History of California, Volume III, Part 3

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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REËNFORCEMENT OF OFFICERS.

that respect; but his disregard for law was always in the interest of his province and people, and no selfish or unworthy action is recorded against him. After his accession to the chief command, he had some enemies- notably José María Estudillo, José Joaquin de la Torre, and José Antonio Carrillo; but none of these were Cal- ifornians of the best class. With the people, and especially with his soldiers, he was always popular, by reason of his kindness, liberality, and affability. If he came into somewhat more bitter controversy with the friars than had his predecessors, it was due to the times and circumstances rather than to the man. In person he was tall, stout, and attractive, with ruddy complexion and jet-black hair. He was a jovial com- panion, a bon vivant, so far as a man could be so in this poverty-stricken province, free with his money, in fact a spendthrift, and always in debt. His pecu- liarities of temperament led him into an increasing fondness for wine and aguardiente; and his drinking habits doubtless broke down his health, and hastened his death in middle life.

There were embarked on the Nieves, in June, from San Blas, besides Echeandía, Alférez Romualdo Pa- checo and Alférez Agustin V. Zamorano, both engi- neer officers, and probably from the college of which Echeandía had been director, the former coming as aide-de-camp and the latter as secretary to the gover- nor; also Alférez José María Ramirez, a cavalry offi- cer, whose position at this time under Echeandía is not apparent; Alférez Patricio Estrada, in command of a detachment of about forty infantry of the battalion known as Fijo de Hidalgo;23 and also probably a fifth alférez, Juan José Rocha, though it is possible that he came on to Monterey by the Morelos. Of Estrada and

23 In 1833 this body of men was spoken of as the piquete del 2° batallon permanente, consisting of 1 sergeant, 3 trumpeters, 3 drummers, 1 corporal of fusileers, 1 corporal of artillery, 9 grenadiers and chasseurs, and 16 fusi- leers-31 in all. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxvi. 31.

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

his men, though they remained ten years in the coun- try, hardly anything is known; but Zamorano, Pacheco, Rocha, and Ramirez were somewhat prominent in later annals. 24

All those mentioned are supposed to have stopped with Echeandia at Loreto, and to have accompanied him to San Diego by land, though it is possible that there were some exceptions; but another passenger on the Morelos, which had sailed from Acapulco on March 25th, and had probably brought some of the officers named as far as San Blas,25 was José María Herrera, who, being sent as comisario subalterno de ha- cienda to administer the territorial finances, did not stop at Loreto, but came on to Monterey, where he ar- rived July 27th, and took possession of his office Au- gust 3d, relieving Mariano Estrada, who had held a sim- ilar position under a different title by authority of the diputacion. Herrera was subordinate to the comisa- rio general de occidente at Arizpe, and in financial matters he was largely independent of Echeandía. He brought with him a memoria of goods worth $22,- 379, and $22,000 in silver;26 but there was no provision made for the back pay of the troops; and Herrera refused to comply with Echeandía's order to pay the soldiers for three months in advance, because such an act was not allowed in his instructions, the funds were insufficient, and it would not be wise to put so much money into the hands of the troops.27 Beyond some

2! Pacheco's first important service was rendered this year, when he escorted Lieut .- col. Romero to the Colorado on his way to Sonora; explored two routes to the river; and perhaps made some preparations for permanently opening one of the routes. See vol. ii. p. 507 et seq., this work.

25 Dept Rec., MS., v. 103; Herrera, Causa, MS., 67.

26 Mexico, Mem. Relaciones, 1826, p. 32; Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1826, p. 27, and annexes, 9, 25. Two hundred boxes of manufactured tobacco seem to have been also sent, worth $23,863; and there was an order on the comisario de occidente for $12,000, which does not seem to have been paid at this time. A small part of the $22,000 was perhaps spent at Loreto. With reference to the tobacco, Huish, Narrative, 426, says that the government, by way of paying up arrears of 11 years at S. Francisco, sent a brig with a cargo of paper cigars to be issued to the troops in place of dollars; but as Martinez observed, cigars would not satisfy the families, and the compro- mise was refused !

