief sent from Mexico in 1824-5, in Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1826, p. 27. Aug. 6th, Minister Alaman orders gefe político to report on the suspension of the assembly, and to propose an administrative system. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 9.

8 I shall have more to say on the action of the friars. Action of the din- utacion March 26th, in Leg. Rec., MS., i. 41-3. March 28th, Argüello sends out the new constitution to be ratified, and orders all copies of the old Spanish con- stitution to be collected. Dept Rec., MS., i. 116; St. Pap., Sac., MIS., xiv. 37. Apr. 22d, constitution received at S. Francisco, and will be published on Sun- day. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xix. 36. May Ist, comandante describes the cere- mony, which took place Apr. 24th. The troops after three days were permitted to amuse themselves, $2 being given to each private and $3 to each corporal. Id., xiv. 41-2. April 30th, swearing of allegiance at Los Angeles, where, on petition of the citizens, the ayuntamiento, with the approval of the diputados, Palomares and Carri lo, set at liberty a prisoner, Juan José Higuera. Orig- inal record in Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., iv. 739, 745. May Ist, Comandante Ruiz

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

A final meeting of the diputacion was held April 7th, when the majority were in favor of punishing recalcitrant friars by taking from them the manage- ment of the mission temporalities,? and then on May 2d the sessions were suspended by the governor, until new instructions could be obtained from national au- thorities. His reason for this action was that the term for which the body had been organized according to the Spanish constitution had now expired, and the new constitution made no provision for a territorial diputacion.10

General Miñon, appointed the year before to be ruler of California, did not accept the position, so that in January 1825 a new appointment had to be made. 11

The choice fell upon Lieutenant-colonel José María Echeandía, an officer said to have been director of a college of engineers in Mexico. His appointment as gefe político superior and comandante general mili- tar of both Californias was perhaps dated the 31st of January.12 In June he sailed from San Blas to Lo-

describes the ratification at S. Diego, where not only the Franciscans but ap- parently the Dominican padre Menendez, who chanced to be present, refused to assist. Estudillo, Doc., MS., i. 209. May 10th, certificate of ayuntamiento to the taking of the oath at San Jose, and to the three days of bull-fighting and other diversions that followed. S. José, Arch., MS., vii. 22; Dept St. Pap. MS., i. 116-17. I find no record of the event at Sta Barbara. Dec. 4, 1826, the governor sends copies of the constitution and acta constitutiva to be cir- culated among the escoltas and padres. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ivii. 23.

9 Leg. Rec., MS., i. 41-6. More of this topic when I come to speak of the missions. From Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., iv. 725, it would appear that at a session held early in this year the office of comisionado for the pueblos was restored.

10 May 2d, Argüello to comandantes and prefect. Dept Rec., MS., i. 119. May 22d, Argüello to ayuntamiento of Los Angeles on same subject. Dept St. Pap., Angeles, MS., i. 82. June 3d, comandante of S. Francisco has pub- lished the order. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 36.

11 As carly as April it was known in Cal. that Miñon would not come. With his successor Argüello at that time expected 60 artillerymen. Apr. 11th, Ar- güello to P. Duran. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 321-2.

12 His instructions seem to have been issued on that date, St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 42, and it was on Feb. Ist that his appointment was an- nounced by Minister Pedraza in a letter to Argüello. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 3. Feb. 28th, Echeandía to Herrera, announcing his appointment with a salary of $3,000. Dept St. Pap., MS., ii. 1. The fact that he was director of the college of military engineers in Mexico rests on-the statements of Valle, Lo Pasado, MS., 1, and Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 42-3, but is probably accurate.

