History of California, Volume III, Part 43

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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7 Forster's Pioneer Data, MS., 10.

8 Irving's Adventures of Bonneville, 184-8, 324-42; also given in substance in Warren's Memoir, in Pac. R. R. Repts., xi. pt i. p. 31-4. The first pub- lished narrative of this expedition was in the Jonesborough, Tenn., Sentinel, of Marchi S, 1837, a brief account from the statement of Stephen Meek, who had returned to Tennessee, and reprinted in Niles' Register, of March 25th, vol. lii. p. 50.

9 (ico. Nidever, Life and Adren., MS., was one of these. The original company of about 40 under Robert Bean had left Ft Smith in May 1830. It included Graham, Naile, Williams, l'rice, Leese, and Dye. It was divided in N. Mex. in the spring of 1831. Both Nidever and Dye give many details down to this division, and N. later. He says nothing of any instruction to explore the lake, but states that Walker when joined by the writer was bound for Cal.

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PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

followed the Humboldt down to its sink. There was trouble with the Indians along the way, respecting which the exact truth can hardly be known, except that the trappers' conduct was dastardly, though their outrages were exaggerated by Bonneville and others.10

From the Humboldt sink Walker's men crossed the desert and the Sierra into California by a route about which there is much uncertainty. Said Bon- neville to Irving: "They struck directly westward, across the great chain of Californian mountains. For three and twenty days they were entangled among these mountains, the peaks and ridges of which are in many places covered with perpetual snow. For a part of the time they were nearly starved; at length they made their way through them, and came down upon the plains of New Cali- fornia. They now turned toward the south, and arrived at the Spanish village and post of Monterey." Stephen Meek tells us "they travelled now four days across the salt plains, when they struck the Califor- nian mountains, crossing which took fifteen days, and in fourteen days more they reached the two Laries"- Tulares-"killed a horse, and subsisting on the same eleven days, came to the Spanish settlements." Joseph Meek is represented as giving the route somewhat definitely westward to Pyramid Lake, up the Truckee River, and across the mountains-by the present rail- road line very nearly-into the Sacramento Valley, and thence southward. This authority also states that they met a company of soldiers out hunting for cattle-thieves in the San José Valley, and were taken as prisoners to Monterey.11 Finally a newspaper version, founded on Walker's own statements, and corroborated to some extent by that of Nidever, gives what I suppose to have been the correct route from the sink, south-westward by what are now Carson

10 For some details, see Ilist. Utah, chap. ii., this series.

11 Victor's Riv. West. And Sebastian Peralta with a party of vecinos from S. José did meet early in Nov. a company of so-called French trappers bound to Monterey. S. José, Arch. MS., v. 27.

391

WALKER'S VISIT.

Lake and Walker lake and river, over the Sierra near the head waters of the Merced, and down into the San Joaquin Valley.12

Whatever the route, they reached Monterey in No- vember 1833; and all authorities agree that with fan- dangos and aguardiente they passed a gay winter at the capital; though somewhat strangely their presence there has left but slight traces in the archives. 13 George Nidever and John Price are the only members of the company known to have remained in California, though Frazer and Moz were probably of this party. Several other men known to have arrived in 1833 may have belonged to it.14 In the spring Walker with most of his men started to return, skirting the Sierra southward and discovering Walker Pass. Thence they kept to the north-east, and by a route not exactly known, rejoined Bonneville on Bear River in June 1834.15 That officer was altogether disgusted with

12 Biographical sketches of Capt. Jos R. Walker in Sonoma Democrat, Nov. 25, 1876; and in S. José Pioneer, Sept. 1, 1877. Thompson of the Democrat was well acquainted with Walker; and the article in the Pioneer was founded on an interview. One account says he saw Mono Lake, and the other that he discovered Yosemite. On Walker's tombstone is an inscrip- tion: 'Camped at Yosemite Nov. 13, 1833.' According to the Pioneer, 'his first attempt to descend to the west was near the head waters of the Tuol- nmne, which he found impossible; but working a little to the south-west he struck the waters of the Merced.' Nidever states that they came down between the Merced and Tuolumne, and soon arrived at Gilroy's rancho.

13 The only allusions to Walker's party that I have found are, Ist, a letter of Wm L. Saunders to Walker of June (Jan .? ) 1, 1834, in relation to a bill against S. left with Capt. Cooper for collection. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 91; and, 2d, John Price's petition for a permit to remain, in which he is said to have come with Walker late in 1834. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust .- H., MS., vii. [201].

