USA > California > History of California, Volume III > Part 40
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91
The topic of Indian affairs, as distinguished from mis- sion annals, or relating mainly to the hostile acts of the native gentiles or refugees, assumes no special impor- tance in 1831-5, and may be noticed as appropriately here as anywhere. Local alarms of minor importance and generally unfounded need not be mentioned at all in this connection, nor the constant but petty depre- dations of prowling thieves on live-stock from one end of the territory to the other. In 1833, from Febru- ary to June, there was an excitement in the San Diego district consequent upon the reported plan of the neophytes to unite with the gentiles and seize the mission property. There was some evidence that in- vitations had been sent to the different missions; and that El Cajon was the rendezvous from which the at- tack was to be made the 20th of June. It was also rumored that the movement had a political significance, being intended to support Echeandía's views respect-
19 Warner in Los Angeles Star, 1874; Hayes' Legal Hist. S. Diego, i. 34-7; Yuba Co., Ilist., 24. Day in Hesperian, ii. 2; May 18th, Vallejo to coman- dantes, etc., in Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 32; Edwards' Diary, MS., 27. Vallejo says the contagion came first from the northern English settlements and later from Ross. He recommends vaccination and other precautions. The travel- ler from whom the account in the Hesperian was taken may have been War- ner or another of his party.
359
INDIAN HOSTILITIES.
ing the distribution of mission lands. After much correspondence between the governor and local au- thorities, including calls upon the comandantes and alcaldes for aid, a small force was sent to El Cajon under corporal Gonzalez to seize Tajochi and other ringleaders. No resistance was made, the Yuma al- lies, if there had been any such, having run away. Tajochi was sentenced after trial to two years of pub- lic work, and three of his associates received shorter terms of punishment. The political element was per- haps imaginary ; and it is not impossible that the plot for a general revolt was equally so.20 Palomares and Bojorges, old Indian-fighters, mention rather vaguely some expeditions from San José out into the valleys the same year, in one of which the name Calaveras was applied to a battle-field on which thirty unburied bodies of the foe were left. This is partially confirmed by a report in the archives of an expedition by Regi- dor Peralta from San José, in which he killed twenty- two Moquelumnes in November.21
Complaints were frequent of depredations commit- ted near each of the southern missions in 1834, and especially at San Gabriel. The Indians went so far as to steal the holy vessels used at the rancho of Sau Bernardino, and to hold Padre Esténega as prisoner for a while when he went there to protest. Lieuten- ant Araujo and others connected with the Híjar col- only were supposed to be in some way implicated in the troubles here, referred to in current correspond- ence as a 'revolt,' in which four or five Indians seem to have been killed.22 This was in October, and at the end of December San Bernardino was attacked
20 Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 89, 117-23; Id., Ben. Mil., lxxv. 5-S; lxxix. 13-14; Id., Ben. Pref. y Juz., v. 39; Id., Ang., i. 99-100; xi. 3, 9.
21 Palomares, Mem., MIS., 32-8; Bojorges, Recuerdos, MS., 9-11; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzy., MS., i. 13, v. 43; S. José, Arch., MIS., v. 27. Peralta met Joaquin Jóven (Ewing Young) and his cattle-thieves, also a party of Frenchmen.
22 Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 173-203; Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxxviii. 14-17. An expedition against the Navajos by citizens of Los Angeles is mentioned in January. Id., Ang., i. 150, 141.
300
MISSION AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
again, the buildings were sacked and burned, and sev- eral persons killed, wounded, or captured, the surviv- ors taking refuge at San Gabriel or the other ranchos. The excitement was great in January and February; but the records afford but slight information about details or results.23 The campaigns of Vallejo and Figueroa in the north, and their bloody battles with the fierce Satiyomes near Santa Rosa, which must have occurred in 1834 if at all, I have noticed else- where, expressing my opinion that, if not purely im- aginary, these events as related by several writers were grossly exaggerated.24 I may also allude to the hostilities said to have accompanied the founding of Sonoma with like incredulity.
