History of California, Volume III, Part 29

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

USA > California > History of California, Volume III > Part 29

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

Tit. xii .- Treasury .- Art. 67. The surplus of municipal funds, and rev- enue from branches which the dip, and govt may designate, will constitute a fund for general expenses of the territory and the ordinary expenses of the dip. 68. To administer the fund, a person outside of the corporation shall be chosen, who, besides being of 'notorious integrity,' shall give bonds. Salary to be fixed by the dip. 69. The distribution of funds shall be made by tho treasurer as he may be ordered; and he must render a monthly cash account.

Tit. xiii .- Audience .- Art. 70. Spectators must wear no arms, show re- spect and silence, and take no part in discussions by any demonstrations. 71. Any person disturbing order will be ordered sent out by the pres .; or if the offense be grave, arrested and delivered within 24 hours to the proper judge. 72. When such means do not suffice to prevent disorders, the pres. will adjourn the public session and continue a secret one. 73. The same course to be adopted when prudent measures fail to restore order when dis- turbed by members.

Tit. xiv .- Observance of the Reglamento .- Art. 74. This regl. is to be ob- served by the dip. provisionally. 75. Its observance will be absolute when it shall have been approved by the federal congress. 76. The dip. may re- solve doubts respecting the articles, in accordance with art. 74-5, and may add to or amend them, reporting to congress.

23 Vallejo's report was dated May 5, 1833. Vallejo, Doc., MS., ii. 140. All that remains to be said of the Russians in California, from IS31 to 1846, will be found in chap. vi., vol. iv., Hist. Cal.

2G All that is known of this earliest ocenpation is contained in three letters of Vallejo to Figueroa, the first dated Oct. 3, 1833, in S !. Pap. Miss, and

256

FIGUEROA'S RULE-HÍJAR AND PADRES COLONY.

May 1st to the diputacion, Figueroa mentioned the plan for northern settlement, but said nothing to in- dicate that any actual progress had been made.27 The 14th of May, however, he sentenced a criminal to serve out his term of punishment "at the new estab- lishment about to be founded at Santa Rosa." ?? 23

In June the rancho of Petaluma was granted by the governor to Vallejo, and the grant approved by the diputacion, this being virtually an end of the mission claim.20 Respecting subsequent developments of 1834-5 in the Santa Rosa Valley, the records are not satisfactory; but Figueroa, hearing of the approach of a colony from Mexico, resolved to make some prepa- rations for its reception, and naturally thought of the northern establishment, which he resolved to visit in person. All that we know positively of the trip is that he started late in August, extended his tour to Ross, examined the country, selected a site, and hav- ing left a small force on the frontier, returned to Mon- terey the 12th of September. 30 To these facts there

Colon., MS., ii. 316-17; the second, of Jan. 8, 1834, in Vallejo, Doc., MS., ii. 211; and the third, merely stating that the padre had consented to the settlers' remaining temporarily, of Jan. 13th, in Id., ii. 21S. It is in the latter letter that I find the name Sta Rosa applied to the region for the first time, though the valley had been certainly once and probably several times traversed by the Spaniards. There is a newspaper story to the effect that in 1829 Friar Aniaras (Amorós?) with a single companion wandering northward from S. Rafael, went up the Chocoalami stream to Lucas Point, where they baptized an Indian girl on the day of Sta Rosa, being driven away immediately after the ceremony by hostile gentiles. Gilroy Leader, March 19, 1875, and other papers. Fernandez, Cosas de Cal., MS., 87-8, also speaks vaguely of attempts in 1829 to found an establishment at Sta Rosa. It is very probable that the padres from S. Rafael or Solano reached this region on several occasions, and that the name Sta Rosa was applied from the day, during one of these visits, when some particular locality was explored or some notable event occurred; but I have found no original record of these occurrences.

27 Leg. Rec., MS., ii. 48. He allndes, however, rather to the foundation of a fort than to settlement.

28 Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxviii. 23.