14 A writer in the Sta Cruz Sentinel, June 14, 1873, names John Nidever. John Hoarde, Thos Bond, Daily, Capt. Merritt, Wm Ware, and François Lajeunesse as having come with Walker.

13 Irving says 'they passed round their southern extremity [of the moun- tains], and crossing a range of low hills, found themselves in the sandy plains south of Ogden's River; in traversing which they again suffered grievously for want of water.' Two Mexicans had joined the trappers on their return, and gladly aided in their atrocities. Stephen Mcek says they ' left on April 1st, and in 10 days struck the snow bank on the south side of the Salt or Califor- nia mountain. Before reaching the plains on the north side of the moun- tain, they had to leave 30 horses, 9 mules, and 25 cattle in the snow. In the fore part of May, reached St. Mary's River,' and July 4th the Bear River. Warren says the return route was nearly that of Fremont in 1842, known as the Sta Fe trail to California. Finally Joseph Meek carries his party to the Colorado, down to the Gila, back to Bill Williams Fork, across to the Colo-

392

PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

such details of "this most disgraceful expedition" as he had patience to hear. "Had he exerted a little of the lynch law of the wilderness," says Irving, "and hanged these dexterous horsemen in their own lazos, it would but have been a well merited and salutary act of retributive justice. The failure of this expedition was a blow to his pride, and a still greater blow to his purse. The Great Salt Lake still remained unex- plored; at the same time the means furnished so lib- erally to fit out this favorite expedition had all been squandered at Monterey"-so infinitely more impor- tant was it to explore the desert lake than to cross the continent !

I have thus mentioned all the parties of trappers known to have entered California in this period, ex- cept those of the Hudson's Bay Company from the north, respecting whose presence I find only a few vague allusions. Warner tells us that Young, in the autumn of 1832, found the San Joaquin already hunted, and on American Fork met Michel with a large force of Hudson's Bay Company trappers. In March 1833 John Work applied to Figueroa for a permit to get supplies for his trappers, and in April Padre Gutierrez at Solano complained of the presence of forty men at Suisun calling themselves hunters, but willing to buy stolen cattle, and otherwise dis- posed to corrupt the neophytes.16 Kelley on his way to Oregon in the autumn of 1834 was overtaken by Laframboise and party coming from the south. In June 1835 it was reported that the trappers had their headquarters upon an island formed by the Sacramento and Jesus María rivers; and in Novem-

rado Chiquito and Moqui towns, and thence north to the starting-point, accom- panied most of the way by a large party of hunters under Frapp and Jervais! 16 March 18, 1833, Work to Figueroa. March 20th, 6 beaver-hunters at Solano desiring leave to visit S. F. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 101-2. Apr. 7th, P. Gutierrez to F. Id., iii. 111. Warner, Remin., MS., 47, says that be- tween 1832 and 1840 Frapp, Breager, and Fitzpatrick of the Rocky Mountain Fur Co. cach came to Cal. with a party of trappers. See Ilist. Northwest Coast, this series.

393

THE BEAVER-HUNTERS.

ber, Laframboise, the leader of the beaver-hunters, was warned by Comandante Vallejo at Sonoma to suspend his operations.17

Over thirty hunters had been added to the popula- tion of California by the expeditions that have been mentioned, and most of them resorted to hunting and trapping as a means of living, for some years at least. This they did with and without license, with their own license or with that of another, separately or in bands of foreign comrades or in partnership with Californians and Mexicans, and paying taxes when they could not avoid it.18 Wolfskill on his arrival associated himself, as did Yount, with the earlier comers, Prentice, Pryor, and Laughlin. He built a schooner at San Pedro, and in her hunted otter up and down the coast in 1832. Being a Mexican citizen, with a passport from the governor of New Mexico, he was able to get a license, but he soon abandoned the business to become a settler. Ewing Young, with Warner and others, also engaged in otter- hunting for a time in 1832, building two canoes at San Pedro with the aid of a ship-carpenter; and with these

17 Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 55, 81. The Columbia-river trappers and traders usually retired in summer northward, to return in Sept. Vallejo speaks of orders of the govt made known to Laframboise the year before against taking beaver; but in a spirit of hospitality he offered to permit a temporary en- campment at Sonoma, otherwise the Frenchman must retire within 24 hours or be treated as a smuggler.