In 1835 Vallejo seems to have marched northward from Sonoma to aid the chief, Solano, in reducing the rebellious Yolos.25 He had in view also an expedition to the Tulares in July; but it was given up.26 Rob- bers from the Tulares gave great trouble at San José and the adjoining region; and it appears that the citizens became somewhat too fond of making raids in that direction, and were apt to make no distinction between horse-thieves and inoffensive women and children. Figueroa was obliged to issue strict orders to prevent outrages.27 The native inhabitants of San Nicolás Island in the Santa Bárbara Channel are said
23 Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 1-3; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xii. 6-S, being reports to Figueroa with calls for aid. This and other similar events will be noticed somewhat more fully in local annals.
21 See chap. ix. of this vol. The writers who narrate this affair are there named. I may be in error; but I do not believe that such an event, especial- ly as it involved the death of a dozen soldiers, could have occurred without leaving some slight trace in the archives. The killing of even a single soldier in an Indian fight of those days was a very startling event.
23 l'allejo, Report on County Names, 1850, p. 532, in Cal., Journal of Senate, 1850. Charles Brown claims to have accompanied an expedition apparently identical with this. He says the force consisted of 60 Californians, 22 foreign- ers, and 200 Indians, lasting nearly three weeks in the rainy season. 100 captives were taken, and some acts of fiendish barbarity were committed by Solano and his men. Narrator was wounded.
26 Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 55, 59. Letter of Vallejo and Figueroa.
27 Dept. St. Pup., S. José, MS., iv. 164-5. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 244-6, is disposed to blame Figueroa for his leniency toward Indians, which to some extent accounted for their depredations.
361
NATIVE MARAUDERS.
to have been removed in 1835 to the main, with the exception of one woman, who was found and brought over eighteen years later.28 At San Luis Rey a plot was revealed to capture no less a personage than the governor when he should arrive from the north. An examination of arrested plotters in April indicated, however, nothing more serious than a design to protest against the granting of Temecula rancho, which the Indians claimed as their own property.29
While Indian hostilities were thus for the most part trifling as recorded, yet in one phase of the sub- ject they were much more serious than could be made to appear from a series of petty local items, even if all those items were extant, which is far from being the case. The constant depredations of renegade neo- phytes, in alliance with gentile bands, and instigated by New Mexican vagabond traders and foreign hunt- ers, kept the country in a state of chronic disquietude in these and later years, being the most serious obsta- cle to progress and prosperity. Murders of gente de razon were of comparatively rare occurrence, but in other respects the scourge was similar to that of the Apache ravages in Sonora and Chihuahua. Over a large extent of country the Indians lived mainly on the flesh of stolen horses, and cattle were killed for their hides when money to buy liquor could not be less laboriously obtained by the sale of other stolen articles. The presence of the neophytes and their intimate relations with other inhabitants doubtless tended to prevent general attacks and bloody massa- cres, as any plot was sure to be revealed by some- body; but they also rendered it wellnigh impossible to break up the complicated and destructive system of robbery. Far be it from me to blame the Ind- ians for their conduct; for there was little in their
28 Viderer's Life and Adventures, MS., 68-72. Sparks and Williams were among the men who removed the Indians in 1835, as they stated to Nidever, who himself found the woman in 1873.
29 Dopt. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MIS., Ixxx. 13-19.
362
MISSION AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
past training or present treatment by white men to encourage honest industry.30
30 Davis, Glimpses of the Past, MS., 282-9, relates at some length the ex- ploits of Estanislao and Yoscolo, two ex-neophyte chiefs. Yoscolo made a revolt at Sta Clara, seized 200 Indian girls from the nunnery, took large num- bers of cattle, and went to the Mariposa region to join Estanislao, who had run away before. Vallejo made an expedition against them, but was outgen- cralled by the Indians. Later Yoscolo made another successful raid on the missions, and retired with his force to the Sta Cruz mountains, where he was soon defeated after a hard battle, and his head exhibited on a pole at Sta Clara. There is much confusion evidently in the events thus outlined; but there is probably some foundation of fact besides what is recorded in a pre- vions chapter about Estanislao and Vallejo's campaign.
CHAPTER XIII.
MARITIME, COMMERCIAL, AND FINANCIAL AFFAIRS.
1831-1835.
