USA > California > History of California, Volume III > Part 33
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At the election of October 1834, José Antonio Carrillo had been chosen diputado to congress, with Mariano G. Vallejo as substitute.32 Carrillo seems to have been at his post early in 1835, and his influence is apparent in an order of President Barragan dated May 23d, publishing the following decree of congress : "The pueblo of Los Angeles in Alta California is erected into a city, and it will be in future the capital of that territory." So well pleased was Don José Antonio with this achievement in behalf of his town, that he secured an impression from the type on white satin, which, tastefully bordered in blue, perhaps by Señora Carrillo, is in my collection.33 The order was not officially published in California until December; but the news came that such a change was contem- plated, and the effect at Monterey may be imagined.
32 See chap. ix. of this volume.
33 Pico, Doc., MS., i. 1. The satin copy is mentioned by several Califor- nians. Decree also given in Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., ii. 135; Id., Mont., iii. 47; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 189-90, where it is said to have been published on June 10th; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 51. Decrees of congress dated March 21 and October 26, 1835, that diputados from Cal. are to have voice and vote in forming laws and decrees. Id., iii. 91; Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., iii. 56; Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xi. 1-2. June 13th, order concerning payment of dietas and viáticos. Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 223-6. Oct. 15th, min. of war to gov., diputados ordered to proceed to Mex. without excuse. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xvi. 14. Dana, Two Years before the Mast, 196, says inaccurately that the form of sending representatives to congress was gone through; but there was little communication with the national capital, so a member usually stayed permanently, knowing there would be revolutions at home, and if another member should be sent, he had only to challenge him and thus decide the contested election.
293
CHANGE OF CAPITAL.
A meeting of the ayuntamiento was called October 12th, before which body reasons most unanswerable and convincing-to the people of Monterey-were adduced why the proposed change of capital would be a measure outrageously detrimental if not fatal to all the best interests of the territory.34 A report of Hartnell and Pacheco as a committee was approved, sustaining objections to the change, and recommend- ing a protest. This action was passed immediately to the diputacion, which body on the 14th confirmed it, resolved that the reports of the territorial congress- men were based on selfish interests, decided to remain with the gefe político "at this capital " until further action; and sent the whole expediente to Mexico by the Catalina on the 15th.35
Figueroa still bore in mind the importance to Mexi- can interests of founding a frontier settlement and garrison north of San Francisco Bay. In fact, he had temporarily suspended the enterprise only from fear of what he chose to regard as the revolutionary plans
31 Of these reasons I note the following: Monterey has been the capital for more than 70 years; both Californians and foreigners have learned to regard it as the capital; interests have been developed which should not be ignored; and a change would engender dangerous rivalries. The capital of a maritime country should be a port, and not an inland place. Monterey is a secure, well known, and frequented port, well provided with wood, water, and provi- sions; where a navy-yard and dock may be constructed. Monterey has a larger population than Los Angeles; the people are more moral and cul- tured (!); and the prospects for advancement are superior. Monterey has decent buildings for govt uses, to build which at Los Angeles will cost $30, - 000; and besides, some documents may be lost in moving the archives. Monterey has central position, mild climate, fertile soil, developed agricul- ture; here women, plants, and useful animals are very productive! Monterey is nearer the northern frontier, and therefore better fitted for defence. It would be unjust to compel the majority to go so far on government business. It would be impossible to assemble a quorum of the dip. at Los Angeles. The sensible people, even of the south, acknowledge the advantages of Mon- terey. Monterey had done no wrong to be deprived of its honor, though unrepresented. in congress; while the last three deputies have had personal and selfish interests in favor of the south.
35 Monterey, Acuerdo del Ayuntamiento y dle la Diputación contra el pro- puesto Cambio de Capital en favor de Los Angeles, 1835, MS. In Monterey, Actos de Ayunt., MS., 118-20, the matter was first brought up on the 10th and the report approved on the 13th. Carrillo's letter with the decree was received Dec. 31st. Id., 146. This action of the diputacion, as we have seen, is not given in the legislative records.