18 In his report to the min. of rel. on June 7, 1831, Victoria complains that he is unable to prevent foreigners from reaping all the profits of the fur trade. For want of a vessel he could not prevent fraudulent hunting at the islands, and the interior was overrun by foreigners who cared nothing for law. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 135-6. . A. B. Thompson's arrest and the seizure of his vessel at S. F. have been already noticed. Pryor, Prentice, Lewis, and White were accused of complicity with Thompson, and the confiscation of their boat and goods was ordered in Sept. 1833. Monterey, Arch., MIS., i. 29- 30; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 24-5. In July 1833 Figue- roa says that vessels have taken otter in notorious violation of law of nations, and such craft nmust be seized. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 2. 1834, a legal argu- ment citing authorities on eminent domain in the matter of taking otter. Doc. Ilist. Cal., MIS., i. 184, 134. April 10, 1834, the Russian colonial gov. reported that sea-otter and beaver would soon be exterminated by Americans, with the aid of Indians, in violation of Mexican laws. Zaralishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, 9. Alfred Robinson, Statement, MS., 18-20, gives some details about otter-hunting during this period. So does Wm H. Davis, Glimpses, MS., passim.

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PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

canoes, a yawl, and two kanakas, they visited Point Concepcion and the channel islands. Soon, how- ever, they started inland with a larger party to trap on Kings River in October. In 1833 Young trapped up to Klamath Lake and back, then made a short trip to the Gila and Colorado, and went to Oregon with horses in 1834. He lived and died in Oregon, making several visits to California to buy live-stock in later years. The presence of 'Joaquin Jóven' and his hunters is noted in the archives.19 George Nidever with Yount at first hunted on the north side of San Francisco Bay and at the mouth of the San Joaquin, and later with Sill and others on the southern coast and Santa Barbara islands

under Captain Dana's license.20 .20 This hunting under another's license was a common method of evading the spirit of the laws, and avoiding inconvenient delays; and it was profitable to the holder of the document, who exacted a large percentage of the skins taken, having it in his power to effect a confiscation of all in case of non-compliance with his demands. Job Dye represents himself as having lost five months' time and all the skins he had taken, by venturing to question Don Roberto Pardo's system of dividing the spoils.21 He later hunted in partnership with the padre of San Luis Obispo, and then made a trip

19 Elsewhere in this chapter I notice Young's departure for Oregon, with Hall J. Kelley. Oct .- Nov. 1833, a party of S. José vecinos out in search of stolen horses met Jóven's party in the valley, and recovered 27 animals, though there were many more which he would not give up. Young also visited S. José with 4 of his men. The S. José party, under Sebastian Peralta, killed 22 Moquelumnes on this expedition. S. José, Arch., v. 27; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., v. 45-6. In June 1833 Vallejo writes that 7 foreign fugitives from Monterey had passed on toward the Columbia with stolen horses. One named Oliver was found sick at Suisun, and said his com- panions had gone on to join Joaquin Joven. Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 55.

20 Brown, Narratire, MS., 27-8, mentions the operations of Yonnt and Nidever in S. F. Bay. Capt. Cooper and other foreigners got licenses to hunt in 1833-4, on condition that not over one third of their crews should be foreigners; but on one occasion Castro and Estrada were authorized to com- plete their crews with foreign sailors. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 76, 144-5, 137-8, 167, 187-9; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 3, 18.

21 In 1831 Victoria revoked Ortega's license because he allowed foreigners to hunt under it. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 1, 42, 80-1.

395

NEW MEXICAN TRADERS.

down the coast with McIntosh. Meanwhile Burton, Sparks, and others made a not very successful trip to the peninsular coasts in the Peor es Nada.

Another phase of overland communication demands passing notice. New Mexicans of Spanish blood came like the foreigners by the Colorado routes to California, where as a rule they had a bad reputation. They came ostensibly for purposes of trade, bartering sarapes and blankets for mules and horses;22 but they were suspected with much reason of driving away stolen as well as purchased animals, of inciting the neophytes to steal, and even of being in league with gentile bands of the Tulares. Complaints were fre- quent during 1831-5, but it was in 1833 that the greatest excitement was felt, as indicated by contem- porary correspondence. Early in January, the ayun- tamiento of Los Angeles passed strong resolutions on the subject, and forbade the purchase of any animal without the intervention of some local juez;23 and an attempt was made to enforce the rule and punish of- fenders, with Figueroa's authority and support. Par- ties of armed vecinos, under various jueces del campo,