29 Leg. Rec., MS., ii. 118-22. Vallejo's claim to Petaluma as finally con- firmed by the U. S. authorities rested on a later grant by Gov. Micheltorena. 30 This is Figueroa's own statement in his Manifiesto, p. 7, except the tine of starting, about which I know only that F. was still at Monterey on Aug. 21st. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 172. I find not a single document in any ar- chive bearing on the subject. Vallejo, ITist. Cal., MS., iii. 22-7; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 33-4; and Fernandez, Cosas de Cal., MS., 91-5, give long and circumstantial narratives, the last taken, as is claimed, from F.'s report to the min. of war, of F.'s expedition to the north, which they represent as

257

PLOTS OF GUERRA, DURAN, AND PICO.

may be added, as probably accurate, the statements of several Californians, to the effect that the site selected was where Vallejo's settlers and the Solano neophytes had already erected some rude buildings, that the new place was named Santa Anna y Farías, in honor of the president and vice-president of Mexico, and that the settlement was abandoned next year, because the colonists refused to venture into a country of hostile Indians. 31

An amusing episode of this year's history was a charge of conspiracy against "those irreconcilable foes of our country, Captain Don José de la Guerra y Norie- ga, Fr. Narciso Duran, Fr. Tomás Esténega, and Ser- geant José Antonio Pico." The revelation reached the capital May 26th by a special messenger, who brought letters from Angel Ramirez, Antonio M. Lugo, and Padre Blas Ordaz, to the effect that Duran and Guerra had ridiculed often the federal system, that mysterious papers had been signed, that money had been trans- ferred from San Gabriel to Santa Bárbara, and that the soldier Romero had been made to sign a paper by Pico without knowing its purport. Figueroa hast- ened to convene the diputacion in secret session to consider the momentous news. All the members were

an Indian campaign. Vallejo at the new settlement had some trouble with the Satiyomes under Sucarra, and a series of bloody battles ensued. The Indians were defeated, losing hundreds in killed and captives; but many soldiers were also killed; and finally Vallejo sent to F. for aid, and he came in person with a large force. The Indians were frightened and made a treaty. This is but a bare skeleton of the story, because, in the absence of any origi- nal evidence, I deem it either wholly unfounded or a gross exaggeration of some very trifling hostilities. If the expedition be considered a distinct and subsequent one from that mentioned by Figueroa, the improbabilities of the statements are increased rather than diminished. Richardson, Ilist. Vallejo, MS., and in the New Age, and Napa Reporter, Oct. 17, 1874, tells a similar tale.

31 In a letter of June 24, 1835, Figueroa alludes to a town which had been outlined and begun-but apparently abandoned-at Sta Rosa; but no name is mentioned. St. Pap., Miss, and Colon., MS., ii. 406. Vallejo, Ilist. C'al., MIS., iii. 10-11, says Zamorano surveyed the site, and F. struck the first blow. Juarez, Narracion, MS., 1-2, says the site of Santa Anna y Farias was on Mark West Creek. An article in the S. José Pioneer, July 20, 1878, affirms that it was on the land of the late Henry Mizer, just where Mark West Creek de- bouches into the Sta Rosa plain, near a large redwood tree! Several Califor- nians state that F. was at the new town in the spring of 1833, but this was hardly. possible.

HIST. CAL., VOL. III. 17

258 . FIGUEROA'S RULE-HÍJAR AND PADRES COLONY.

in favor of decisive measures; José Antonio and Cár- los Carrillo, believing their personal influence would check any outbreak that might result from "ignorance and blind confidence in the Spanish friars," were in- structed to proceed to the south at once; and a com- mittee favored the arrest of the accused, and granted the governor all needed powers to act. That same day numerous orders were despatched southward to military officers. Troops were ordered from place to place; the general prepared to maintain at any cost the republican integrity of California, and Captain Gutierrez was intructed to arrest the conspirators and bring them to an immediate trial. In five days José Antonio Carrillo reported the charges unfounded. In August Gutierrez reported to the same effect; and Figueroa decided accordingly that the good fame of the parties involved was unimpaired. Alfred Robin- son gives probably the key of the mystery, when he states that Guerra was negotiating for the purchase of a rancho, an operation requiring a search of the archives at San Gabriel, long conferences, and the sig- natures of several witnesses. It was the remark of one of the latter, an ignorant fellow, distorted by the personal enmity of certain persons, which created such commotion at the territorial capital.32

I may note in passing that the junta of partido electors met at Monterey October 16th-19th, and chose José Antonio Carrillo as deputy to congress for 1835- 6, to succeed Bandini, who, as we shall see a little later, had already returned to California. Mariano G. Va- llejo was elected as substitute.33 I may further allude to the fact that Figueroa sent to the supreme govern- ment a comprehensive report on revenues and their administration,&# and the kindred fact that complaints

32 Leg. Rec., MS., ii. 2-10. Communications of May 26th, 27th, 31st, Aug. 2d, 6th, in Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 149-56; 170-1; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxviii. 23-39. Robinson's Life in Cal., 157-9.

