USA > California > History of California, Volume III > Part 50
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461
SIEGE OF THE CAPITAL.
ment that the revolutionists on approaching the town divided their forces, kindled fires, sounded their trump- ets and drums, and did all in their power to make it appear that their force was large; that the fort was taken on the night of arrival without the slightest resistance; that Gutierrez made no effort to defend himself, and took no precautions to avert attack; that the cannon-ball which hit the presidio was the only one in the castillo which a gun could be found to fit, the gunners being Balbino Romero and Cosme Peña the lawyer; that J. A. de la Guerra was at one time admitted to the presidio blindfolded as a representa- tive of Castro; that ammunition and other aid was obtained from the foreign vessels in port, Hinckley of the Don Quixote openly favoring the Californians, while Steele and French of the Caroline and Europe were but little more cautious in their support; and finally, that Castro's force had been much increased and that of the governor weakened by desertions from the presidio. The force at the disposal of Gutierrez has been greatly exaggerated. It could not have been over seventy-five men at the beginning of the siege, only fifty of the number being soldiers. Castro had at first about the same force, besides Graham's men.
himself ! At dawn Ramirez and Cosme Peña came to the castillo with a paper, on which was written, 'Federacion o muerte de California la suerte.' J. J. Pico, Acontecimientos, MS., 32-8, says that he was sent south with a party to intercept Portilla's 25 men who were approaching, which he accomplished (?). Hc and Pinto, Apunt., MS., 21-7, think that two shots were fired, one of which struck the church. Harry Bee's whole narrative on this affair is nota- ble only for its inaccuracy. Recollections, MS., 6-21. Osio, Hist. Cal., MIS., 308-15, gives the hour at which different events occurred, but they are obvi- ously incorrect. Mofras, Explor., i. 298-300, and Petit-Thouars, Voyage, ii. 92-9, state that Gutierrez and his officers had been promised permission to re- main if they chose, and were sent away in violation of this promise. Mofras says Larkin and John C. Jones aided the revolutionists. Wilkes, Narra- tire, v. 175-9, tells us that the ball fired was an IS-pounder, and the firing at dawn. Robinson, Life in Cal., 174-5, says the ball weighed 4 lbs. Jans- sens, Vida, MS., 72-6, by request of Escobar and Negrete, formed a patrol of citizens to preserve order during the siege. Gomez, Lo que Sabe, MS., 13-17, and others state that Francisco Soto did good service by getting into the presidio with divers bottles of brandy to promote desertion. Torre, Remin., MIS., 64-5, gives a very good account of the whole affair, but in it, as in the statements of Bandini, Ord, Coronel, Avila, and Jesus Vallejo, there is nothing not already noticed.
462
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
The castillo was taken, and the siege of Monterey began in the night of November 3d.18 During the next day several communications, some of them in writing, passed between Castro and Gutierrez, but only one of them is extant. It was written by the governor to his foe after the cannon-shot was fired, the act being rather plausibly alluded to by the writer as an 'act of violence.' In this document Gutierrez points out the inconsistency of Castro's de- mand that the gefatura should be surrendered by the same person to whom he himself had delivered it, with pleasure as he said, earlier in the year in accord- ance with laws that had not been changed. Another inconsistency of the diputacion was in wishing to exercise in advance certain powers for which that body had petitioned the supreme government. Hc declares that he has personally no desire to retain the command, which he would gladly have given up to Portilla, but the hostile movements of Castro and his associates render it necessary that he should maintain his own military honor as well as the dignity of the Mexican republic. He has accordingly determined, after consultation with his officers and the ayunta- miento, to fight to the last in defence of the laws, as is clearly his duty. Yet if Castro and his supporters desire to prevent the shedding of blood, they are in- vited, in the name of the country, of law, and of justice, to a peaceful conference with representatives of the government in presence of the ayuntamiento, at a place to be named by that corporation. Hostili- ties are in the mean time to be suspended, and the governor promises to approve the decision of the con- ference if consistent with his own responsibilities and the national honor. The tone of the letter is dignified, and shows an carnest desire to avoid further troubles.13
18 Petit-Thouars, Mofras, Wilkes, and others say it was on Nov. 2d, and there are no means of proving that it was not so; but one day and two nights are all I can find room for in the siege.
19 Gutierrez, Carta Oficial del Gefe Político & D. José Castro, proponiendo con- ferencias, 4 de Nov. 1836, MS. Two letters had been received from Castro before this letter was written.
403
SURRENDER OF THE GOVERNOR.