ARRIVAL OF ECHEANDÍA.

reto on the schooner Nieves. Possibly he had come up from Acapulco on the Morelos, which was at San Blas at the time en route for Monterey; but I think not, though some of his officers came on that vessel and joined him there.13 He remained at Loreto from June 22d until October, reorganizing peninsular af- fairs, issuing a reglamento, and appointing a sub gefe político.14 He finally set out for Monterey by land on October 4th, but, worn out by the hardships of the route, soon despatched to Argüello an order to meet him at San Diego, where he arrived late in October.15

Meanwhile Arguello first heard of Echeandia's appointment on July 4th by a letter from the latter dated June 25th, and announcing his arrival at Loreto en route for the capital. Later in the month, probably by the Morelos, came the official notice from Mexico.16 The order to meet his successor at San Diego came about the 26th, on which date Argüello replied that the state of his health would not permit him to make the journey so rapidly as was ordered, but he would come slowly.17 Two days later he sailed on a schooner for San Diego,18 where he turned over his office in November. Though Argüello was doubtless displeased at this innovation on his own

13 In April-May he was at Tepic, and had some trouble about collecting pay and supplies for his troops. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 27-9. He also asked to be relieved of the military command. Sup. Gort St. Pap., MS., iii. 4. June 7th he was at Tepic, expecting to sail on the Morelos, a new name for the old San Carlos. Guerra, Doc., MS., vi. 139. For trip on the Nieves, see Pacheco's testimony in Herrera, Causa, MS., p. 67-8; St. Pap. Sac., MS., x. 31. Eche- andía's statement in 1827 was that he sailed from S. Blas June 12th, and reached Loreto in 10 days. Dept Rec., MS., v. 103. June 25th he wrote to Argülleo from Loreto. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 120-1.

14 See Ilist. North Mexican States, ii., this series.

13 In July he sent up to S. Diego for mules. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 150. Oct. 4th, started. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ivii. 3. Oct. ISth, sent order to Argüello to come south. Guerra, Doc., MIS., iv. 161-2. Oet. 31st, writes from S. Diego. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 74; Dept Rec., MS., ii. 6.

16 July 4th, Arguello to comandantes with purport of Echeandia's letter. Dept St. Pup., MS., i. 120-1. July 22d-3d-Sth, Arguello had received official intelligence. Id., Ben. Mil., MS., liv. 9; Dept. Rec., MS., i. 230; ii. 37. Oct. Ist, Argüello expected his successor soon, and had made preparations for his reception, being uncertain whether he would come by sea or land. Guerra, Doc., MS., iv. 159.

17 Oet. 26th, Argüello to Guerra. Guerra, Doc., MS., iv. 161-2. 18 Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 80.

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

personal comfort and on the old customs, and though the people of Monterey liked not the new governor's disposition to fix his residence in the south, yet I find no contemporary evidence of controversy or of con- templated resistance. The records, however, are far from complete, and both Alvarado and Vallejo credit Argüello with a patriotic refusal to listen to the coun- sels of Montereyans and the troops who urged him to take advantage of Echeandía's arbitrary order and proclaim revolt.19 It is not unlikely that there was some clashing of opinion when the two officers met; but there is no record on the subject. Echeandía had remained at San Diego at first because exhausted by his journey; and he continued to reside there chiefly because he deemed the climate favorable to his health, but also that as ruler of both Californias he might be nearer Loreto, and because he found nothing in his instructions which absolutely required him to live at Monterey.20 No transfer of the capital was made;

19 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 48-51; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 105-9. Vallejo states that the padres took advantage of the excitement in the north to create a prejudice against Echeandía. Both imply that there was a sharp correspondence before Argüello went south, which is impossible; and that one cause of the excitement was the transfer of the custom-house to S. Diego, when no such change was made. I suppose that both writers greatly exag- gerate the popular feeling, looking at it through the colored glasses of mem- ory, respecting later dissensions between the north and south.