33 Actas de E'ecciones, MS., 19-21; Guerra, Doc., MS., vii. 159-63; Vallejo, Doc., MS., ii. 313, 340.

34 Figueroa, Cosas Financieras de Cal., 1834, MS. Dated Nov. 28th. The document will be noticed later.

259

THE COLONY PLANNED.

of destitution among the troops caine in frequently, especially from the south. Figueroa, even, could not feed and clothe troops to their satisfaction with fine words and loyal purposes. As of old, the missions were often called upon for supplies.

Let us turn backward to 1833, and southward to the capital of the republic, where Californian affairs were attracting more attention perhaps than ever before. This was largely due to the influence of José María Padrés, whose schemes of a few years before are fresh in the mind of the reader, and were by no means aban- doned when their author was sent out of the country by Victoria in 1831. He left behind a party of ar- dent supporters in the far north, and went away vow- ing to return with full powers to carry out his pro- posed reforms. Of his influence and actions during 1832, and of his relations with Congressman Carrillo, nothing is known; but, not being politically in sym- pathy with the administration, he probably kept some- what quiet in public and awaited his time. Privately, however, he was loud and enthusiastic in his praises of California, and labored earnestly to interest his friends in that country as a field for colonization. Many were led to regard his plans with favor, the most prominent of the number being Jose María Híjar, a gentleman of property, influence, and reputation. By the spring of 1833, the two had devised a project of taking a colony to California, and had made some progress toward its realization.

Now fortune began to smile on the empresarios most remarkably. In April Valentin Gomez Farías, a warm personal and political friend of Padrés, and perhaps already interested in his scheme, was elected vice-president, and became acting president on the retirement of Santa Anna. Soon, perhaps in June, there came the news that Figueroa was ill and de- sired to be relieved of office, which would throw the military command into the hands of Padres himself, he

260

FIGUEROA'S RULE-HÍJAR AND PADRES COLONY.

as ayudante inspector being already second in rank.35 Better still, he succeeded through his influence with the president in obtaining for his associate Híjar on July 15th the appointment of gefe político.36 Next day the same man was appointed director of coloniza- tion, or of the colony in process of organization, and of the new establishments to be founded in California. He was to receive a salary of $1,000, in addition to that of $3,000 for his services as political chief, and he might name a secretary to receive $1,500.37 Padrés himself, by the minister of relations, at what date does not appear, was made sub-director. About this time there appeared on the scene to represent California in congress a new deputy to take the place of Car- rillo-none other than Juan Bandini, who as luck would have it was one of Padres' northern disciples, and who lost no time in identifying himself with the new schemes.33 Largely by influence of the com- bination, the law of August 17, 1833, was passed,

35 July 12, 1833, Padres ordered to assume the command if his chief should continue disabled on his arrival. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 288; Fi- queroa, Manifiesto, 4. Sept. 12th, Com. gen. announces that P. is ordered to Cal. to take command if F.'s illness continues. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., ii. 57. The order was answered by F. on July 18, 1834, by a statement that his health was restored.

36 July 15, 1832, García to Figueroa, who was at his own request relieved with thanks for his faithful services. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 206-7; Figueroa, Manifiesto, 5-6. This was received in February, and answered on May 18, 1834, of course with a promise to deliver the office to Hijar on his arrival.

37 July 16, 1833, García to Hijar. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 207-9. Sept. 17th, Com. gen. Mendoza at Arizpe to Sub-com. Herrera, an- nouncing Híjar's appointments and salary.

38 Bandini. it will be remembered, had been elected in March. May 7th, ad- ministrator of customs at Monterey could give B. only $100 of $400 due him as dietas. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. C'ust .- H., MS., ii. 13. He had sailed from S. Diego in May 1833. July 29th, a bill by Bandini in 10 articles on the favorite sub- ject of dividing the commands and granting an organic law received its first reading in congress. St. Pap .. Sac., MS., xviii. 51-3. It will be remembered that this same month, at S. Diego, Figueroa wrote an argument against the measure and a warning against B.'s revolutionary schemes. Aug. 6th, Bandini announces to the Californians that he has assumed his functions and will do all in his power for their interests, the national authorities being well dis- posed. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., x. 5. The announcement took the form of a printed address to his constituents, preserved also in the Pioneer Soc. Library, S. Francisco. Of Carrillo I hear nothing in 1833, except that on Jan. 27th, perhaps as he was starting homeward, the comisario was ordered to pay him $3,000 for viaticos. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., ii. 64; and in 1834, $500 was paid him on the account. Id., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxi. 4.

