History of California, Volume III, Part 35

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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There was no trouble about the furnishing of sup- plies in 1831. Naturally the padres were disposed to do their best, and the only records in the matter are one or two orders from Victoria to comandantes, in- tended to prevent excessive demands on the mis- sionaries.14 At the beginning of the year, and probably in consequence of the secularization movement, a passport for Habana was tendered to Duran as soon as a successor at San José could be procured. He ap- parently had asked license to retire.15 Three mission- aries died at their posts, padres Boscana, Barona, and Suñer, while no Franciscans came to fill up the de-

13 Duran, Notas y Comentarios al Bando de Echeandia sobre las Misiones, 1831, MS. Dated Dec. 31, 1831. 'It would be better, with less bluster about the Indians, to begin with the gente de razon. Let the latter begin to work, to found establishments and schools, and to practise arts and industries ; then will be time to lead the Indians to follow a good example. Are they, but yes- terday savages, to go ahead and teach the way to civilized men ? To form such projects of giving freedom to Indians after having taken a million dollars of their hard earnings for the troops, and to leave in their endemic sloth the others, who as a rule know nothing but to ride on horseback ? Truly, I know not from what spirit can proceed such a policy, or rather I know too well. Why not write what all say ? Why say a medias palabras what all say & roca llena ? What all believe is that, under the specious pretext of this plan, there was a seeret plan for a general sack of the mission property, the leaders in the plot intending to convert as much as possible of the booty into money, to be enjoyed in foreign lands. But God willed that Victoria should arrive,' etc. 'The interested parties, including certain members of the diputacion, who counted on the spoils, were disappointed, and their disappointment changed into hatred for Victoria, whom they have never pardoned for having rescued the prey which they deemed already within their clutches.' Then follows an account of the revolution down to Victoria's overthrow. I suppose a copy of this document may have been carried to Mexico by P. Peyri, who accompanied Victoria.

14 Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 5; Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 6-7.

13 Dept. Rec., MS., ix. SG. Mofras, Explor., i. 272-3, tells us that in 1831, P. Sanchez having died of grief at the invasions of the eivil powers, most of the other friars being subjected to indignities, determined to retire; and thus these venerable men, who had devoted 30 or 40 years of their life to civilizing Indians, were driven from a country 'qu'ils avaient arrosée de leurs sueurs et fécondée par la parole apostolique,' taking nothing with them but a coarse woollen robe-all of which is very pathetic and inaccurate.

311

EFFORTS OF CARRILLO.

pleted ranks. Padres Jesus Maria Martinez and Francisco Cuculla, Dominicans from Baja California, seem however to have spent a considerable portion of the year in the territory.

Meanwhile in the Mexican congress Carlos Carrillo was exerting all his influence and eloquence in oppo- sition to any change. He was a partisan of the friars, and foresaw nothing but ruin in secularization. He expressed his views at considerable length in letters to Captain Guerra, which may be taken as copies for the most part of his private and public arguments at the capital.16 A branch of the same subject, and one of more urgent importance at the time than secular- ization proper, was the disposition to be made of the pious fund, a topic under discussion in congress. The estates of the fund had been for twenty years neg- lected, and for the most part unproductive; the ques- tion was how to make them again productive, and how to apply the revenues. Hitherto the estates had been administered in one way or another by the gov- ernment; the revenues over and above the expenses of administration had been constantly dwindling; and for a long time no aid had been given to the missions. Now it was proposed to dispose of the property, in perpetuity or for a long period, by emphyteutic sale, which of course would involve a great sacrifice of actual value, and would yield a very slight revenue, but which would put into the hands of the govern- ment a large amount of ready money. The friends of the missions favored a renting of the estates on the most advantageous terms possible for short periods, and were assisted by many who cared nothing for the missions, but were opposed to a wanton sacrifice of property.

Don Cárlos prepared an elaborate argument against the proposed sale, and intrusted it to a fellow-mem-

16 Carrillo, Cartas del Diputado, MS., passim. Especially letter of April 25, 1831. p. 200-9. Oct. 19, 1831, the min. of justice and ecel. aff. replies to the síndico of Cal. missions that the mission property cannot be regarded as be- longing to the public treasury. S. Luis Ob., Arch., MS., 11.