27 Sept. Ist, Echeandía's order to Herrera. Dept. Rec., MS., ii. 2. Oct.

NEW ARRIVALS.

minor correspondence on routine aspects of the de- partment, and a slight clashing between the new comisario and the habilitados, there was nothing in connection with Herrera's administration during this year that requires notice.28

Herrera, however, was not the only official who arrived on the Morelos in July 1825. The vessel brought also to California Lieutenant Miguel Gonza- lez in command of a detachment of artillerymen, who was immediately made a captain, and became coman- dante de armas at Monterey by virtue of his rank. There also came, probably in this vessel, and certainly about this time, three more alféreces, or sub-lieuten- ants, Antonio Nieto, Rodrigo del Pliego, and José Perez del Campo, the first being in command of a small body of infantry sent as a guard to eighteen con- victs condemned to presidio life in California for vari- ous offences. With few exceptions, the new-comers, whether officers, soldiers, or convicts, were Mexicans of a class by no means desirable as citizens. 29

15th, Herrera to Argüello, explaining his reasons for not obeying, and alluding to other communications. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 105. It is likely that Echean- día gave the order in the interest of his own popularity, knowing that it could not be obeyed.

28 Oct. 10th, Lieut Estrada speaks of complaints of Echeandía through the comandante of Monterey, and calls for a statement of charges for supplies. Oct. 31st, Herrera is willing to furnish the account, though there are some mis- sion items of supplies to escoltas that cannot be included yet. Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 98. Nov. 17th, the habilitado of Sta Bárbara objects to the comisa- rio exacting accounts of the mission supplies, etc. He says the company will pay its own debts if the funds due it are supplied. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. G. Dec. 6th, Herrera says that public creditors are many and resources small. The government expects him to make a just dis- tribution of the small revenue he controls; and he will make to the public a respectful statement of his administration. Guerra, Doc., MS., vi. 148-9.

General mention of Herrera's appointment and arrival. See Mexico, Mem. Hacienda, 1826, p. 27, by which it appears that he was appointed on Feb. 8th; Dept St. Pap., MS., iii. 209-10; Leg. Rec., MS., i. 282-3; Dept St. Pap., Ben. Com. and Treas., MS., i. 12; St. Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 2. He is called comisario subalterno, comisario sub-principal, comisario provisional, administrador sub-principal, comisario de guerra, sub-comisario, treasurer, superintendent of customs, etc.

29 The number of the soldiers, both artillery and infantry, is not recorded. Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., ii. 62-6, and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 110-14, confound this arrival of convicts with the later ones of 1830. A list of the 18 convicts who started is given in St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 20-2, and of the 17 who arrived, in Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ivii. 3, besides mention of several of the number in Id., li. 2-3. Eight or nine came with definite sen-

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

Prefect Sarría, as we have seen, declined to swear allegiance to the federal constitution or to sanction republicanism either as friar, prelate, or vicar. He left each of the friars free to decide for himself, and refused to issue instructions on the subject. There can be no doubt, however, that the question had been thoroughly discussed by the padres, and a definite understanding reached, during the many months in which the formal declaration of the republic in Cal- ifornia had been only a question of time. Yet that the agreement had not been entirely unanimous is

tences, while the rest were simply banished to California. The former were mostly the companions of Vicente Gomez, ' el capador,' a fiend in human form, thief and assassin, who is said never to have spared nor failed to torture any man, woman, or child of Spanish blood that fell into his hands, but who, in consideration of his services to the ' cause of independence,' was simply sent to California subject to the orders of the comandante general. It is not quite certain that he came to Monterey with the rest, since there are indications that he came to S. Diego with Echeandia, or at least about the same time. He was soon sent overland to Sonora, perhaps in the hope that he would be killed by the Indians, where he arrived in March 1826, after narrowly escaping death at the hands of the Yumas. After having been employed by Gen. Figueroa on various commissions, he was sent back, and on the way he was killed by Alf. José María Ramirez at S. Vicente, Lower California, in a per- sonal quarrel, probably in September 1827. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lvii. 21; Dept Rec., MS., v. 96-7, 130.