There is no evidence that Castro consented to the conference proposed; and at 9 P. M. a junta de guerra was held in the presidio to consider what was to be done. There were present Comandante General Gu- tierrez; captains Portilla, Muñoz, and Castillero; lieu- tenants Navarrete and Estrada; alféreces Ramirez and Valle; the surgeon Alva; Crespo, the phleboto- mist; the district judge, Luis del Castillo Negrete; the governor's secretaries, Bonilla and Gonzalez; Ro- mero, the teacher; and Zamorano, secretary of the comandancia. The officers were called on for reports. Muñoz stated that the foreigners were about to mount two guns at the houses of Pacheco and Abrego, with which to destroy the presidio. Others reported the desertion of twenty soldiers and nine convicts. It was also made known that the artillery were disposed to surrender, and the infantry had left their post. Such being the situation, it was decided after discus- sion to make an offer of surrender on condition that life and property should be protected and no insults be offered to the capitulating forec. The proposition was sent to Castro, who agreed to it verbally, requir- ing, however, a delivery of arms. This gave rise to a new debate. But it was found necessary to yield, as the garrison was now reduced to thirty-five men, worn out by fatigue and hunger, in an exposed position commanded by the artillery of the foe, while the enemy had a strong position, the support of the people and of the ships, and a force of two hundred men, "nearly all foreigners, and chiefly Americans." Castro was accordingly notified that the garrison would march out and stack their arms at the artillery barraeks. These proceedings were signed by all members of the junta, each of whom retained a copy.23
We have no further record of the surrender; but know that early on the next day, the 5th, the revo-
20 Junta de Guerra y Rendicion de Monterey, 4 de Nov. 1836, MS. This is one of the original copies made at the time, in the handwriting of Mariano Romero.
464
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
lutionist Californians took peaceful possession of the presidio. The Mexican officials, having given up their arms, went to the house of a citizen to remain until their fate should be decided. The day was devoted mainly, like several following days, to festivities of tri- umph, in which everybody-except the Mexican offi- cials perhaps-participated. I quote in continuation from the concluding portion of Alvarado's letter: "All the officers except Valle and Zamorano we have em- barked to-day on the Clementine for Cape San Lúcas, also Herrera, Luis Castillo, a few soldiers, and some of the worst convicts. .. There are no forces in the territory to resist us; on the contrary, they are waiting to join us. To-day Buelna and Villa start for Santa Bárbara to have sworn the bases of the new Californian government. The federalists will win in Mexico, and we shall remain, if fate be propitious, erected into a free and sovereign state. The officers and Gutierrez, ashamed of their aberrations and seeing liberty shine with honor, wept bitterly. Gutierrez sent a letter, confessing his faults, giving satisfaction, and expressing regret at leaving a country where he had intended to live forever. It is wonderful, uncle, with what order our expedition has been conducted. Everybody shouts rivas, for California is free!"21
The Clementine sailed from Monterey on November 11th for Cape San Lucas with about seventy passen- gers-enforced and voluntary exiles, including among the latter many of the Hijar and Padres colony who were not contented in their new home.22 Gutierrez, Muñoz, Navarrete, and the two Estradas had been put on board the vessel four or five days before she sailed, and were the only officers who were really forced to leave the country. There was much feeling against Sub-comisario Herrera and Judge Castillo Negrete, but they would have been permitted to remain if they
21 Alvarado, Carta Confidencial, MS. The date of surrender is also given in Gomez, Diario, MS.
22 Gomez, Diario de Cosas Notables, MS.
465
EXILE OF MEXICAN OFFICERS.
would have submitted to the new order of things. Castillo Negrete was very violent against the revolu- tionists. He vented in verse his spite against the men whom he regarded as leaders, Peña, Ramirez, and Hinckley, before leaving Monterey, and having sailed on the Leonidas, stopped at San Diego to incite the southerners to resistance. Don Luis never returned, but was subsequently gefe político of Baja California. 23 Portilla, Castillero, Valle, and Zamorano were permit- ted to remain in California, but the latter chose at first to depart, though he soon returned to the San Diego frontier, as we shall see, to promote southern resistance to Alvarado. The Clementine after landing her passengers at Cape San Lúcas returned to Mon- terey in December. The Californian leaders have been
28 His verses were as follows:
A California ha perdido La turbulenta anarquia De su gobierno escogido Por eso lo ha conducido A accion tan atroz y fea;
Y para que al mundo vea El tal gobierno como anda Del triumvirato que manda To voy á dar una idea. El proto-libertador Primer hombro del Estado E's un fraile renegado Gran perjuro y gran traidor De oficio administrador.