312

MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION.

ber to be delivered in the hall of congress ; but the 'gran pícaro,' when he got the floor, made a speech on the other side.17 Fortunately, others took up the defence of Carillo's views and gained a victory, tem- porarily, over his opponents. Moreover, his argu- ment, a strong presentment of the subject, under date of September 15th, was made public in print.13 The author said but little about religion, or justice to Indians or friars. He admitted that the missions were not accomplishing much for civilization, but he considered the whole matter from the standpoint of Mexican interests. He extolled California as a most valuable possession, the occupation and retention of which were due solely to the missionaries. Faulty as the system might be, it had subdued Indians and gained northern territory for Spain and Mexico. During the troubles of the past twenty years, the missions had not only been self-supporting, but had contributed over half a million dollars to the sup- port of the troops, besides offering the only encour- agement to a growing and profitable commerce. In other words, California had been supported and saved for Mexico by the earnings of the Indians, under the mission system. But for the missions the territory to-day would be in possession of savages or of a for- eign power. Only by maintaining the missions, and especially by founding new ones in the north, could the country be saved from foreign aggression in the near future. Moreover, this method involved no ex- pense to the national treasury. A rich property ex- isted which could be legitimately applied in this way to national defence. The duty and policy of Mexico were clearly to make that property as productive as possible, and to apply the revenues solely to the sup- port and extension of the California missions.19 Don

17 Carrillo, Cartas del Diputado, 1831, MS., p. 214-15.

18 Carrillo, Exposicion dirigida á la Cámara ... sobre Arreglo y Administracion del Fondo Piadoso. Mexico, 1831.

19 If there was any weakness in Carrillo's argument, it was in his exaggera- tion of the unanimity of sentiment in Cal. in favor of the friars and his own

313

THEORIES OF 1832.

Carlos won the victory, for his propositions, attached in thirteen articles to the exposicion, were almost liter- ally adopted in the law of May 25, 1832,20 by which the estates were to be rented for terms not exceeding seven years, and the product was to be devoted ex- clusively to the missions. True, the victory was a barren one, for the missions derived little or no bene- fit from it; but neither had they profited by the fund in the past since the revolution against Spain began. Nor could they under any system have got their dues while the Mexican revolutionary troubles continued.21

Naturally little was done or even attempted in the matter of secularization during the political and mili- tary interregnum of 1832, yet some theorizing was in- dulged in, which it is well to notice. The diputacion, in addition to defending its past acts toward Victoria, or rather as a part of that task, spoke very bitterly against the friars in their reports of February and May. By means of their wealth, it was charged, and through the fanaticism of the people, the padres had influence, and used it unscrupulously to disseminate Spanish ideas, and plot against the federal system, breaking the laws, corrupting officials, and making themselves abhorred by intelligent citizens-that is, by the writers and their friends. Some had fled to Spain with gold and silver belonging to the missions. Their commercial frauds were well known. Why should they be allowed to profane our institutions, and propagate among the young and ignorant their sentiments in favor of Fernando VII .? Why had not the laws against them been enforced in California as

views, and in his fears of a revolution if this publie sentiment should be dis- regarded.

20 Arrillaga, Recopilacion, 1832, p. 114-16; Fondo, Piadoso de Californias, Ley y Reglamento. Mex., 1833. 12mo. 20 p. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Church, ii. 136, says that the fathers were by this act deprived of $50,000 per year.

21 The padres entered into an agreement with Enrique Virmond to fur- nish goods or money and take drafts on the govt to the amount of their sti- pends; and this was approved by the govt May 9th, 12th. Espinosa to guardian and to gov. Arch. St. B., MS., x. 271-2; Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., viii. 12.

314

MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION.

elsewhere? By them the neophytes were cruelly beaten, forced to work, treated as slaves, without having obtained the slightest benefit from sixty years of mission training. Truly Pico, Vallejo, and Osio were becoming very radical republicans and ardent patriots, according to the Mexican ideal.22 However, they were angry at the time, and were declaiming for effect in Mexico, as was Carrillo in a more temperate way at the capital.