294
FIGUEROA, CASTRO, AND GUTIERREZ-THE COLONY.
of Híjar and Padres. As soon as these bêtes noirs were fairly out of the country, therefore, he instructed Vallejo to establish at once garrison, town, and colony. His letters accompanying the instructions to Vallejo were dated June 24, 1835, and the site was to be in Sonoma Valley, instead of that formerly chosen at Santa Rosa. The chief motive announced was a de- sire to check the possible advance of Russian settle- ment from Bodega and Ross. Vallejo was authorized to issue grants of lands, which would be confirmed, and the only precaution urged was that the Mexican population should always be in excess of the foreign; that is, that the granting of lands should be made an obstacle rather than an aid to foreign encroach- ment. The young alférez was praised and flattered without stint, and urged to strive for "that reward to which all men aspire, posthumous fame," even if he should be called upon to make personally some ad- vances of necessary supplies for the colony. The truth is, that Figueroa was not quite easy respecting the view that would be taken in Mexico of that part of his policy toward Hijar and Padres which had caused the abandonment of the northern settlement; but with such a settlement actually established he would have no fears; hence his zeal.36 The instruc- tions that accompanied these letters are not extant, nor have we any official record respecting the founding of the town. We know only that at the ex-mission of San Francisco Solano, where he had spent much of the time for nearly a year as comisionado of seculari- zation, Vallejo established himself with a small force in the summer of 1835, and laid out a pueblo to which was given the original name of the locality, Sonoma, Valley of the Moon, a name that for ten years and more had been familiar to the Californians. Vallejo
36 June 24, 1835, confidential letters of Figueroa to Vallejo-or what purport to be and probably are copies of such letters-furnished by Vallejo to Gen. Kearny in 1847, in St. Pap., Miss. and, Colon., MS., ii. 406-8; also printed with English translation in Californian, Apr. 13, 1847; Calif. Siar, March 13, 1847; Jones' Report, no. 24.
295
SONOMA-DEATH OF FIGUEROA.
soon gained, by the aid of his military force, and es- pecially by alliance with Solano, the Suisun chief, a control over the more distant tribes which had never been equalled by the missionary and his escolta, a functionary who, however, still remained as curate. Quite a number of families, both Californians and members of the famous colony, settled at Sonoma.37
José Figueroa died at Monterey September 29th, at 5.30 P. M., from the effects of an apoplectic attack, after about a month's illness. The funeral ceremonies, with firing of guns and other military honors, took place at the capital October 2d, being attended by all the people of the vicinity, and by prominent men from all parts of the territory. The body was em- balmed rudely and taken to Santa Bárbara by the Avon, which sailed the 17th, to be deposited in a vault of the mission church on the 29th. There the remains were to lie, according to Figueroa's request, until the Mexican government should send for them to render fitting honors to the memory of a warrior who had distinguished himself in the struggle for independence. Mexico never did anything of the kind, and the Californians were not much more zeal- ous in perpetuating his memory. The diputacion, on motion of Juan B. Alvarado, passed some very culo- gistic resolutions in the sessions of October 10th-14th, providing for the hanging of Figueroa's portrait in
37 Details given by Vallejo, ITist. Cal. MS., iii. 11-22, and less fully by Alvarado, Ilist. Cal. MS., ii. 199-202, the same having been reproduced in different combinations by several newspaper writers are so manifestly inac- curate in so far as they can be tested as to be of no value. The general idea conveyed is that of an expedition into a new frontier country, including bat- tles, maritime adventures, and treaties with thousands of hitherto hostile In- dians; the past 10 years of peaceful occupation and Vallejo's own past residence at Sonoma being substantially ignored. The foundation of the town is also made to precede the expulsion of Híjar and Padres. Vallejo men- tions the following names on his way to Sonoma: Pt Novato; Embarcadero of P'. Ventura, or Lakeville; P't Tolai, on Midshipman's Creek; and Pulpula, or Pope's Landing. Vallejo also states that W. A. Richardson assisted him in making the survey. In 1861 Santiago Arguello assured Judge Hayes, Emig. Notes, 454, that he was the founder of Sonoma, having made the map, cte. 500 soldiers is a favorite newspaper statement of Vallejo's force. 25 would perhaps be a more accurate estimate.
