History of California, Volume III, Part 26

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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229

A TRUCE.

comandante might choose to give it in his district on matters not involving innovations in the missions.

The military forces were promptly withdrawn to the north and south by the respective generals, and the members of the diputacion retired to San Diego, where on May 15th they held a meeting, and ad- dressed to the president of the republic a full report of what they had done for the good of California since February 24th, the date of their last represen- tation. They declared that Zamorano's action had been wholly uncalled for, and that many of the state- ments in his pronunciamiento were false. They added to their report an argument in which they presented at some length their views on the causes of the evils afflicting California-evils due largely to the detestable and anti-republican mission system, and to the pres- ence and intrigues of the friars, who sought a restor- ation of Spanish institutions. They more than hinted that Zamorano's movement had been in the interests of Spain, and they reiterated their opinion that the civil and military command should be vested in two distinct persons.16 Again at the end of December did the diputacion meet, this time at Los Angeles, to take some final steps for vindicating the record of past acts and to adjourn, since the term of several members now expired, and the comandante of the north had re- fused to take any steps for a new election.17

One more episode of the Zamorano-Echeandía con- troversy demands brief notice, namely, the exploits

16 Session of May 15, 1832. Leg. Rec., MS., i. 231-52.

17 Leg. Rec., MS., i. 222-30. Dec. 30th-31st, it was voted to send a comnu- nication to the new chief in order to hasten his arrival; to send a protest to Zamorano, holding him responsible for violating the law by preventing an election and abrogating tho faculties of tho gefe político; to notify ayunta- mientos of the dissolution of the dip., and call for acknowledgments of various exhortations to peace and good order sent to the municipal bodies; and finally to prepare a manifiesto to the people. The adjournment on Dec. 31st is re- corded in Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 76. Aug. 20, Echeandia had sent a communication to Pico on tho subject of holding elections, in which he gives directions, proposes to preside, and speaks throughout as if he deemed him- self still the gefe político. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 70-1.

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AN INTERREGNUM-ECHEANDIA AND ZAMORANO.

of Antonio Avila, a convict whom the reader will re- member in connection with the Solis revolt of 1829, and some of his companion presidiarios. It seems that Vicente Sanchez came north as soon as released from the Los Angeles jail, and in his patriotic zeal en- listed Ávila and fifteen or twenty convicts to march south and aid in restoring the 'legitimate government,' promising them, in addition to other emoluments, their liberty. In the south they abandoned Sanchez, distrusting his promises and learning that he intended to use them for private rather than public service, and wandered about for a time in different parts of the country. The people naturally were alarmed when they knew that such a band of desperadoes were at large with arms in their hands, though it does not appear that they really committed any outrages. A charge of a design to overthrow Zamorano's and not Echeandía's power was trumped up against Ávila and his men, and after several unsuccessful efforts they were captured at Pacheco's rancho, disarmed, and subjected to trial at Monterey in June. No proof of revolution- ary designs was adduced, but the convicts were kept under arrest until the new governor arrived, and were by him included in a general pardon to all comba- tants. Avila in 1833 recovered his arms, but failed to obtain permission to go to Mexico until his term should have expired, notwithstanding his disposition to serve his country shown on at least two occasions.18

From June to December 1832 all was quiet politi- cally, both in the north and south, and California un- der its dual military rule was by no means a badly

18 Avila, Papeles Tocantes á la Sedicion de Antonio Avila y otros Presidiarios en 1832, MS. Vicente Sanchez declined to testify, on the plea that he was a diputado. June 13th, Zamorano to alcalde of S. José. Says Avila's party are near Monterey, ready to present themselves on his (Z.'s) order; but as it is impossible for him to have any official relations with such people, it has been determined to capture them by force. He wants 9 or 10 men, who were later sent back because there were no muskets for them. S. Jose, Arch., MS., ii. 57. June 19th, 23d, Z. to com. of S. F., on the same subject. Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 311-12.