One of the companions of Gomez bore the illustrious name of Fernando Cortés, ' de muy mala fama en toda la república,' but of whose Californian ex- perience nothing is known. Another was Joaquin Solis, 'principal agente de Gomez, de muy mala conducta, voz general ser ladron,' who acquired fame as leader of a revolt in 1829, described in chap. iii. of this volume, as did also in lesser degree in the same affair another companion, Antonio Avila, condemned to death for murders and robberies in Puebla, but pardoned on condition of exile to California. Another of the band was Francisco Badillo, sentenced to 10 years of presidio work in chains, or to be shot without hesitation or formality should he venture to move from the spot where he might be put to work. In 1835, the time having expired, Badillo was set at liberty, but remained in the country. Dept St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxvi. 20-2. In 1833 he had been charged with a new robbery. Id., Ixxiv. 44. He was married in 1830 to his mistress at Sta Bárbara. Carrillo (José), Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 26. He at one time kept a monte bank at Sta Bárbara, and Manuel Castro once found him concealed under the table, and stealthily reaching out to steal his own money, merely, as he said, to keep in practice ! After a long career as cattle-thief, he was finally lynched abont 1860, his body with that of his son being found one morning hanging to a tree with the feet very near the ground. A little grand- daughter wept bitterly because the cruel Americans allowed her grandpapa to die when a little earth under his feet would have saved him ! Another son hunown as Six-toed Pete escaped across the frontier. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 251-3; Streeter's Recol., MS., 159-63.

Other members of this band of convicts were for the most part ordinary thieves and vagabonds, of whose life in California nothing is known, a few also not being named here by reason of their good behavior and respectable connections.

RECALCITRANT FRIARS.

indicated by Padre Esténega's participation in the religious services at San Francisco as well as by ocur- rences of a later date. Sarría defended his action in letters to the governor.30 Anterior obligation to the king of Spain was the ground on which he based his refusal, with special reference to the fact that the new constitution required him to take up arms and resist invasion by a foreign power, including Spain. Thus he might have to resist the king himself at the head of his army, in a province which was justly a part of his dominion, which would be to disobey the divine law and teachings of the saints. He foresaw the objection that his previous oath to independence under Iturbide had required the same opposition to Spain; but he answered it by claiming that before Spain was not under her primitive government, the king was deprived of liberty, and religion was threat- tened; that under the plan of Iguala, Fernando VII. was to be called to the throne, with some chance of Spanish approval; and moreover, that the previous oath had not only been ordered by his diocesan, but had been formally decided on by a majority of the friars, including the prefect.

On the 7th of April the diputacion took up the matter. Francisco Castro urged immediate steps to learn at once who of the padres would follow the ex- ample of their prelate in refusing allegiance. He also proposed that such as took this course should be

30 Feb. 11, 1825. 'My Venerable Sir and Master: After reflecting on the oath we are ordered to take to the federal constitution of the United Mexican States, for which oath you have designated next Sunday, 13th inst., I have decided that I cannot do it without violating what I owe to anterior obliga- tions of justice and fidelity ; and this I announce to you, though not without much and very grave regret on my part, since I would like so far as possible to give an example of submission as I have done up to this time; but I cannot, the decision of my conscience opposing. For the same reason I shall not use my influence that the other padres take the oath, nor that they sanction it with mass, te deum, etc., as ordered in your communication of the 3d. I understand that we are threatened with expatriation ; but I will pass through all, though with tears at leaving my beloved flock. That which I took up for God, I will always leave if it be necessary for the same God, to whom I have prayed, etc. In other things very much at your service,' etc. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. ptii. 135-6. Also letters of March 30th and April 144th, in Id., 137-9. HIST. CAL., VOL. III. 2

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deprived of all control over the temporalities of their respective missions, which should be intrusted to ad- ministrators. Argüello opposed the measure, because it would result in the padres abandoning spiritual as well as temporal interests, and also because it would be impossible to find competent administrators. Don Francisco zealously defended his proposition, and even wished to hold Argüello personally responsible to the country for any harm that might result from leaving the recalcitrant friars in charge of public property. All three of the Castros, that is, all the rest of the members, were of the same opinion, though Don An- tonio was somewhat doubtful about the religious aspects of the case. Thus the vote remained on the records; but the only result that I find was the issu- ing of an order to the comandantes that each padre must be required to state in writing whether he would take the oath or not.31

In April Padre Narciso Duran assumed the presi- dency of the missions, an office that since the death of Señan had been held by Sarria in addition to that of prefect.32 Duran also refused to take the oath, not, as he said, from any "disaffection to the independ- ence," nor for any "odious passion," for indeed he believed independence to interest Spain more than America-that is, that Spain was better off without Mexico. But he was tired of taking so many oaths during the past few years, when oaths seemed to have become mere playthings. "I offer," he writes, "an oath of fidelity to do nothing against the established government, and if this be not accepted, I am resigned to the penalty of expatriation, which the constitution

31 Leg. Rec., MS., i. 44-6. June 3d, governor's order to comandantes, ac- knowledged by Sarria June 22d. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 140. The padres seem to have made no immediate reply. There is some reason to suppose that the above date should be June 3, 1826.