201

GOOD FORTUNE AT THE BEGINNING.

requiring immediate secularization of the missions; and a supplementary decree of November 26th au- thorized the adoption of such measures as might be necessary to assure colonization and carry seculariza- tion into effect, using "in the most convenient man- ner the revenues of the pious fund to furnish resources for the commission and the families now in this cap- ital bound for that territory."39 I may add that be- sides the vice-president, the diputado from California, the territorial gefe político, and the prospective co- mandante general, Padrés numbered among the ad- herents of his plan our old friends José María Her- rera, now re-appointed sub-comisario of revenues, and Angel Ramirez, who was sent to take charge of the Monterey custom-house. Truly, the ayudante inspect- or's star was in the ascendant, all obstacles to the success of his schemes, whatever those schemes were, being apparently removed.

Respecting the organization of the colony itself, we have but little of original record. The terms of- fered were $10 to each family at the start, transporta- tion by land to San Blas, three reals per day to each person for rations during the march, free passage by sea from San Blas to California, a farm from the public lands for each man, rations to the amount of four reals per day to each adult and two reals to each child for a year, and a certain amount of live-stock and tools-all the aid received after arrival, apparently in the nature of an advance, to be repaid by the colonists later. The system did not differ materially from that under which earlier colonists had come to California.40 The

39 Copies of the secularization decrees of Aug. 17th and Nov. 26th will be given in chap. xi. Figueroa's regulations of Aug. 9, 1834, were in accord- ance with the former.

40 The $10 advance, 37.5 cents for travelling, and free passage by sea, are mentioned in Híjar's original appointment. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., ii. 207-8. Most of the colonists in their statements say that the allowance for food, etc., on the march was 50 and 25 cents. Accounts rendered in Nov. 1834 show the ration in Cal. to have been 50 cents, and 25 cents to children under 4 years; and the advance of live-stock to have been 4 cows, 2 yoke of oxen, 10 horses, and 4 sheep to each man. Implements included 2 ploughs and a variety of shovels, axes, hoes, crow-bars, etc. Id., ii. 274-80. See also Hijar's instructions, to be mentioned later.

262

FIGUEROA'S RULE-HÍJAR AND PADRES COLONY.

result was, that more than 250 persons were enlisted, of whom 204-99 men, 55 women, and 50 children- were entitled to rations and other aid after their ar- rival in the promised land.

Híjar and Padrés, like other colonization agents in all times and countries, painted the attractions of the country in bright colors. Then, as in much later times, California was represented, in respect of climate and other natural advantages, as an earthly paradise. There is little evidence, however, that these men made false promises, or went far beyond the limits of honest enthusiasm. Some of the Californi- ans speak of promises to distribute the mission wealth, including the neophytes as servants; of promised op- portunities to gain an easy fortune by employing na- tive otter-hunters and pearl-seekers, or to live luxuri- ously in idleness; and of other inducements equally absurd and false; but the testimony of respectable citizens who were members of the colony does not con- firm these theories. Again, it has been the fashion to ridicule the material of which the colony was com- posed,41 as having been altogether unfit for colonists. The truth is, that the men were of a class far superior to any that had before been sent as settlers to Cali- fornia. Many were educated, some had property, and all had a trade or profession. There was a notable ' absence of the low and criminal classes of Mexicans; and the subsequent record of those who remained in the country was favorable. True, they came mostly from the city, and the number of artisans was some- what too predominant over that of agriculturists; yet such farm laborers as could have been obtained from

41 The colony contained 19 farmers, 11 painters, 12 seamstresses, S carpen- ters, 8 tailors, 5 shoemakers, 5 tinners, 5 silversmiths, 2 hatters, 2 physi- cians, 2 barbers, 2 saddlers, 2 blacksmiths, 2 printers, 2 goldsmiths, and also a mathematician, gardener, surgeon, machinist, ribbon-maker, rebozo-maker, midwife, distiller, candy-maker, vermicelli-maker, navigator, founder, pork- man, musician, vintager, apothecary, boatman, and carriage-maker, St. Pop., Miss and Colon., MS., ii. 275-6, besides 6 teachers and the officers. Forbes, Ilist. Cal., 142-3, says they were of every class except that which would have been useful-artisans and idlers, but not a single farmer-'goldsmiths proceeding to a country where no gold or silver existed,' etc.