231

WHO IS GOVERNOR IN 1832 ?

governed territory, since we hear of neither disorders on the part of the people nor of oppressive acts by the rulers. Both parties, in fact, waiting for a new governor and a supreme decision on their past acts, were on their good behavior, and disposed to coöper- ate in the preservation of order. It may be a matter of some interest to decide who was the governor, or gefe político, of California this year. It has been cus- tomary to put Pio Pico's name in the list between those of Victoria and Figueroa; but as I have already shown, he has no claim to the honor. For some twenty days he claimed the place, which he ought to have had under the plan of San Diego, and was recognized by the four or five members of the body that elected him; but after February 16th he made no claims and per- formed no acts. Nor did the diputacion make any claims in his behalf. He refused on the date named to accept the office, and was never asked again to do so. There was no Mexican law making him gefe po- lítico without regard to his own acts, or those of his associate vocales, by virtue of his position as senior vocal. Zamorano, on the other hand, never made pre- tensions to be gefe político; in fact, one of the articles of his plan expressly declared that no such officer ex- isted.

Either there was a vacancy or Echeandia was the governor. Echeandía was declared gefe político pro- visional in the plan of November 29th and December 1st, until he should give up the office to a person named by the diputacion. That plan was successful, and on December 6th Victoria surrendered the office to him. The diputacion recognized his title, and no- body formally denied it till the 1st of February. Then Zamorano's junta declared the office to be vacant; but the plan of February Ist was never entirely suc- cessful, being accepted only in the north. After Jan- uary 27th he ought, according to his own pledges, to have surrendered the office, but he did not do so. On February 12th the Los Angeles ayuntamiento,

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AN INTERREGNUM-ECHEANDÍA AND ZAMORANO.

the only civil organization in the south, recognized him, and declared it would not recognize any other, and it never did recognize any other; though by ap- proving Zamorano's plan it virtually assented to the doctrine of a vacancy. The 16th of February Eche- andía offered to surrender the office to avoid the use of force; but his offer was not accepted. The compact of May 8th-9th contained not a word against his claims to the office, even according to Zamorano's version of that compact; and Echeandía did not re- linquish his claims, but on the contrary asserted them, and performed some few and slight acts, in the mat- ter of elections and secularization, in his capacity of gefe político.19 There was never any decision of the question by the Mexican authorities, nor in fact any necessity for such decision. If I give a chrono- logical list of rulers elsewhere in this work, I must either use Echeandía's name for 1832 or leave the place blank. Meanwhile the reader may decide for himself.

Now Californian affairs in Mexico demand atten- tion. Carlos Carrillo, the congressman, was bitterly disappointed when he heard of the revolution against Victoria. The news seemed to weaken his eloquent eulogies of the Californians as a law-abiding people. He had flattered himself on having reached the brink of success in obtaining several advantageous measures for his constituents. Probably he had made less prog- ress than he supposed, but the late events afforded the president and ministers a convenient excuse for refusing to carry out certain partial promises. All hope for a separation of the military and civil com- mands, for an organic law, for courts, for a proper

19 July 19th, Z. in a proclamation to the people refers to E.'s rejection of certain articles of the compact and to his claim to be gefe político as subjects respecting which discussion had been voluntarily discontinued on account of the expected arrival of a new gefe at an early date. Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 314. Castillo Negrete in 1835 alludes to Echeandía as 'el intruso gefe polí- tico.' Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxviii. 53.

233

CHOICE OF A NEW RULER.

distribution of lands-and he might have added, "for my appointment as gefe político"-"has gone to the devil," he complains to Guerra, "and I am placed in a most awkward position after having sung the praises of the Californians in congress."20 If we may credit Carrillo's own statements-and I find no other evi- dence on the subject-the Mexican authorities were disposed to be severe in their treatment of the revolt- ing Californians; and it was only by the most un- tiring efforts that he saved the leaders, first from death, then from banishment, and finally had them included in an amnesty granted to the rebels of Vera Cruz.

The choice of a ruler to succeed Victoria now occu- pied, as far as the interests of so distant a territory ever did, the attention of Bustamante and his advisers. Circumstances seemed to require the appointment of a strong military man. The idea of separating the commands, if it had ever been entertained, was aban- doned when the revolt was known, and at the same time Carrillo's chances disappeared, if he ever had any. Victoria says the first idea of the government was to send him back with a strong supporting force.21 Then there was a thought of appointing Zamorano, as the ranking officer in California not involved in the revolt. This was recommended by Virmond, and very likely by Victoria and Padre Peyri, but Carrillo