22 There were of course legitimate traders, and a few New Mexicans be- came permanent and respectable citizens of California. On the overland trade I quote from the Los Angeles, Hist., 18: 'With Mr Wolfskill's party there were a number of New Mexicans, some of whom had taken sarapes and frazadas with them for the purpose of trading them to the Indians in exchange for beaver skins. On their arrival in Cal. they advantageonsly disposed of their blankets to the rancheros in exchange for mules. The appearance of these mules in New Mexico, owing to their large size compared with those at that time used in the Missouri and Sta Fé trade, and their very fine form, as well as the price at which they had been bought in barter for blankets, caused quite a sensation, out of which sprung up a trade carried on by means of cara- vans or pack-animals, which flourished for some 10 er 12 years. These cara- vans reached Cal. yearly. They brought the weellen fabrics of New Mexico, and carried back mules, silk, and other Chinese goods. Los Angeles was the central point in Cal. of this trade. Coming by the northern, or Green and Virgen river routes, the caravans came through the Cajon Pass and reached Los Angeles. From thence they scattered themselves over the country from S. Diego to S. José and across the bay to Sonoma and S. Rafael. Having bartered and disposed of the goods brought, and procured such as they wished to carry back and what mules they could drive, they concentrated at Los Angeles for their yearly return.'

23 Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. S6-7.

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PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

scoured the country to seize all animals for which no proper bills of sale could be shown, at the same time arresting offenders; and though the main success was in covering much paper with ink, yet Antonio Ávila succeeded in restoring a large band of mules stolen from San Luis Obispo mission, and in arresting one or two parties of New Mexicans, including Juan de Jesus Villapando, or 'Chino Pando,' the leading cul- prit, who soon broke jail and escaped to New Mex- ico. Other parties were pursued unsuccessfully, but all had the effect to open the eyes of the authorities to the extensive thieving operations going on. An appeal was sent to the governor of New Mexico, who was informed by Figueroa that, so general had become the outrages committed, "every man coming from that territory is believed to be an adventurer and a thief." Legal proceedings were instituted against Villapando at Santa Fé, and against the parties ar- rested in California, most of whom escaped from the jail, and a grand military expedition was sent out under Alférez Dámaso Rodriguez against the robbers. The exact result is not known, for little appears on the subject after 1833. It is probable that the archive record is incomplete, but also that this New Mexican branch of industry was subsequently conducted on a smaller scale and with more caution.24

24 March 10, 1831, gov. to com. of Sta Bárbara on the complaints he has received. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 5-6. April, arrival at Angeles of a caravan of 30 under Antonio San Estevan. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 52. Avila and Lugo sent out after thieves. Id., Angeles, i. 102-4, 112-13; Avila, Notas, MS., 9-10. Affairs of Jan .- March 1833, including complaints of padres and vecinos, official correspondence, results of expeditions, and legal proceedings. Nuevo Mexico, Expediente de Abigeato, 1833, MS. Similar papers in Los Angeles, Arch., iv. 73; Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., i. 109; xi. 3-4. Jan. 21, 1834, a party arrives from N. Mexico with 1,645 sarapes, 341 blankets, 171 coverlets, and 4 tiratas-claiming exemption from taxes under a decree of 1830. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 16. Feb. 4th, Elwell writes Hartnell that 125 New Mexicans have come to buy mules; and will probably steal what they can not buy. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 64. Feb. 21st. gov. of N. Mexico is proceeding against Villapando. Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., xi. 15. April 3d, part of José Antonio Aveita's company bound for the Tu- lares and must be arrested. Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxxviii. 17-18. July 30th, P. Abella complains of the N. Mexicans staying at his mission and selling liquor to the Indians. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt ii. 6.

397

TREATMENT OF STRANGERS.

Overland immigration being thus disposed of, I have to notice briefly several general topics of foreign relations. Californians were as a rule favorably dis- posed toward foreigners in these years, there being doubtless less prejudice against them in the minds of citizens than against the Mexicans. The benefits they had conferred in past years, and were still conferring commercially, were appreciated both by citizens and authorities, while the harm they were doing and likely to do troubled the latter much more than the former, and not even them very seriously. Notwithstanding the irregularities committed by the trappers and de- serters, foreigners were not discouraged by illiberal regulations and restrictions from settling in the coun- try; while citizenship, wives, and lands were easily obtained by those whose conduct was regular. New- comers had to comply with certain formalities, and they were occasionally reminded that they were under surveillance, but no cases of oppression are recorded.25