ANNCAL LISTS OF VESSELS ON THE COAST-REVENUE STATISTICS-SMUG- GLING ITEMS-SEIZURE OF THE ' LORIOT'-COMMIERCIAL REGULATIONS- VICTORIA AND BANDINI-CONTRABAND -- PORTS-BANDINI AND ANGEL RAMIREZ-A DISAPPOINTED INSPECTOR OF CUSTOMS-FUR TRADE-SALT -ABEL STEARNS' OPERATIONS AT SAN PEDRO-TREASURY OFFICIALS- COMISARIOS-BANDINI, GOMEZ, GONZALEZ, ESTRADA, AND HERRERA- MINOR REVENUE OFFICERS-LOCAL ITEMS-FINANCIAL CORRESPOND- ENCE-STATISTICS-MUNICIPAL FUNDS-TAXATION-TITHES -PLAN OF WAYS AND MEANS-ALPHABETICAL LIST OF VESSELS.
NINETEEN vessels were on the coast in 1831, in- cluding one launched this year from a California port, most of them laden with goods from different lands, . chiefly from Boston, to be exchanged in the regular way for hides and tallow.1 Respecting the fleet of this year, as to a great extent of most others at this period, we have to content ourselves with the vessels' names, those of their officers in most cases, and various items of destination, nationality, tonnage, cargo, and dates, collected from many sources and embodied as
1 See list for 1831-5 in this chapter. Vessels of 1831: Ayacucho, Baikal, California, Catalina, Convoy, Dryad, Eliza, Fanny, Fibian, Globe (?), Guada- lupe, Harriet, Leonor, Louisa, Marcus, Margarita, Pocahontas, Urup, Vol- unteer, Whalehound (?), and Wm Little. The Guadalupe was a schooner of 6 tons, framed by Joseph Chapman at S. Gabriel, hauled in carts to S. Pedro, where she was put together and launched. Robinson, Life in C'ul., 100, was present at the launching, and describes her as the second vessel built in Cal. Warner, Remin., MS., 63-7, says she was built in 1831-2 for Wolfskill, Yount, and other otter-hunters. He calls her the Refugio.
Customs revenue at S. Francisco for S months in 1831, 82,419. Unzueta, Informe, doc. 9. Revenue at S. Diego, June 1830 to June 1531, 8389. Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1832, doc, 3; Prieto, Rentas, 204, doc. 2.
( 303 )
364
MARITIME, COMMERCIAL, AND FINANCIAL AFFAIRS.
before in a list note. What adventures the traders had, if any; what obstacles they encountered; what goods they smuggled; what duties they paid; what profits they gained-must be left to the imagination. There is nothing to indicate that they had any es- pecial difficulty in obtaining cargoes on account of the current political disturbances, or that controversies on commercial topics arose with Victoria.
The fleet of 1832 numbered twenty-four vessels, of which four were old acquaintances, seven were whalers, and five doubtful names from the lists of . Spence and Hayes.2 In several respects available items about these vessels are even less complete than before; but a few of these items, in the absence of maritime top- ies more exciting, may be noticed as follows: The Pocahontas carried away the exiled governor, Victoria, with some companions in misfortune, including Padre Peyri. The Waverly brought padres Bachelot and Short, who had been exiled by protestant influence from the Hawaiian Islands, and who spent several years in California as already related. Captain Sum- ner on touching at Santa Bárbara for water was ar- rested with his officers, and his vessel put under a guard; but investigation revealing no cause of suspi- cion, he was permitted to sail after a few days. The Newcastle brought Thomas O. Larkin as a passenger, and from this year a resident. The whaler Wm Thompson, after obtaining fresh supplies at San Fran- cisco, came back into port a few days after sailing with a part of her crew in a state of mutiny. By order of General Zamorano, aid was rendered to restore obedience; the mutineers were put in irons; and four deserters from another vessel were added to the crew ; but the territorial treasury could not bear the expense
2 Vessels of 1832: American, Anchorite, Ayacucho, Balance, Bolívar, Cal- ifornia, Chalcedony, Crusader, Don Quixote (?), Friend, Josephine (?), Joven Victoriano, Newcastle, Plant, Phoebe (?), Pocahontas, Roxana, Singapartan, Spy (?), Tranquilina, Urup, Victoria (?), Waverly, and Wm Thompson.
Customs revenue at S. Francisco for the year ending June 30, ISS2, $30 (?). Prieto Rentas, 204, doe. 2.
365
FLEET OF IS33.
of sending the criminals to San Blas, as was desired by the captain. Finally the Bolivar, under a permit to purchase horses for coin at San Francisco by pay- ing tonnage dues, managed to smuggle goods to the amount of $10,000, Padre Viader of Santa Clara be- ing the purchaser, if we may credit the charges of Alférez Vallejo.