20 Doubtless the persuasions of the southerners had also an influence; and J. J. Vallejo, Reminis., MS., S7-9, implies that a certain lady of S. Diego had more influence than all the rest. General mention of Echeandia's arrival without additional details, or blunders worthy of notice, in Machado, Tiem- pos Pasados, MS., 21, 23; Amador, Memorias, MS., 85; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 19-20; Lugo, Vida, MS., 12-13; Avila, Cosas de Cal., MS., 25; Petit- Thouars, Voy., ii. 90; Mofras, Explor., i. 293.

The version of one author, who has made claims to be an accurate histo- rian, is worth a record here. I allude to that given in Willson's Mexico and its Religion, 148-50. 'The new republic was at peace, and the surplus soldiery had to be got rid of. It was not safe to disband them at home, where they might take to the roads and become successful robbers; but 1,500 of the worst were selected for a distant expedition, the conquest of the far-off territory of California. And then a general was found who was in all respects worthy of his soldiery. He was pre-eminently the greatest coward in the Mexican army-so great a coward that he subsequently, without striking a blow, sur- rendered a fort, with a garrison of 500 men, unconditionally, to a party of 50 foreigners. Such was the great General Echandrea, the Mexican conqueror of California ; and such was the army that he led to the conquest of unarmed priests and an unarmed province.' 'Had there been 50 resolute persons to oppose them, this valiant army would have absconded, and California would have remained an appanage of the crown of Spain,' etc. 'When the prefect

LUIS ANTONIO ARGÜELLO.

but very soon the people of the south chose to take that view of the governor's residence among them, and were not a little elated at the honor.21

Although Ex-governor Argüello remained in Cali- fornia, resuming his former position as comandante of San Francisco; yet as he was never again prominent in public affairs, and as he died within the limits of this decade, on March 27, 1830, it seems best to ap- pend here his biography.22 Don Luis was the first

of the missions was shipped off to Manilla the war was at an end.' Com- ments on this rubbish are unnecessary.

21 As early as Nov. 9th, Sepúlveda from Los Angeles congratulates Eche- andía on his arrival, and is glad that he will make San Diego his capital. 'You may count on this dismembered ayuntamiento and on all under my cominand.' Los Angeles. Arch., MS., i. 2, 3.

22 Luis Antonio Argüello, son of D. José Diario Argüello, then alférez of the Sta Bárbara company, and Doña Ignacia Moraga, was born at San Fran- cisco presidio June 21, 1784, and was christened the next day, his godparents being Lieut. Moraga and wife. S. Francisco, Lib. Mis., MS., 20. He entered the military service as cadet of the S. Francisco company on Sept. 6, 1799, and was promoted to be alférez of the same company on Dec. 22, 1800. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xi. 5; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xv. 94; Gacetas de Mex., x. 240. This same year he petitioned for license to marry Doña Rafaela Sal; but as the petition had to go to the viceroy and king, it was not until 1807 that the permission was received, and even then burdened with the condition that the wife should have no claim on the montepío fund at her husband's death, unless he were killed on the field of battle. The wife died at S. Francisco, Feb. 6, 1814. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 40, 196-7; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 101. She is said to have been remarkable for the kindness of her disposition and for her in- fluence over her somewhat erratic husband. Amador, Mem., MS., 121; Lorenzana, Mem. de la Beata, MS., 3.

On March 10, 1806, Don Luis was promoted to the lieutenancy, and in Au- gust his father turned over to him the command of the company. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 3, 15. According to his hoja de servicios at the end of 1816, beside the routine of garrison duty, he had been engaged in two ex- peditions, one in pursuit of fugitive neophytes, and the other to explore new regions among the gentiles. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xv. 94. He was recommended for promotion by Gov. Sola, July 8, 1817; was commissioned Oct. 30th, and was recognized as captain of the company from April 1, 1818. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 194; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 196; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xvi. 48; S. Fran- cisco, Cuentas, MS., i .- vi.