296
FIGUEROA, CASTRO, AND GUTIERREZ-THE COLONY.
the legislative hall, with the inscription "Benefactor of the Territory of Alta California;" for a suitable monu- ment to be erected at Monterey; and for the printing of the resolutions in the manifiesto about to be pub- lished. The monument was intrusted to the ayunta- miento, which body before the end of 1835 had gone so far as to devise an appropriate inscription in Latin and Spanish, and to ask officially how the cost was to be paid. Here the matter ended for all time.38
A biographical sketch of Figueroa, as in the case of his predecessor Victoria, is not required here, because all that is known of his life has been told in this and the two preceding chapters. In person, he was a little below medium height, thick set, with a swarthy complexion, black and abundant hair, scanty
38 Sept. 29th, Zamorano to comandantes, and private letters to Vallejo and Valle announcing the death. Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 74-5. Record of the death also in S. Diego, Arch., MS., 59; Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 56. On Sept. 26tl the American médico Stokes had joined the council of doctors to con- sider the governor's case. Dept. St. Pap., Pref. y Juzg., MS., v. 53. Sept. 3d, F. had been at S. Rafael. Id., Ben. Mil., lxxviii. S. Military honors ordered, including a gun each half hour for about a week, besides special artillery evolutions on the day of funeral. Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxx. 20-1. Valle, Lo Pasado de Cal., MS., 15, speaks of having been at Sta Cruz where he heard the first guns without knowing the occasion. Figueroa had ordered a grand celebration of the national fiesta on Sept. 16th. Id., 19-20. Trans- fer of the remains to the south on the Avon, and ceremonies at Sta Bárbara. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 58-9; Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxx. 23. The mission books of Sta B. contain no record on the subject, probably because the deposit in the vault was not intended as a permanent one. Accounts of the embalming of the body by Drs Alva, Stokes, Cooper, and others, in Gonzalez, Memorias, MS., 17-18; Dye's Recol., MS., 3; Gomes, Lo que Sabe, MS., 178-9; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 12-13. It is stated by Gonzalez and Gomez that the remains were removed from the vault in 1845, at which time the coffin was opened and found to contain nothing of the body but dust; and it was thought this ef- fect was due to the arsenic used in the embalming process. From Mexico there came in time an order dated Feb. S, 1836, that the remains should be placed where Figueroa had desired. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., xii. 1. Action of the dip. and ayunt., in Figueroa, Manifiesto, 177-84; Leg. Rec., MS., ii. 222, 268-9; Monterey, Actos de Ayunt., MS., 122, 134-5; Robinson's Life in Cal., 168-72; Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., iii. 60-7. The inscription to be put on the monument was as follows in substance: 'To the Eternal Memory | of General Jose Figue- roa | Political and Military Chief | of Alta California | Father of the Coun- try | dedicate this monument | the Provincial Diputacion | and the Ayunta- miento of Monterrey | at public expense | as a mark of gratitude. | Died in this capital | Sept. 29, 1835 | at the age of 43.' General mentions of F.'s death, with more or less enlogy, in nearly every case, in Pico, Acont., MS., 26-7; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., GS-9; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 31; Castro, Rel., MS. 35-6; Amador, Mem., MS., 142; Fernandez, Cosas, MS., 70-2, 81-5; Vallejo, Rem- inis., MS., 116; Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., ii. 238-9; iii. 37-40; Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 53-9; Tuthill's Ilist. Cal., 139-40.