Acting as comandante general in the south, accord- ing to the terms of the treaty with Zamorano, Eche- andía had the assurance to meditate the enforcement of his decree by preparing on November 18th a sup- plementary reglamento, as if the events of the past months had been but a mere temporary interruption of his plans. The document, appended in a note,23

22 Reports of Feb. 24 and May 15, 1832, in Leg. Rec., MS., i. 244-9, 265-6. Alférez José Sanchez about this time, as prosecuting officer in a criminal case, made use of some very violent and sweeping denunciations of the friars for their cruelty to the Indians. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxiii. 6-7. In his circular of Nov. 18th, Echeandía represented the Indians as complain- ing bitterly of their oppression by the padres. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 63-4.

23 Echeandia, Reglamento de Secularizacion, 18 de Nov. 1832, MS. The doc. was sent on Nov. 18th to Padre Sanchez, to cach of the southern missions, probably to local authorities in the south, and to Pres. Duran in the north. On Jan. 13, 1833, it was sent to the min. of rel. in Mexico; and on Feb. 7th, to Figueroa. The copy sent to F. is in my possession, and to it are joined several responses from the friars. Reglamento .-- Art. 1. Pursuant to edict of Jan. 6th, after a record of population and property is made, the property for pobladores is to be distributed to neophytes of ten years' stand- ing, if married or widowers with minor children-except those who may wish to continue in community, those incapacitated for work, and those who neglect their families. 2. The distribution to be made at the mission or ran- chos not far distant, and having a settled population, to such as reside there, or were born there, and have the preceding qualifications. 3. The assign- ment of egidos and distribution of community property, etc., that cannot be effected at once will await the first opportunity. 4. All thus detaching themselves from the community shall pay from their private property parish dues according to their circumstances, and in due time tithes. 5. The heads of families will choose from their own number the necessary alcaldes and po- lice officers; and this govt will appoint a comisionado to direct and correct them, and to do all that is conducive to the best Christian and civil order. G. Other neophytes will continue to work in community; but this govt will regulate all relating to their food, raiment, wages, labor, and punishments. 7. The community service will terminate as the neoyhytes may fulfil the con- ditions prescribed for detachment, or as it is seen that the detached maintain good order and progress in their town. 8. Out of the community property will be paid titles and parish dnes, support of aged and sick, expenses of divine worship, schools, jails, and others conducive to public welfare; and it is un-

315

THE GOVERNOR'S EFFORTS.

was intended to apply only to the four southernmost missions. It did not go so far in some respects as was provided by the decree of January, and intro- duced some new features not authorized by that de- cree. It was not apparently published in regular form as a bando, but was rather submitted for approval to the friars. It was prefaced with an argument on the necessity of secularization under superior, laws and instructions, a statement of the enthusiasm wich which the Indians had welcomed the author's efforts, a presentment of their complaints of injustice and a general discontent under the padres' management which threatened serious consequences, a mention of good results at San Juan Capistrano, where the padres were said to have voluntarily given up the temporalities, and a plea to the missionaries to accept their duties as parish priests.

Padre Sanchez replied in a long series of critical notes on both preface and reglamento.24 This crit- icism is one to which it is impossible to do justice

derstood that at the proper time a part will be used for the foundation of new missions among neighboring gentiles. In order to a beginning of regular ad- ministration, the branch of vineyards will be separated at once so that all labor in them may be done for wages, deducting expenses from the product. 9. The missionaries now in charge will be treated as parish priests and as de- positaries of the community property, signing the account to be rendered an- nually by the chief steward, who on recommendation of heads of families will be appointed from their number by this govt. The curate is to have all paro- chial dues besides his sínodo until the sup. anthority may decide.

24 Sanchez, Notas al Reglamento de Secularizacion, 1832, MS. The document has no date. The concluding note is as follows: 'It seems to me that I have given some convincing proofs, not perhaps of absurdities-I do not venture to say that-but of inconvenientes as they appear to me at first reading. I do not wish to engage in a prolonged dispute with Echeandia; let him do what may seem best. I have expressed my views, not so much for him, as for an in- struction to the padres that they are by no means to lend themselves to any such cooperation as is demanded by that gentleman; since to do so would be to subscribe to the ruin of their missions, and to the ignominy of all the in- sults, suspicions, and distrust expressed in the plan, which were by no means necessary if only the welfare of the Indians were sought. Let Sr Echeandia then do what he pleases about the missions, but let him not count on the co- operation of the padres, which he himself must know to be absurd. The mis- sionaries will serve as such and in no other capacity. until the curia ecclesias- tica, in accord with the sup. govt communicating with us through our prelate, may see fit to order a competent change-and so long as they are given the necessary food to support life, which failing they have the natural and divino right to shake off the dust of their shoes and go to other labors where- ever they may be found.'