There were thirty-one vessels in the fleet of 1833, including six whalers and five doubtful names.3 The Catalina, a Mexican brig, brought from Cape San Lú- cas in January Figueroa, the new governor, and the ten padres Zacatecanos, carrying away in May Ex- governor Echeandía, Congressman Juan Bandini, and Captain Barroso. The Facio brought Don Juan Fors- ter on his first visit to California, and also brought the news that Gomez Pedraza had occupied the pres- idential chair. The Volunteer on approaching San Francisco defeated in a race the Ayacucho, thought to be the fastest sailer on the coast. So states Davis, who was on the Volunteer; and the same writer re- cords the festivities attending the marriage of Thomas O. Larkin on board the same vessel at Santa Bárbara. This bark also brought reports of a privateer on the coast with hostile intent, but nothing came of it. The only other vessel requiring special mention was the Loriot, which, by reason of alleged otter-catching and other smuggling operations, was seized at San Francisco in September by Alférez Sanchez. The sails were put on shore to prevent flight, but the rud- der could not be removed. The cargo was transferred by water from the Yerba Buena anchorage to the presidio landing, and thence, as rapidly as one small cart could carry it, to Vallejo's house, where Super- cargo Thompson was at first confined. Soon he was released on bail, with John Reed on the bond, and in
3 Vessels of 1833: Alert (?), Ayacucho, Baikal, Barnstable (?), Bolivar (?), California, Catalina, Chalcedony, Charles Eyes, Crusader, Don Quixote, Dryad, Enriqueta (?), Facio, Fakeja, Friends, General Jackson, Harriet Blanchard, Helvetius, Isabel, Kitty, Layoda, Leonidas (?), Leonor, Loriot, Margarita, North America, Polifemo, Roxana, Sta Burbara, Volunteer.
366
MARITIME, COMMERCIAL, AND FINANCIAL AFFAIRS.
November, after Judge José Antonio Carrillo at Los Angeles had considered the case, both captain and vessel were permitted to depart, John C. Jones hav- ing given bonds for submission to the results of a sub- sequent trial. Of final results nothing is known. Jones, owner of several of the vessels trading at this time from Honolulu, was United States consul for the Hawaiian Islands.
Thirty-two vessels are named as being in Cali- fornia ports in 1834,4 a year in which the hide-and- tallow trade was more brisk than usual, in consequence perhaps of the unwonted slaughter of mission cattle. Items of revenue as given in my note are somewhat less incomplete than in previous years;5 and for many of the vessels there are records of the number of hides and the botas of tallow taken away from differ- ent ports, indicating that there was but little difficulty in obtaining cargoes this year. The coming of the colony on the Natalia and Morelos has been noted elsewhere; as have the wreck of the former vessel at Monterey, and the tradition of her identity with the craft that took Napoleon from Elba; and I find no circumstances connected with the presence of other vessels of the year that call for special notice.
The fleet of 1835 consisted of twenty-three vessels, besides nine doubtfully recorded, most of them in David Spence's list.6 Custom-house records are com-
4 Vessels of 1834: Avon, Ayacucho, Bonanza (?), By Chance, California, Clarita (?), Crusader, Don Quixote, Europe (?), Facio (?), Feighton (?), Jóren Dorotea, Lagoda, Leonor, Llama, Loriot, Magruder, Margarita, Martha, Morelos, Natalia, Pacífico, Peor es Nada, Polifemia, Pulga (?), Refugio, Rosa, South Carolina, Steriton, Tansuero (?), Urup, Wm Sye.
5 Miscellaneous items of revenue not belonging to particular vessels: Re- ceipts at the Monterey custom-house, July-Dec. 1834, $28,531; expenses, $2,270; balance paid to comisaría. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Cust .- II., MS., vii. [399-67]. Receipts June 30, 1833, to June 30, 1834, $50,109. Prieto, Rentas, p. 204, doe. 2-3. About 1834 the exports from S. Pedro were over 100,000 hides and 2,500 quintals of tallow. Mofras, Explor., i. 362.