263

COMPAÑÍA COSMOPOLITANA.

the Mexican provinces would not have done so well by far, either for themselves or for California.42

In connection with the colonization project, a com- mercial company was formed, with the colony leaders and other prominent men as partners, about which little is known, except that it was called the Com- pañía Cosmopolitana, and that its object was to pur- chase a vessel and engage in the exportation of Cal- ifornian products. Of course it was only by some such commercial scheme that the empresarios could legitimately hope for profit beyond the salaries of a few officials; and it is very certain that a patriotic desire to develop the resources of California was not their sole motive. General Anaya is said to have been president, and Juan Bandini vice-president, of the company. Agents were sent to Acapulco to pur- chase a vessel, securing the brig Natalia, to be paid for in tallow.43 A considerable sum was to be received from the government for transportation; effects to a certain amount could be smuggled on the first trip;

42 Among those who came with the colony and have been more or less well known and prominent as citizens may be mentioned Ignacio Coronel and fam- ily, Agustin Olvera, José Abrego, Victor Prudon, Francisco Guerrero, Jesus Noé, Mariano Bonilla, Zenon Fernandez, Auguste Janssens, Florencio Ser- rano, José Ma Covarrubias, José de la Rosa, Gumesindo Flores, Francisco Castillo Negrete, Fran. Ocampo, Nicanor Estrada, Juan N. Ayala, Simon O'Donojú, and Chas. Baric.

43 The brig Natalia was sold on June 21, 1834, by Miguel Palacios at Aca- pulco, to Bandini and other agents of the company for 7,200 arrobas of tallow payable in Cal .; and José Noriega was sent in lier as supercargo to represent Palacios and receive the purchase value. He was to receive from the co. $50 per month and his expenses until his return to Acapulco. The vessel, as we shall see, was wrecked at Monterey; and as late as 1841 Noriega, who lived and afterwards died in Cal., had received neither his salary nor any part of the promised tallow, though there had been some legal proceedings in the matter. Letters of Noriega to Guerra, in Doc. ITist. Cal., MS., iv. 1003-4. 1107-9. Bandini, Ilist. Cal., MS., 64-6, says Anaya, afterwards president of Mexico, was president and himself vice-president; and he states that besides Híjar and Padres, Judge Castillo Negrete and Sub-comisario Herrera were part- ners, as were several respectable Mexican merchants. He says the vessel .was paid for, and that without any mission tallow' (?). Ministers Lombardo and García, Vice-president Farías, and other prominent officials are named as partners by some Californians, perhaps without any authority. According to José Abrego-letters in Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxi. 132; and in Garcia, Apunte, MS., (appendix)-shares in the co. were $100 cach; himself with Bandini and Oliver (Olvera ?) were sent to Acapulco to receive the Natalia; and the price was to be $14,000. Bandini says that the doings of the company were published in the daily Fenix early in 1834.

264

FIGUEROA'S RULE-HÍJAR AND PADRES COLONY.

it was not doubted that the Natalia could be made to pay for herself; and it was hoped that such a monop- oly of a growing California trade might be secured as to justify the purchase of other vessels and enrich the partners. So far as is apparent, the paid-up capital of the Compañía Cosmopolitana was nothing.

It has been supposed that there were also con- nected with the colony certain mysterious schemes of a political nature, by which Gomez Farías hoped, in case his administration should be overthrown, to find in California a refuge for himself and his political friends, a stronghold from which as a centre to work for a restoration of his power in Mexico, or at the last, a rich province where he and his partisans might live in affluence and security. There is some slight evi- dence, as we shall see, that suspicions of this kind were entertained in Mexico; but I deem them for the most part unfounded; though the vice-president may very likely have deemed it desirable to put even so distant a territory as California under the control of his political friends.44

Vallejo, Osio, Alvarado, and other Californians who more or less fully reflect their views, denounce the whole colonization plan of Híjar and Padrés as a de- liberately concocted plot to plunder the missions under the protection of the highest political and military au- thorities, who were themselves to share the spoils. This is to go much further than is justified by the evidence. The enterprise of Híjar and Padrés was on its face a legitimate one. Colonization had long been regarded by intelligent men as a measure of ab- solute necessity for California's welfare, and the im- policy and impossibility of attempting to continue the old monastico-missionary régime was equally appar- ent. The objects ostensibly were praiseworthy; the

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History of California, Volume III, Part 29

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824