297
FIGUEROA'S CHARACTER.
beard, piercing eyes, protruding lip, and large prom- inent teeth. He is believed to have had a large adımixture of Indian blood. In manner, he was extremely affable and fascinating, especially in his intercourse with inferiors. His favorite vice was gambling; and though there is some evidence that he had a family in Mexico, he kept a mistress, and left a natural daughter in California. He brought to the country a military reputation, considerable experience, good administrative abilities, and great skill. in the arts by which personal popularity is acquired. His term of office in California was brief, and the circum- stances of his rule were favorable. His enemies were for the most part men of straw ; his partisans were then and later the controlling element of the population. Even the padres were forced by circumstances into a partial and negative support of his policy. Moreover, he did some really good work in organizing territorial and local government, and he made no serious errors. He was liberal in the matter of land grants and in his policy toward foreigners. He antagonized no class, but flattered all. Hence an enviable reputation, for the Californians have nothing but praise for the character and acts of Figueroa. He has been for- tunate in his fame. Eulogy has been exaggerated; I think the man's acts and correspondence show traits of character that under less favorable circumstances would have given him a much less favorable record. Nevertheless, he is probably entitled. to his position in history as the best Mexican governor ever sent to rule California. 39 In several following chapters I
39 Some miscellaneous items about Figueroa: Bandini is the only prom- inent Californian who did not share the enthusiasm for F., and even he in his Ilistory and correspondence did not deem it expedient to speak very decid- edly against the popular sentiment. Osio, Ilist. Cal., MS., 240-S, narrates that F. was silent partner with Angel Ramirez in a monte game at the cap- ital, which was broke up by the alealde, tells of his giving a banquet in honor of a newly married Indian couple, and himself leading the dance with the bride, and states that his sympathy for the natives made him too lenient in punishing their crimes. F.'s physical appearance is spoken of particularly in Piro, Ilist. Cal., MS., 56-7; Botello, Anales, MS., 13-17; Avila, Notas, MS., 16; Valdés, Mem., MS., 23; Vega, Vida Cal., MS., 13; Serrano,
293 FIGUEROA, CASTRO, AND GUTIERREZ-THE COLONY.
shall have occasion to speak frequently of Figueroa, though in this I leave him in his tomb.
In May 1835 the gefe político had notified the su- preme government that he should be obliged to sur- render the office temporarily to the senior vocal of the diputacion and seek relief for his illness away from the capital. He then intended to make the change in June, but did not do so until after the diputacion had assembled. On August 29th he issued an order to José Castro as senior vocal to assume the office as act- ing gefe político during his necessary absence. Cor- responding circular orders were sent the same day to the different alcaldes.4? It is not known what part of the time in September Figueroa was absent from Monterey, nor what duties if any José Castro per- formed as acting gefe in that month. He doubtless presided at several sessions of the diputacion at any rate. Just before his death, however, in accordance with the national law of May 6, 1822, and with the strong popular feeling in favor of a separation of the commands, Figueroa disposed that Castro should suc- ceed him as gefe político ad interim, while Lieutenant- colonel Nicolás Gutierrez, as the ranking officer in Cal- ifornia, was to assume the position of comandante gen- eral. Gutierrez had been summoned to the capital by letter of September 22d, and arrived a few days after Figueroa's death. After urging various excuses-ill health, want of ability, aversion from stepping into
Apuntes, MS., 28-30; Torre, Reminis., MS., 32, 36-7, 51-2. All speak in praise of his character, as in Arce, Memorias, MS., 5-6; Pico, Acont., MS., 21, 27; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 12-14; Marsh's Letter, MS., 5-7; Spence's Notes, MS., 16-17; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 54, 61, 68. Alvarado and Vallejo, Hist. C'al., MS., passim, are very enthusiastic in their praise of the man and all his acts. Requena, in Hayes' Miscellany, 29, says that F. bought the Alami- tos rancho in 1835 for $500. Mention of a family in Mexico and heirs to the California estate. This in 1854 in connection with a suit of Stearns about Alamitos. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 518. The idea expressed by Tuthill and others that F. was harassed to death by his enemies, or worn out by his labors in behalf of Cal., has little foundation in fact.