6 Vessels of 1835-see list of 1831-5 at end of this chapter: Alert, Avon, Aya- cucho, Bolívar, California, C'utalina, Clementina, Clementine, Diana, Facio, Framen (?), Gange, Garrafilia, Iolani, Juan José (?), Lagoda, Leon (?), Leonor, Liverpool Packet, Loriot, Margarita, Mariquita, Maria Teresa (?), Matador(?), Peor es Nadu, Pilgrim, Polifemia, Primavera (?), Rosa, Sitka, Trinidad (?), Wilmington. Revenue statistics for 1833: Receipts at Monterey custom-
£67
COMMERCIAL REGULATIONS.
paratively complete, showing the total revenue from duties to have been about $50,000 for the year. Of the vessels, the Rosa and the Loriot were employed by the territorial government for the exile of the colony revolutionists; while the Pilgrim and Alert were the Boston ships on which Richard H. Dana had his experience of 'Two Years before the Mast,' resulting in one of the most fascinating and widely read books ever written about California. I refer the reader to a list at the end of this chapter for more particulars about the vessels of 1831-5.
I have now to notice commercial regulations and other general phases of the subject-briefly, for modi- fications were neither frequent nor radical. Governor Victoria issued an order a few days after assuming his office, by which he required a strict enforcement of the Mexican revenue laws. Declaring Monterey the only legal port, at which exclusively foreign vessels must discharge their cargoes and pay duties, he forbade the introduction of prohibited goods, the continuance of retail trade by the vessels, and the payment of duties in kind. Bandini, then in charge of the comi- saría, not only denied Victoria's right to interfere at all in matters of revenue, but defended the abuses complained of, on the ground that they had arisen chiefly from the peculiar circumstances and necessities of California, and that they had the tacit sanction of the government.7 It does not appear that Victoria's
house for the year, $48,125, though there is a variation of a few thousand dollars in different accounts; salaries and other expenses, $6,991; balance paid into the comisaría.
7 Feb. 9, 1831, V. to B. and Gomez. Sup. Gort St. Pap., MS., vii. 1; Leg. Rec., MS., i. 268-9. Mar. 7th, B.'s reply. Id., i. 269-73. April 13th, V. proposed the imposition of tonnage dnes on whalers and the abatement of the duties exacted from Russian vessels. Dept. Rec., MS., ix. 123. Echeandia represented that trade with foreign vessels had been well regulated at the be- giuning of 1831. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 43, 45. June 27th, Mexi- can regulations. Arrillaga, Recop., 1831, p. 324-46. May 17, 1832, instruc- tions to Figueroa. Commerce to be fostered and exports of surplus products, to which end the missions should be induced to build small vessels for the coasting trade; Californians should be encouraged to engage in commercial pursuits, especially in otter-hunting, with a view to drive out foreigners; and
368
MARITIME, COMMERCIAL, AND FINANCIAL AFFAIRS.
order had any real effect, though for the next four years the law requiring each vessel to come first to Monterey for a settlement of duties was more strictly enforced than before. After an understanding had been reached with the customs officers by means of state- ments, exhibition of papers, inspection and appraisal of cargo, the vessel became at once a movable sales- room, opened successively at each port up and down the coast until the cargo had been disposed of and the hides received in payment had been stored at San Diego-a process generally requiring two years of time and several visits to each port. The aim of the traders was to make the agreement at Monterey as favorable as possible; and so entirely dependent on customs receipts was the government, that the super- cargoes could often dictate terms. By the connivance or carelessness of officials, the way was often left open for a transfer of cargo at sea or at the islands, so that several cargoes could be sold under one permit. This method of smuggling was more common among the Sandwich-Island than the Boston ships; and many cargoes were thus transferred without the vessel that brought them ever entering California ports. Whalers in quest of fresh supplies smuggled large quantities of goods, and the Russians engaged to less extent in similar operations, both these classes being favored on account of the fact that their coming afforded the inhab- itants a market for vegetables and grain. So far as the records indicate, there was very little smuggling car- ried on by vessels that touched on the coast without a permit of some sort.
Under Figueroa's political administration during 1833-5, no evidence appears that changes were effected in the commercial system,8 though there were frequent
complete reports on commercial topics should be rendered. Sup. Gort St. Pap., MS., viii. 13, 35, 38-9. Oct. 26th, Zamorano approved of exempting whalers from all charges, as the sale of supplies to them was a direct benefit to the inhabitants; but he required them, like other vessels, to come first to Monterey. Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 327.