20 Carrillo, Cartas del Diputado, MS., 231-52. Jan. 20th, Carrillo called on the vice-president, receiving from him the news of disturbances in Cal. Busta- mante threatened to send an armed force to bring that rebellious territory to order. C. told him it would be better to take away the Mazatlan company than to send more troops, who without pay would be sure to revolt. March 15th, Virmond has arrived and given an ugly account of home affairs. Vic- toria and Peyri are expected; and Pliego will say no good of the Californians. It is said that all officers who took part in the revolt will be dismissed the service. (Such an order seems to have been issued on Mar. 20th, so far as artillery officers were concerned. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 45.) April 14th, tired of official life, of struggles against obstinate diputados, of official prom- ises never kept. Does not desire re-election, which Victoria tells him is talked of. Only by the most strennous efforts, aided by four other deputies, he has saved the Californian revolutionists from the death penalty, but not from that of banishment for 4 years from the republic. Letters of April 21st and May 11th on Figueroa's appointment. C. in later years (p. 254-7) claimed that it was by his efforts that the Californiau rebels were included in the amnesty granted to those of Vera Cruz.

21 Guerra, Doc., MS., iv. 183-4.

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AN INTERREGNUM-ECHEANDÍA AND ZAMORANO.

opposed it with all his might.22 The choice finally fell on Brevet Brigadier-general José Figueroa, an able and prominent man in Mexican affairs since 1820, comandante general of Sonora and Sinaloa for five or six years, and by reason of that position, more or less acquainted with Californian affairs. Politically he was not in sympathy with Bustamante's administra- tion, having been a supporter and intimate personal friend of Guerrero; and it is believed that his appoint- ment was a measure dictated less by a consideration of his interests or those of California than by a desire to get rid of a troublesome foe. 23

22 Carrillo, Cartas, MS., 235-6. He says that Mexico was swarming with claimants for command in the distant territories, impecunious nobodies at the national capital, but ready to put on the airs of viceroys in Cal. Id., p. 211-3. 23 The first mention I find of Figueroa in contemporary records is in a pri- vate letter of Iturbide to Guerrero, dated Jan. 10, 1821, in which he urges the patriot chieftain to put himself on the side of Spain, and asks him to send a man of his entire confidence to treat with him on the subject, naming Figueroa among several other 'individuos mas adictos á Vd.' Mexico, Cartas de Iturbide y Guerrero, p. 2. Antonio Ruiz de la Mota, one of Guerrero's men in the war of independence, a man to whom F. rendered many favors in Cal., said that F. as Guerrero's secretary took a prominent part in the negotiations by which the two leaders were united and success insured; though at one time Guerrero suspected his friend of treachery and proposed to have him shot. Torre, Remin., MS., 51-3. In 1824 F. was appointed comandante general of Sonora, and specially commissioned to organize an expedition at Arizpe to explore and se- cure the regions obstructed by savages; to inspect the mines, especially the famous 'planchas de plata;' and to facilitate communication by land with Cal. In pursuance of these instructions, he marched in person to the junction of the Colorado and Gila in 1825; but had to go back in haste to put down the great Yaqui revolt, which lasted several years. Retes, Portentosas Rique- z'18 Minerales. His efforts to open communication between Son. and Cal. are mentioned in the account I have given of Romero's expedition of 1823-6 in chap. xxii. vol. ii .; and several of his letters are included in Romero, Documentos, MS. Elsewhere in my work in connection with the annals of Sonora I have said something respecting this part of Figueroa's career; for particular allusions to him, see Pinart, Col. Doc. Son., MS., nos. 43, 52-3; print, nos. 107, 110, 180-2; Sonora, Actas del Primer Congreso Constitucional. i. 74-5; Figueroa, Observaciones de un Ciudadano, MS., 1-7; Opinion Pública de Occidente, July 30, 1829. On Sept. 5, 1828, the name of Altar was officially changed to Villa de Figueroa, and the general was formally declared a citizen of Sonora. Though of unquestioned bravery, he earned the cognomen of 'El l'acífico y Calmoso;' always used his influence against local revolutions; and was sometimes blamed for his indulgence to conquered Indian foes. He left Sonora in 1829, starting for the eastern coast to aid in repelling Spanish in- vasion, but not arriving apparently in time for that service. On Dec. 20, 1829, he issned at Durango a proclamation calling upon the people to follow him in support of Guerrero and the federal government against the rebels of Campeche and Jalapa. Atleta, Jan. 7, 1830, p. 75. In March 1830 he was ar- rested with several others by orders of (en. Bachiller in Mexico on charge of conspiracy, Id., Mar. 25, Apr. 2, 23, 1830, p. 385, 416, 507; but as he was too popular a man to be shot and too dangerous to be allowed to remain in Mex-

235

FIGUEROA APPOINTED.