40 Aug. 29, 1835, F. to C. to alcaldes, and to prefect of missions. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 48; Id., Ang., xi. 37-9; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 50. Arch. Ar- zob., MS., v. pt ii. 11-12. In Monterey, Actos Ayunt., MS., 125-7, the date is Aug. 27th, when F. announced the change to dip. and ayunt.
299
CASTRO AS GOVERNOR.
the place of a deceased friend, and his Spanish birth- for declining the command, he at last yielded to the decision of a council of war and accepted the office on the 8th of October. 41
Castro was in reality third vocal in rank of senior- ity, though the oldest who had been present in the sessions of this year. José Antonio Carrillo was in Mexico, but José Antonio Estudillo was at San Diego, being excused on account of illness. To him doubt- less the gefatura belonged, unless so ill as to be un- able to perform the duties. The ayuntamiento of San Diego took this view of the matter at the session of September 21st, held on receipt of the circular of August 29th, and sent a corresponding protest. This would seem an excellent foundation for a quarrel; but the records are vague respecting subsequent develop- ments. Estudillo's claims were never allowed, ap- parently never even considered at the capital, and were abandoned soon by himself and friends. Possi- bly he was really too ill to take the office; and it is also possible that, as Bandini states, Castro turned over the office to the comandante general without much objection carly the next year to avoid turning it over to Estudillo.12 Castro at any rate assumed the
41 Oct. 8, 1835, Gutierrez to Castro, to comandantes, and to ayuntamientos. Dept. St. Pap., MS., iv. 56-8; Id., Ben. Com. and Treas., iii. 70-S1; Id., S. José, v. 1-2; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 56-8; Hayes' Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., 31. Oct. 9th, order in the garrison order-book for Gutierrez to be reeog- mized, signed by Capt. Muñoz. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxx. 22.
42 Sept. 21, IS31, action of ayuntamiento in favor of Estudillo. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 56-7; Hayes' Doc., MS., 29; Dept. St. Pap., Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 34; Oct. 10th, Castro to alcalde of S. Diego, complaining that no answer had been received to the circular of Aug. 29th, which had conveyed the infor- mation of his appointment 'on account of the absence and sickness of the vocal to whom it belonged.' (There had been nothing of the kind in the circular. ) He had heard that there was some ditlieulty at S. Diego about recognizing him (he must naturally have seen the protest of Sept. 21st, sent to Figueroa), and asks for information without delay. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 61. In S. Diego, Index, MS., 15, allusion is made to a reply of the ayunt. sustaining E.'s elaims. Oct. 15th, communications from E. and from the ayunt. were received by the dip. and referred to a committee; but there is no record of discussion or of results. Leg. Ree., MS., ii. 222-4. In Sarage, Doc., MS., 42-4, is an undated record or argument on the subject, apparently emanating from Bandini, in which Castro's arguments are referred to, thus implying that there had been a correspondence and refusal by Castro. At the same session the payment of Castro's salary was authorized at $3,000 per year. Jan. 22,
300
FIGUEROA, CASTRO, AND GUTIERREZ-THE COLONY.