8 Jan .- Feb. 1833, Pavon, director general de rentas, to officers in Cal. about the taking of govt drafts for past loans in payment of duties. The last
369
CALIFORNIAN PORTS.
suggestions of needed reforms. In October 1833 Bandini introduced in congress a proposition to open San Diego and San Francisco to foreign trade, mak- ing Monterey, Santa Barbara, and San Pedro minor ports for coasting trade in national vessels; but he was unable to carry the point, and Monterey still re-
order was that they might be taken to the extent of 40 per cent if the balance was in money. Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., vii. 1-2. Feb. 5th, heavy ton- nage dues have driven away the whalers to the Sandwich Islands, greatly to the injury of Cal. The rate should be reduced to I real per ton. Id., Ben. C'ust .- H., ii. 8. Feb. 16th, allow no discharge of cargo without a certificate from Monterey. Let no ships enter mission harbors. Id., ii. 17. March 4th, foreign vessels mock the laws. Having paid a small duty, they manage to make several trips. Id., ii. 9. May 7th, S. Francisco and Sta Bárbara are the hot-beds of smuggling. Additional guards required. Id., ii. 13-14. May 31st, introduction of prohibited goods still continued. Any attempts of the revenue officers to enforce the laws meet with a storm of popular discontent and threats. National vessels afford no relief, selling at high prices and avoiding payment of duties on the claim of having paid in Mexico. Id., ii. 14-15. June 5th, gov. not in favor of export duties. Id., ii. 23-4. July 27th, sub-comisario favors granting permit to a Russian vessel to get salt and to salt meat without paying tonnage. Id., ii. 19-20. Sept. 19th, a full list of vessels with details must be sent to Mex. by each mail. Id., Mont., vii. 2-3.
Oct. 15th, Bandini's proposition in congress. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 54. Oct. 22d, seizure of $3,711 in gold-dust at S. Diego, from Guaymas. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxix. 38-9. Oct. 24th, decree of congress. Foreign goods brought in Mex. vessels will enjoy a discount of 20 per cent in duties. I.l., Mont., vii. 3-4. Nov. 2d, order respecting manifests. Arrillaga, Recop., 1933, p. 134-9; Pinto, Doc., MS., i. 61 2; Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., vii. 4-5. Nov. 18th, all trade with gentiles forbidden; and all traders in such cases to be treated as smugglers. Id., ii. 28; Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxix. 16; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 96. Nov. 1Sth, order from Mex. that whalers pay $10.50 each for the building of piers. Dept. St. Pup., Ben. Cust .- II., MS., ii. 2S. Dec. 27th, govt orders to be received in part payment of duties. Id., Com. and Treas., iii. 20. Aug. 21, 1834, administrator of customs to the receptor a' S. F. He must go on board of any foreign vessel arriving and demand a certificate that duties have been paid at Monterey. If she has no certificate, no part of her cargo can be landed and no trade allowed; but she must pro- ceed to Monterey. A Mexican vessel with national goods may discharge all her cargo and trade on paying duties or giving bonds for such payment; but if from a foreign port or laden with foreign goods she must proceed to Monte- rey like a foreign vessel. Lighters and boats from Ross or Bodega need not be sent to Monterey; but may trade by submitting to inspection and appraisal and paying duties. Any attempt to abuse this privilege to be punished with confiscation. Pinto, Doc. Ilist. C'al., MS., i. 115-19; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. C'ust .- /1., MS., ii. 1-3. Foreigners seem to have paid $5 per month for use of shanties and salting-places at S. Diego. Id., Pref. y Juzg., vi. 69. Aug. 6th, Figueroa's decree on duties imposed for municipal revenues. Duinelle's Colon. Ilist. S. F'co, add., 20-30; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 54. March 15, 1835, 2 per cent 'derecho de circulacion' paid on money sent from Cal. to S. Blas. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 3. July, Aug., no sailor from a Mex. vessel shall be allowed to land in Cal. without special enuse. Dept. St. Pap., MIS., iv. 47-8; St. Pap., Miss., MS., xiv. 43. Sept. 5th, Mex. custom-house regulations. Arril'aya, Recop., 1835, p. 452-5. Bandini's report on the administration of revenues in 1824-35, dated May 1833. Bandini, Informacion del Visitador de Aduanas, 1835, MS.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.