Es de muy uncha conciencia Derrochador sin clemencia
Sagaz revolucionario Jugador y perdulario Sin Dios, ni patria, ni ciencia. Ocupa el lugar segundo
En el Californio Estado
Un filósofo relajado
Cibarrita é inmundo ;
Que quiere rejir el mundo Bebiendo mezcal sin taza
Y con alma bien escasa ; Pues de sabio es presumido
Cuando el pobro no ha podido
Saber gobernar su casa. Del Estado es Almirante
Y privado consejero U'u naveganto extrangero Contrabandista intrigante Estafador y bien pillo Con el cual cumplo el trecillo Que gobierna torpemento Y que abusa impunemente Del Californio sencillo I
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 186-7; Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 159-68. The charges embodied in this rhyming tirade were for the most part well founded, so far as the three victims were concerned; and the space devoted by Alvarado and Vallejo to their refutation shows that Don Luis chose well his weapon of annoyance.
HIST. CAL., VOL. III. 30
466
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
accused of having acted in bad faith when they exiled Gutierrez and his companions. The charge has no foundation; there was no stipulation that they might remain; and to have permitted it would have been a very stupid proceeding. I add some brief notes re- specting the men who went away at this time.24
24 Of Nicolás Gutierrez, his life and character, all that is known has been told in this and the preceding chapters, and in chap. x. of this volume. He came to California as a captain with Figuoroa in Jan. 1833. His terms of office as ruler ad interim of the territory were as follows: Comandante general from Sept. 29 (assumed office Oct. S), 1835, to Jan. 2, 1836; gefe político and comandante general, Jan. 2d to May 2d; and from Ang. I to Nov. 3, 1836. He took away with him some trunks containing effects belonging to the late Jose Figueroa. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxxi. 34. Nothing is known of him after he left California, except that on April 21, 1837, he wrote from Mazatlan to Joaquin Gomez that he would probably see him back again soon in command of an expedition that was being prepared. Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxii. 83.
Licenciado Don Luis del Castillo Negrete was a Spaniard, his father hav- ing been an attorney of the council of Indies. He was educated at Alcalá, Toledo, and Granada in philosophy, mathematics, and law, leaving Spain after 1820. These facts appear from diplomas and certificates shown in Monterey. Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 180-9, with samples of some of his literary productions, one of which I have already presented. He arrived at Monterey Sept. 25, 1834, Sia Cruz, Arch., MS., 77, with his family, having been appointed district judge of Cal., of which office he took possession on Oet. Ist. He also acted as legal adviser to Gov. Gutierrez. After leaving Cal. Don Luis was sub-gefe político of Baja California from May 1837 to June 1842. See Hist. N. Mex. States, ii. In March 1839 he was trying to collect back pay due for his services in Cal. Dept. St. Pap., Ben., MS., v. 344-5. He died Nov. 25, 1843. Moreno, Doc., MS., 21. He is represented as having been a very able lawyer, and a brilliant, accomplished gentleman. The Californians say he was unscrupulous; but this may have been because he was inclined to ridicule rather than sympathize with their political pro- jects. Alvarado and his associates would have liked to secure his coopera- tion, but this was not consistent with his official position and his plans for the future; besides, he had a great dislike for Angel Ramirez and Cosine Peña, the latter being not only a rival lawyer but a rival poet. Don Luis had a brother who was a general in the Mexican army; and a Luis del Castillo Negrete, who in 1871 was a diputado in Sinaloa, Ures, Estrella del Occidente, Jan. 5, 1872, was perhaps his son or nephew.
Francisco Javier del Castillo Negrete was a brother of Luis, who came to Cal. with the judge; served as Gov. Chico's secretary; perhaps sent by Chico, just before his own departure, on a mission to Mexico. He was subsequently comandante of the frontier in Baja California. In Aug. 1854 he was in San Francisco in very destitute circumstances, as he wrote to Gen. Vallejo. l'a- Il jo, Doc., MS., xiii. 379. Francisco is said to have had some of his brother's brilliant qualities, being somewhat less reserved and more popular.
José María Herrera first came to Cal. in 1825 with Gov. Echeandia, as comisario de hacienda for the territory. Of his early life, or any part of his record outside of Cal., I know nothing. With his career here, his quarrel with Echeandia dating from 1827, and his expulsion from the country in 1830 for complicity in the Solis revolt, the reader is already familiar. Sce chap. iii. of this vol. Herrera came back in 1834, at the same time as Castillo Negrete, to resume his old position and manage the territorial finances. Dur- ing this second term he engaged in no controversies officially, and so far as
467
CASTRO AS GOVERNOR AND GENERAL.