316

MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION.

here, and to which may be applied much of what I have said about Duran's notes on the original decree. Sanchez, giving his attention chiefly to the preamble, begins by suggesting that precepts on obedience to law would come with better grace from one who had given a better example than Echeandía. His pre- tensions to teach the padres their obligations and rights, or to change their status, are met with protest and ridicule. If the laws and his instructions required him to secularize the missions, why had he waited six years, until the arrival of his successor, before acting? If the Indians of the south, as was certainly true, were assuming a threatening attitude, it was due to the license they had enjoyed under Echeandía, and to his unwise act in having put arms in their hands against Zamorano, being thus a reason for a return to the old restraint rather than for additional license. As to the enthusiasm of the Indians for Echeandía, the padre has little to say beyond reminding him that there are several ways of winning popularity among school-boys, one of the most successful being to let them do as they please. Of course he dwells on the theory that the Indians were children and 'savages of yesterday ;' and of course he fails to recognize the fact that this theory in itself was a condemnation of the mission system in all but missionary eyes. In the reglamento itself the padre easily found no end of faults and inconsistencies; yet in one of his notes he expressed a degree of favor for an experimental eman- cipation and distribution of property at a few of the oldest missions. President Duran also issued at his mission of San José a series of notes so similar in argu- ment and expression to those of Sanchez as to require no further notice. 25 The answers from the padres of San Diego, San Luis, and San Juan, that from San Gabriel not being extant, were to the effect that they left the matter entirely with the prelate. Martin

25 Duran, Notas á una Circular ó Bando intimado por El Sr D. José María Echeandia ú las cuatro Misiones, 1832, MS. 20 p. Original.

317

FATHERS BACHELOT AND SHORT.

said that since May 20th the neophytes at San Diego had managed temporal affairs for themselves-except the wine-cellars. Anzar said he was a Mexican, and would cheerfully cooperate with the governor if per- mitted. Zalvidea would be glad personally to be re- lieved of the burden. He had toiled over twenty years and had not saved a medio real.26 There is no record that Echeandía took any further steps before the end of 1832.

Padre Antonio Peyri left California at the begin- ning of the year with Victoria; and Padre Antonio Menendez, a Dominican who for some six years had served as chaplain at different places, died in August. There may be noted here also as an interesting item, the arrival of two priests who remained about five years in the country. They were Jean Alexis Au- guste Bachelot, apostolic prefect of the Sandwich Islands, and Patrick Short. The two, with a com- panion, had arrived at the Islands in July 1827 from France, to establish Catholic missions; but prejudice was aroused against their teachings, largely, it is be- lieved, through the intrigues of protestant mission- aries, and in December 1831 they were banished, "because their doings are different from ours, and be- cause we cannot agree," as King Kaahuamanu stated it. They sailed on the Waverly, Sumner, master, which landed them at San Pedro on January 21, 1832, whence they were taken to San Gabriel and kindly treated. There is not much to be said of their stay in California. Bachelot remained at San Gabriel as assistant minister, his name appearing often in the mission registers. Short soon came north, and he was engaged with Hartnell in an educational enter- prise at Monterey in 1834. An order came from Mexico to expel them as Jesuits and as having no papers; but the governor did not enforce it. In 1837, however, although the ayuntamiento of Los Angeles

26 Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 25, copies of the letters attached to the regla- mento.