office, was supported by the diputacion, and recog- nized by all the local authorities of the territory, meeting no opposition except that alluded to in San Diego. He ruled until January 1836; but during his term there was nothing in connection with po- litical annals which calls for notice here. Castro carried out as nearly as possible his predecessor's plans, performed faithfully the few routine duties re- quired of him, and if he had no opportunity to make himself famous, he at the least committed no serious or disgraceful errors. 43
1836, Capt. Portilla to Gutierrez. Says that Pio Pico did not recognize Cas- tro's right to be gefe político. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxi. 31. In a complaint of the alcalde to the gefe político in April 1836, the síndico is charged with having presented in the name of the people a paper inviting other ayuntamientos not to recognize Castro. He also went about inciting the Indians to a campaign against Monterey, affirming that Capt. Portilla would take command of the movement. All this in Dec. 1835. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 98. Whether this 'plan' had anything in common with that accredited to Bandini and investigated by Gov. Chico's orders the next year, I am not quite certain. Id., 104, 116. Bandini's statement is in his Hist. Cal., MS., 79-80, but he gives no particulars. José María Estudillo, Datos, MS., 7, says that his father was invited by Figueroa to take the gefatura, but de- clined. Botello, Anales, MS., 17-18, gives the same version.
43 General mention of Castro's succession and rule, including in most cases the transfer to Gutierrez in Jan. 1836: Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 41-3, stating that Zamorano worked hard to induce Figueroa to give both com- mands to Gutierrez at the first; Larios, Convulsiones, MS., 15-16; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 14-15; Pico, Acont., MS., 27-8, saying C. expected opposition from G., and gathered some of his friends and relatives about him; Valle, Lo Pasado, MS .; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 69-74, mentioning some troubles with P. Mercado; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 31-2, characterizing the hesitation of G. to accept the cominand as mere pretence; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 30; Vallejo (J. J.), Reminis., MS., 117, complimenting C. for having kept the country free from the strife of factions; Juarez, Narr., MS., 7, offsetting C.'s good record at this time against his bad one of later years; Botello, Anales, MS., 18-19; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 141; Ord. Ocurrencias, MS., St-5; Mofras, Explor., i. 298; Marsh's Letter, MS., 7. The last two omit all mention of C.'s rule, and make G. succeed Figueroa.
CHAPTER XI.
MISSIONS AND SECULARIZATION.
1831-1833.
ECHEANDÍA'S PLAN OF 1830-DECREE OF 1831-THE COMISIONADOS-VIEWS OF THE PADRES-CARRILLO'S EFFORTS IN MEXICO-THE PIOUS FUND- EVENTS OF 1832-DIPUTACION AND FRIARS-ECHEANDIA'S REGLAMEN- TO-NOTES OF PADRE SANCHEZ-BACHELOT AND SHORT-EXILES FROM THE HAWAIIAN ISLANDS-NEW MISSIONARIES IN 1833-THE ZACATE- CANOS-DIVISION OF THE MISSIONS-TROUBLES IN THE NORTH-FLOG- GING NEOPHYTES-SUPPLIES FOR SAN FRANCISCO-MISCONDUCT OF PADRE MERCADO AT SAN RAFAEL-MASSACRE OF GENTILES-FIGUEROA'S IN- STRUCTIONS ON SECULARIZATION-ECHEANDIA'S REGULATIONS-FIGUE- ROA'S POLICY-EXPERIMENTS IN THE SOUTH -- PROVISIONAL RULES- EMANCIPATION IN PRACTICE-PROJECTS OF PRESIDENT DURAN-FIGUE- ROA'S REPORT AGAINST SECULARIZATION-MEXICAN DECREES OF 1833- PRESIDENT AND PREFECT.
MOST important of general matters for the half- decade, after or even before political events and an- nals of the colony, is the affairs of the missions, especially in the phase of secularization. So closely is this subject connected with the general history of the territory, that I have been obliged frequently to give it more than mere passing mention in the last four chapters; yet it is absolutely necessary, at the cost of some slight repetition, to treat the matter sep- arately and fully. As a fitting introduction, I refer the reader to what I have written on secularization for the preceding period of 1826-30, including Echean- día's instructions, policy, and efforts.1 I also append in a note the substance of Echeandía's plan, as ap-
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