As commander-in-chief of the victorious revolution- ary army, José Castro was comandante general of California from November 5th, the date of Gutierrez's surrender, to the 29th, when his successor assumed the office, and as president of the diputacion, he was governor for a still longer period, until December 7th. It has been customary to date Alvarado's rule from the fall of Gutierrez, and to ignore Castro altogether in the list of rulers for this period; but in reality, Alvarado at this time had no authority, whatever his influence may have been. Don José was a grandson of Sergeant Macario Castro,25 and a son of Corporal José Tiburcio Castro, who had been alcalde of San José. His mother was an Alvarez. He was born
can be known, gave no cause for complaint. His name, however, became again disagreeably prominent in connection with the troubles growing out of the scandalous liaison between his wife, Doña Ildefonsa Gonzalez, daughter of Capt. Miguel Gonzalez, and José María Castañares, as fully narrated in chap. xv. Herrera is described as of medium height and inclined to corpu- leney, with fair complexion, black hair, and thick beard. He was affable in manner, of much business ability, skilful in argument, and well educated. Some leading Californians have given him a very bad character, under circum- stances known to the reader. I do not undertake to decide just to what ex- tent the charges rest on prejudice. A man of the same name was contador of the custom-house at Guaymas in 1839. Pinart, Col. Doc. Son., MIS., iii. 116.
Capt. Juan Antonio Muñoz was appointed in 1830 to proceed to Cal. and succeed Alf. Fernandez del Campo in command of the artillery. He arrived late in 1832 and was offered by Zamorano the comandancia accidental, but de- clined, remaining inactive until Figueroa came, Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 79- 82, and then took his proper command. There is nothing to be noticed in his Californian carcer of four years, except that he was very much disliked by the people; and I find no record respecting him before his arrival or after his departure in exile in 1836.
Lieut Bernardo Navarrete came with Figueroa in 1833. In Aug. 1834 he was commissioned captain of the Monterey company; but there is no record that he received the commission before his banishment in 1836. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxix. 83. Chico proposed to send him on a commis- sion to Mexico, but Francisco Castillo Negrete seems to have gone in his place. He commanded the cavalry during the final siege of Monterey. Like Muñoz, he was disliked by the Californians, for reasons which, except his be- ing a Mexican, are unknown.
Alférez Patricio Estrada was also sufficiently under the ban of Californian displeasure to be sent away in 1836. He had come with Echeandia in 1825; commanding a detachment of the Piquete de Hidalgo.
Nicanor Estrada left the country in 1835, not in the Clementine, and perhaps voluntarily. He worked as a blacksmith. In Mexico he had been a captain of cavalry, and came with the colony as a kind of political exile. In Nov. 1835, notice was sent that his rank had been restored. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MIS., Ixxxi. 1.
25 See biographical sketches.
468
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
about 1810, and his early educational advantages had been substantially the same as those of his companions Alvarado and Vallejo, though he had profited by them somewhat less than either of the others, being less observant and ambitious. He had no experience as a soldier or in clerical duties; but he had served sev- eral terms as vocal in the diputacion; had sometimes presided over that body, and had once, as its presi- dent, been gefe político ad interim, from September 1835 to January 1836.
The popular movement having proved successful, the Mexican ruler having been deposed, and these victories having been properly celebrated in fiestas at the capital, it became necessary to organize the gov- ernment under a new régime. The plan of the pro- nunciamiento, drawn up on November 3d, but not extant, would seem to have been rather vaguely worded, so as not to make it quite certain what the revolution was to accomplish. The leaders have been accused of making it vague intentionally, or worse still, of having promised to declare California entirely independent of Mexico, in order to secure foreign support, subsequently breaking the promise. I have no reason to believe that any such pledge was made. At any rate, Alvarado knew well that popular feeling would not support such a step; and it is probable that from the first the intention had been merely to insist on Californian rulers, under the pretence of a revolt against centralism. Doubtless a pressure was brought to bear by Americans, after success had been achieved, in favor of absolute independence. Indeed, it is said, and I have heard Alvarado himself admit, that a lone- star flag had been prepared; and the project of raising it over the presidio was discussed. Possibly Alva- rado was not personally much opposed to the plan, but he feared, while respecting, the influence of foreigners. His associates were yet more timid; op- position was feared from the south even to changes less radical; his Mexican supporters protested against
469
THE NEW GOVERNMENT.