About 1818 Capt. Argüello made a boat voyage up the Sacramento River; in 1821 he made an expedition to the far north, up the Sacramento Valley, beyond what is now Red Bluff, and back over the coast mountains, to S. Rafael; and in 1822 he accompanied Canónigo Fernandez and Prefeet Payeras on a trip to Bodega and Ross. Meanwhile he had married, in 1819, Doña Soledad, daughter of Sergeant José Dolores Ortega, who brought him as a dowry of somewhat doubtful cash value her father's arrears of pay due from the royal treasury.

Argüello waselected acting governor on or about Nov. 11, 1822, Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt i. 96; St. Pup., Sac., MS., xi. 6, and took possession of the offico on the day of Sola's departure, on or about Nov. 22d. "The events of his rule have been already given. His office of governor being only provisional, he still retained nominally the command of San Francisco. After he resigned rule at

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

hijo del país called upon to rule California, and he filled most creditably a position which was by no means free from difficulties. Had the rival candidate, José de la Guerra, been chosen, it is hard to point out in what way he could have ruled more wisely. Ar- güello's education was in some respects deficient, being simply what his father could give him in his presidio home; but in every position which he occupied he showed much practical common sense if no extraor- dinary ability. He was much less strict than his father, or than most of the old Spanish officers, in his regard for the letter of national law ; he was sometimes reproved when comandante for his concessions to for- eigners, and especially to the Russians; and when he became governor, he still continued his innovations in

S. Diego in Nov. 1825, I think he remained for some time in the south with his brother, Don Santiago. On April 15, 1826, Echeandia ordered his pay as comandante to cease, the reason not being explained. Dept Rec., MS., iv. 31. On May 20th Echeandía ordered him to S. Francisco to take command of his company. Id., v. 46. Aug. S, 1827, the minister of war was informed that Argüello claimed the commission of lieutentant-colonel that had been given him by Iturbide. Id., v. 128. Oct. 7, 1828, Echeandía relieved Arguello of his command in consideration of ill health; and on Nov. 20th he was or- dered to Monterey 'for the good of the service.' Id., vi. 109, 138. His pur- chase of the Rover, his enterprise in the China trade, and the resulting law- suits with Capt. Cooper, the only notable events of his later life, are noticed in other chapters.

Argüello's military record down to the end of 1828 gives him 29 years, 3 months, and 27 days of service, with an addition of 11 years and 11 days for campaigns. Echeandía appends the following notes: 'Courage, proved; ability, more than average; military conduct, indifferent; health, broken; loyalty, supposed faithful. His services merit all consideration, but his con- duct is now loose, doubtless from excessive drinking. He was suspended from command for reasons presented to the supreme government on Feb. 15, 1828.' St. Pap., Sac., MS., xi. 5-7. He died at San Francisco on March 27, 1830, at 1:30 A. M., at the age of 46 years, and was interred in the mission cemetery next day by P. Estenega. S. Francisco, Lib. Mision, MS., 73-4; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xx. 165. Mariano Estrada was the executor of the estate, S. José, Arch., MS., i. 36, which five years after his death was in debt to the missions to the extent of over $1,000. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., iii. 76-7; S. Francisco, Cuentas, MS., v. 1. To his widow, Doña Sole- dad, was left the rancho of Las Pulgas, and notwithstanding the depredations of lawyers and squatters, she was in casy circumstances until her death in 1874. None of the sons of Don Luis ever acquired any prominence in public life. The Californian writers, almost without exception, speak in the highest terms of Arguello's honesty, ability, and kindness of heart: See Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 102-4; Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., i. 327-30; ii. 42-3; Osio, Ilist. Cal. MS., 5-21, 57; Amador, Mem., MS., 81-3; Castro, Rel., MS., 13-14; Avila, Cosas, MS., 22; Romero, Mem., MS., 10; Machado, Lo Pasado, MS., 21; Spence's Notes, MS., 14; Hayes' Em. Notes, MS., 505; Sta Bárbara Press, Oct. 24, 1874; S. Diego Union, Oct. 29, 1874.

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History of California, Volume III, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824