318

MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION.

made an effort to retain him as curate, Bachelot, ac- companied by Short, sailed on the Clementina, and landed at the Islands in April. Persecutions were renewed, from which they were relieved by the French and English navigators Petit-Thouars and Belcher. Short sailed in October for Valparaiso, and Bachelot soon departed for the South Sea Islands, dying on the voyage in 1838.27

With Governor Figueroa, at the beginning of 1833, there came to California a missionary reenforcement of ten friars. They were Franciscans, all Mexicans by birth, and belonged to the college of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas, being called Guadalupanos, or more commonly, Zacatecanos, as the earlier friars had been known as Fernandinos from the name of their college. Immediately after their arrival, that is in February, they were put in charge of the seven missions from San Carlos northward, their prefect, Francisco García Diego, going to reside at Santa Clara. The Fernandinos of these missions retired to the southern establishments.28

27 See full and interesting accounts in Petit-Thouars, Voy., ii. 325-48; IIon. Polynesian, ii. 31, 81, from N. Amer. Review, Oct. 1840. I have obtained much information from an obituary of Bachelot and a collection of documents published by Capt. Sumner in his own defence against the charge of cruelty to the priests en voyage, in Honolulu, S. Isl. Gazette, Oct. 6, Nov. 29, 1838. Autograph letter of P. Short, Mar. 19, 1834. S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 118. Corresp. on the order of expulsion from California. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., xi. 16, 34. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 269. Bachelot's services desired as curate. Id., iv. 289. Short at Purísima March 1837. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxii. 77. Proposition to found a school at Monterey-mentioned also by several Californians. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 131-2; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 9. Short at S. Gabriel on April 16, 1832. Bachelot on various dates from 1832-7. S. Gabriel, Lib. Mision, MS., 16, 39, 59. Short at S. Juan Oct. 1832, and called a member of the 'Sacred Congregation of the Perpetual Worship of the Most Holy Sacrament.' S. Juan B., Lib. Mision, MS., 15. Arrival at Honolulu Apr. 17th; and departure of Short Oct. 30th. Ilon., S. I. Gazette, Apr. 22, 1837; Peirce's Rough Sl., MS., 2. Robinson, Life in C'al., 122, and Mofras, Explor., i. 294-5, mention the arrival of the French priests. Alvarado, HIist. Cal., MS., ii. 191-3, tells us that Pres. Duran made their arrival an excuse to call for contributions for the cause of propaganda fide in China and Japan, and that $2,000 were collected.

28 The new-comers were Francisco García Diego, prefect, who went to Sta Clara, succeeding Viader, who left Cal .; Jose Maria de Jesus Gonzalez Rubio, S. José, succeeding Duran who went to Sta Bárbara; José María de Jesus Gutierrez, Solano, in place of Fortuni, who went to S. Luis Rey; Rafael de

319

THE ZACATECANOS.

Considering the importance of the subject, there is a remarkable absence of original records respecting the coming of the Zacatecanos and the division of the missions; though it cannot be doubted that much was written at the time which is no longer extant, as is the case respecting many important topics of mission history during these last years. It will be remembered that in 1817 the southern missions were ceded by the college of San Fernando to that of Orizaba; but on account of troubles in Mexico and of the dissatisfac- tion of Californian friars-who were, however, willing to give up the northern, deemed the poorest estab- lishments-the change was not consummated.22 The necessity for a reënforcement continued more and more urgent, and San Fernando was in a state of disorganization so complete that it could do nothing of itself; but of the negotiations of that college with others I know nothing until letters of 1832 announced from Tepic that the Zacatecanos were coming.32 The cession of the northern missions was evidently agreed upon in Mexico; but there is nothing to show to

Jesus Moreno, with García Diego at Sta Clara; José Lorenzo de la Concep- cien Quijas, S. Francisco, succeeding Esténega, who went to S. Gabriel, but soon Q. was transferred to Solano; Antonio Suarez del Real, who succeeded Jimeno at Sta Cruz, the latter going to Sta Ines; José María del Refugio Sagrado Suarez del Real, brother of Antonio, at S. Carlos, freeing Abella for the ministry of S. Luis Obispo; Jesus Maria Vasquez del Mercado, S. Rafael, in place of Amorós, who had died the year before; José Bernardino Percz, who served for a time as secretary to Prefect García Diego; and finally, Fran- cisco de Jesus Sanchez, of whom we know nothing in Cal. for S or 9 years, and who possibly was left in Baja California to arrive later. The preceding is derived from the registers of the different missions, showing merely the presence of a padre at a mission on a given date; for there is no record of the assignments and transfers, with a single exception, that of Gonzalez to S. José on Feb. 13th. Corresp. de Misiones, MS., 39-41.

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History of California, Volume III, Part 35

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824