Figueroa received his appointment as comandante general and inspector at a salary of $4,000 April 17, 1832, and that of gefe superior político on May 9th, with instructions from the different ministries the 17th. His general instructions took the form of supplemen- tary articles to those formerly given to Echeandía, not literally extant, as we have seen. Figueroa was to work for the perfect restoration of tranquillity, and to inspire confidence in the national government by ex- plaining the causes which had led to certain changes in the system of republican administration. He was to supply complete statistics about California and all its institutions and industries. He was to give much attention to the neophytes, with a view to improve their condition and fit them for a change in the mis- sion system. To give an impulse to trade, he must favor the exportation of surplus products and induce the missions to build small vessels. Colonization and the distribution of lands both to citizens and foreigners irere to be encouraged in accordance with the laws, several special grants being recommended, as were active efforts to extend settlement toward 42° in the north. Indian policy toward the gentiles, movements and aims of the Russians and Americans, illegal opera- tions of hunters and trappers, and abuses in connection with the rearing of cattle were among the matters to which the new ruler's attention was directed.24 Special instructions were given on the subject of secularizing

ico, he was soon released to be exiled to California as governor. He held the honorary position of vice-governor of the state of Mexico until Dec. 7, 1833. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 283, 293-4. IIe left Sonora in debt to tho fondo de temporalidades to the amount of $3,000, which sum was ordered to be collected in 1834. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxvii. 11. Carlos C'ar- rillo, when the appointment was first inade, was told by a deputy from Sonora that Figueroa was a despotie fortune-hunter, and Virmond also spoke against him; but Minister Alaman spoke in the highest terms of the new appointce, and Carrillo himself after an interview formed a favorable opinion of liim, freely expressed in his letters to Guerra, whom he advised to conciliato Figueroa's friendship by presenting him with a span of mules. On his appointment, sco Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust .- II., MS., ii. 18; Id., Angeles, xi. 2; Id., Monterey, ii. 21.

2$ Figueroa, Instrucciones Generales para el Gobierno de California dadas ál Gen. Don José Figueroa, 1832, MS. Dated May 7, 1832, and signed by the minister Ortiz Monasterio.

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AN INTERREGNUM-ECHEANDÍA AND ZAMORANO.

the missions, which in substance required the whole matter to be put back where it was before Echeandía's act of January 1831; but at the same time called for a continuance of investigation and reports with a view to an early change in the system.25 With reference to the late revolutionary troubles, Figueroa was fur- nished with full reports from Victoria, Echeandía, and the diputacion, of the quarrel as viewed from differ- ent standpoints, and was instructed, after a secret and impartial investigation, to render a comprehensive re- port. 26

The governor was provided not only with instruc- tions on his duties, but with a force of some seventy- five officers and men who were to aid him in perform- ing those duties. The soldiers, however, were cholos of a not very desirable class, from the region of Aca- pulco, but lately released from prison and pardoned for revolutionary attempts. Figueroa went to Aca- pulco in June to superintend the outfit of his com- pany, and all sailed from that port July 17th in the brig Catalina.27 The first landing was at Cape San

25 May 17, 1832, Alaman to F. in St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., ii. 33-5; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt i. 102-6.

26 Alaman, Sucesos de California en 1831, MS. Alaman also directs F. to obtain instructions from Victoria. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., viii. S. Victoria's influence is also apparent in Alaman's instruction of same date, May 17th, that Vallejo is not entitled to a seat in the dip. Id., v. 9. As for Echeandia, a pardon was sent with orders to report at Mexico. Id., xiii. 40. The com- plaints of the dip. against Victoria were also furnished; and F. was instructed to see that the dip. was renewed according to the laws, and to communicate this resolution to the complainants, as he did on July 7th. Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 316.