disloyalty to the federal constitution; and David Spence and other foreigners deemed it wise to curb American ambition. The Californians hesitated, if at all, but for a moment; the Texan experiment was not to be tried in California, and the Mexican flag still waved over the capital. 26
The day after the surrender of Gutierrez, Novem- ber 6th, the diputacion met, that is, four of its men- bers did so. I am unable to explain why Spence, Gomez, and Crespo took no part in this and subsequent meetings. Respecting the proceedings at this and other sessions, we have no other record than the printed addresses and decrees issued from time to time. The first of these, signed by Castro, Alvarado, Buel- na, and Noriega, was an address of congratulation to the people.27 The second production was a record of
26 Bandini, Hist. Cal., MS., 85-6, says the persons who favored inde- pendence were chiefly Mexicans. Mofras, Explor., i. 300, tells us that the Americans had a lone-star flag all ready, which they wished to hoist, putting Cal. under the protection of the U. S., and promising the aid of the Peacock which would soon return; but the Mexicans Penia and Ramirez, Spence, Amesti, Munrás, and Delcissèques succeeded in preventing the movement. Petit-Thouars, Voyage, ii. 99, gives in substance the same version, and adds that the Americans then withdrew in disgust, except a few riflemen who got $2 a day for their services. Wilkes, Narr., v. 178-9, says the courage of Al. varado and the diputacion failed them at the last moment, and they refused to keep their promise of raising the flag-adding some absurd details. Gleeson, Ilist. Cath. Church, i. 148-9, follows Mofras. Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 27, 38-9, insists that the lone-star flag was actually raised, and that Castro trampled the Mexican flag under foot. Inocente Garcia, the standard- bearer, claims to have prevented Capt. Hinckley and others from raising the new flag on one occasion, and to have insisted on hoisting the national banner. Robinson mentions the Texan flag which was said to have been prepared. Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 199-204, admits that he thought favorably of putting Cal. under a European or American protectorate.
Robinson, Life in Cal., 177, says that several Mexican vessels in the har- bor were seized and afterward released. It is claimed by Alvarado, Vallejo, and others that they had some difficulty in preventing outrages on Mexicans, instigated largely by Graham and his men. It was partly to save them from injury and insult that Gutierrez and others were kept on board the vessel for some days before she sailed.
27 'The most excellent diputacion of Alta California, to its inhabitants: Californians : Heaven favors you; you are doubtless its chosen portion, and therefore it is leading you with propitions hand to happiness. Until now you have been the sad victim of servile factions, whose chiefs, content with a passing triumph, taxed to the utmost your long-suffering patience. As obe- dient sons of the mother country, and faithful defenders of your dear liber- tics, you swore solemnly before God and men to be free, and to die rather than be slaves. In this spirit, you adopted forever, as a social compaet to direct you, the federal constitution of the year twenty-four; your government was
470
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
proceedings at the extra session of November 7th, signed by the same men and published as a circular. At this meeting the plan of the original pronunciamiento was submitted for revision and approval. This docu- ment in its original form is not given, and it is conse- quently impossible to state what changes were intro- duced. It had been somewhat vaguely worded, and perhaps intentionally so; but Alvarado explained that its informalities were due to the haste and confusion of the campaign, since the intention of the pronun- ciados, as was well known, was simply to resist the oppressions of the rulers sent from Mexico since the adoption of the new system; and he moved that the plan be drawn up as in the appended note. 23 This
organized at cost of immense sacrifices, which unnatural sons trampled on, ignoring them in order to found upon your ruins their own fortune and crim- inal advancement; and when it seemed that you were already the sure patri- mony of the aristocratic tyrant, you boldly waved the banner of the free: "Federation or Death is the destiny of the Californian." Thus have you shouted, and a cry so sweet will be indelibly engraved upon your hearts, in whom (sic) the sacred fire of love for the country is seen to burn incessantly. You have tasted the sweet nectar of liberty ; the bitter cup of oppression may not be tendered you with impunity. California is free, and will sever her relations with Mexico until she ceases to be oppressed by the present domi- nant faction called central government. To accomplish so interesting, so grand an object, it remains only that we, the inhabitants of this soil, united, form a single wish, a single opinion. Let us be united, Californians, and we shall be invincible, if we use all the resources on which we may count. Thus shall we make it clear to the universe that we are firm in our purpose, that we are free and federalists ! José Castro, Juan B. Alvarado, Antonio Buelna, José Antonio Noriega. Monterrey, Nov. 6, 1836.' Government Press in charge of citizen Santiago Aguilar. 1 leaf.
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