25 April 9, 1831, gov. to alcalde of Angeles. The 8 persons just arrived must make the declarations required by law of May 1, 1828, and give bonds for good conduct, after which cartas de seguridad will be granted. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 95-6. In Forster's Pioneer Data, MS., appen., is a carta de seguridad issued to Juan Forster by the vice-president to travel for one year in the republic. It is a printed blank filled out with name, dated April 4, 1832, and numbered 1031. Sept. 23, 1831, form of oath required from a Portuguese for naturalization. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 114. Nov. 8, 1832, six foreigners from whale-ships are on their way to S. José. They must be ar- rested and sent to Monterey. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 59. Jan. 1833, art. 9 of Monterey municipal laws. Foreigners on entering or leaving town must show their passports. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 160. April 1833, Figueroa is requested to remove from Solano to Monterey 3 turbulent and anti-catholic foreigners. Id., iii. 116. Nov. 18, 1833, F. issues strict orders prohibiting foreigners from hunting. Patrols must be sent out monthly, and all offenders arrested and treated as smugglers. Hunters who are Mex. citizens must have a license. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 93; Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., ii. 82; Id., Ben. Mil., lxxix. 16-17. May 17, 1834, F. submits to asesor García Diego's question if foreigners wishing to marry Cal. girls must have the gefe's permission, as required by Victoria. Id., iii. 14S. June 21st, dip. considers the question if married and land-owning foreigners must aid in community work of the pueblos. Leg. Rec., MS., ii. 127-8. July 25th, none of the foreigners at Sta B. have cartas or certificates. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 33. Nov. 9th, all foreigners on ranchos must appear before alcalde. Foreigners without passes and fugitive sailors to be ar- rested. Il., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., iv. 33-4; Id., Cust .- /1., iii. 14. Nov. 22d, Americans at Los Angeles protest against being obliged to do military service, except in case of an emergency, being protected by treaty between U. S. and Mexico. Id., Los Angeles, MS., i. 154-6. July 12, 1835, F. instructs the alcalde of S. Diego about the steps to be taken by Thos Ridington or any

393

PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

The danger of territorial encroachment by foreign- ers was not in these years regarded as very threaten- ing in California. True, it was sometimes alluded to by governor and congressmen, but less often and less earnestly than might be accounted for by the fact that it was the strongest argument that could be urged in pleas for attention, aid, and protection from the su- preme government. Thus Cárlos Carrillo, in his ar- gument for mission occupation of the north in 1831,26 urged that the natural wealth of California was be- coming well known to the world; and there were powers that recognized no right of domain not founded on actual possession-a threatening circumstance for that part of California north of San Francisco Bay. Victoria in the same year announced a doubtful rumor that the Americans were trying to found an establish- ment in the Tulares, informing the minister of war that he would prevent the entry of these foreigners without compromising the national dignity.27 Figue- roa's instructions of 1832 required that no obstacles be put in the way of foreigners desiring to settle in ac- cordance with the colonization laws, and especially that a projected colonization scheme of Henry Vir- mond at Sonoma-about which nothing more is known -be aided; yet the government also recommended especial care that not more than one third of the in- habitants of any settlement should be foreigners, and attached great importance to the foundation of fron- tier posts, and the strict maintenance of Mexican su- premacy up to latitude 42°, the limit fixed by treaty with the United States.28 Figueroa's efforts in this direction have already been noted; but in his report of

other foreigner desiring naturalization. 1. He must prove that he came le- gally to Cal. 2. Apply to the ayunt., his original application being retained in the archives and he receiving a certified copy. 3. He must appear before the district judge and prove that he is a catholic, a good citizen, and has a trade by which to gain a living. 4. An expediente of all these steps and documents must be presented to the gefe pol. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 49, 56; Hayes, Doc., MS., 22.

26 Carrillo, Exposicion, 8.

27 May 6, 1831, V. to min. of war. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 129-30.

28 Figueroa, Instrucciones, MS., p. 35-6.

399

SCHEMES OF ENCROACHMENT.

April 1833 he made some very serious charges against foreign residents. Not only did these adventurers hunt and trap in defiance of the laws, but they took advantage of their hunting expeditions as a pretext to explore the whole country and conciliate the gen- tiles, giving at the same time bad advice to citizens, and all with the intention, or under the guidance of men who had the intention, of eventually seizing this part of the republic.2? The Russians and Americans were chiefly feared; and the former were somewhat more alarmed about the ambitious views of the Yankees than were the Californians themselves, being in fact the parties most directly interested; though, as we have seen, Californian ambition on the part of Russia was confined to a very few individuals. Zavalishin states that repeated warnings were given in Russian reports. 30

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History of California, Volume III, Part 43

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824