27 July 1, 1832, F. at Acapulco appoints Lieut-col. Manuel Martinez tem- porary chief of the infantry embarked on the Morelos for California (?). Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 54. July 5th, he announces to his soldiers their pardon, states that their imprisonment has not stained their honor, and explains that great reliance is placed in them to protect Cal. from Spaniards, Russians, and Americans. Id., iii. 67-9. July 7th, to sec. of rel. Will attend to formation of a compañía de fronteras, and the sending of mails via the Colorado on arrival in Cal. Id., iii. 52-3. July 14th, arms and munitions shipped on the Catalina, including 100 muskets and bayonets, 20,000 car- tridges, and 2,000 flints, one 6-pounder with 200 charges. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. . Mil., MS., lxxxviii. 7. July 17th, force that sailed on the Catalina with F .: Licut-col. Manuel Martincz and Lieut José Portu (who did not reach Cal.), Capt. Nicolás Gutierrez, Capt. Francisco Figueroa (brother of the general), Surgeon Manuel de Alva, 41 cavalrymen with S musicians under Sergt Estrada, 5 artillerymen under Sergt Buitron, and 9 infantrymen under

207

TROUBLE ON THE JOURNEY.

Lúcas on the 30th. Remaining here with his troops, Figueroa sent the vessel to San Blas and Mazatlan for money, additional troops, and a band of friars, all intended for California.28 The Catalina, after taking on board ten Zacatecan friars-of whose coming to California I shall have more to say in another chap- ter-with Lieutenant Rafael Gonzalez and family, besides other officers and men not specified, sailed from San Blas on August 13th, and in five days reached Mazatlan.29 Here, or at Rosario near by, Gutierrez received from the comisario general $20,000, and perhaps the rest of the $34,000 which had been promised; 30 and sailing on August 24th, the vessel touched on the 28th at Cape San Lúcas to take on board the general and his company.

That same day, the Acapulco cholos under Ser- geant Nuñez revolted, and with the aid of the sailors seized the Catalina with everything on board, includ- ing the arms and money intended for California. Though thirty-eight men besides the friars were not involved in the mutiny, they were unarmed at the moment of the outbreak and made no resistance. The mutineers, after firing some shots at the party left on shore, sailed at midnight and went to San Blas to join in the revolutionary movement of Santa Anna against Bustamante. The reënforcement of men, mu- nitions, and money was very acceptable; and it is not likely that any troublesome questions were asked about the manner in which they had been obtained.31

Sergt Nuñez-76 persons in all, including 4 women. Id., lxxxviii. 6. The price paid the vessel for transportation was $8,416. Id., lxxxviii. 7-8. May 10th, order from Mexico to com. at Acapulco to place volunteers at F.'s dis- posal. They were to have the preference in the distribution of lands. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 47-50. Only 9 volunteers seem to have been secured.

28 Aug. 4, 1832, F. to com. of La Paz. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 56.

29 Licut Gonzalez had come from Mexico, starting July 26th, to take charge of the sub-comisaría at Monterey. He kept a brief journal of his journey from day to day. Gonzalez, Diario de Mexico a California, 1832-3, MS., which, either original or a copy in the author's handwriting, was given me by his son Mauricio. Gonzalez, Memorias, MS., 55.

30 Aug. 11th, receipt of Gutierrez for 820,000. Dept. St. Pap., MS., lxxiv. 46. By this date it would appear that the Catalina had touched at Mazatlan also on the way to S. Blas.

31 Yet there was a report, or at least so F. stated to his mnen, that the

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AN INTERREGNUM-ECHEANDÍA AND ZAMORANO.

Figueroa and his men were now in a sad plight, with neither vessel, funds, arms, nor luggage. They went by land up to La Paz, where the last of the company arrived about the middle of October. The general reported his dilemma to the administrator of customs at Guaymas, who was urged to raise $10,000 and to furnish twenty-five muskets, with other supplies of absolute necessity.32 The officials at Guaymas and Mazatlan seem to have exerted themselves in this emergency with some success; for on November 12th the Catalina had returned to La Paz and was ready to carry the party northward to their destination. On that date Figueroa delivered an address of en- couragement to his men, reminding them of the evils that had overtaken or would overtake their rebellious companions, and of the good things awaiting them in California, "the land where the Aztecs lived before they came to Mexico." '' 33 They finally sailed from La Paz on December 13th, according to Gonzalez's diary, touched at Mazatlan from the 14th to the 17th, and arrived at Monterey on the 14th or 15th of January, 1833.

The news of Figueroa's appointment had arrived as early as July at least, and Echeandía on the 28th, in an address to the Californians, spoke of his joy at the approach of a new ruler, urging the people to render implicit obedience, but to be ready with the proofs of their loyalty and the reasons for having deposed Vic-

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History of California, Volume III, Part 26

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824