32 April 2d, Duran notifies the governor of his assumption of the office. Dept Rec., MS., i. 117; Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 140. June 3d, com- andante of S. F. has proclaimed Duran as vicario foraneo. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xiv. 36. Oct. 15, 1824, bishop grants to president all the powers con- ferred by the former bishop. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 320.

ARREST OF PRESIDENT SARRÍA.

imposes." 33 Meanwhile the news of Sarria's refusal had been sent to Mexico, and in June an order of President Victoria was despatched to California that the royalist prefect should be arrested and sent to Mexico by the first vessel.34 This order was carried into effect in October, as appears indirectly from Echeandía's order to Padre Duran to come to San Diego and take the oath of allegiance in order that he might assume the duties of prelate during Sarria's arrest.35 The arrest was, I suppose, nominal, merely a suspension from his authority as prelate, involving little or no interference with his personal liberty; and, as we shall see later, he was not sent away at all. It seems that Padre Martin of San Diego had based his refusal to participate in religious services on his prel- ate's prohibition. The government called for a decla- ration as to the nature of that prohibition; and also desired Padre Esténega to be informed of its great satisfaction at his patriotic conduct in pronouncing a stirring discourse at the taking of the oath.36

33 Oct. 12th, Duran to Herrera, in Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 148.

34 June 29th, Esteva to comandante general of Cal. Sup. Govt. St. Pap., MS., iii. 4-5. P. Sarria was, however, to be treated with respect.

35 Oct. 31st, E. to D. Dept Rec., MS., ii. 6. In D.'s letter of Oct. 12th, Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 148, he said that he could not act as prefect until certain that Sarria was out of the province. This shows that Sarria's arrest was probably effected by Argüello before Echeandía's arrival, or per- haps by order of the latter issued while en route.

36 Sept. 2d, Minister Llave to governor. Sup. Govt St. Pap., MS., iii. 1. The general fact of the padres' opposition to the republic is mentioned by nearly all who have written on California annals, and it is not necessary to give specific references. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 20-5, and Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 341-2, dwell on the fact that the padres never lost their feeling of dissatisfaction and anger ; that as a body they took subsequently but slight interest in the progress of Cal .; and that through their influence the Indians were disaffected and the difficulties of local government greatly increased. Alvarado is much the more radical of the two. It was the policy, he says, of emperor and clergy to make of the people their burros de carga. This, as they well knew, could not be done with republicans. True, they might win over many influential republicans; but there were so many factions that all could not be controlled. Sooner or later the 'ass was sure to kick.' Therefore, when they could not prevent the establishment of a republic, they wished to leave the country ; were not allowed to go and take with them the wealth of the territory ; were angry; preached against the existing government; and in short, made all the trouble they could.

Among other classes besides the padres, there was no special manifestation of feeling for or against the republic at this time. The masses now and later were indifferent; the older officers and soldiers looked with deep regret on the

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

The old question of mission supplies still remained open as a ground of controversy. The reasons which had impelled the padres to give with a spirit of cheer- fulness, real or feigned, had largely ceased to exist. Now most gave grudgingly, because they could not help it; or in a spirit of apathetic indifference to what might become of the mission property; or in a few cases refused in the interest of their neophytes. Padre Duran on one occasion told Martinez of San Francisco that he could send no more supplies, and it would be best to discharge the soldiers if there was a lack of rations. Martinez in turn asked the governor for per- mission to take the supplies by force. Padre Viader wrote that Santa Clara had to buy wheat for its neo- phytes, while the pueblo had plenty of grain to sell the presidios. "The moment the keys are taken from us by force," he wrote, " we will not take them back, nor attend to the temporal administration." The des- titution was very great at San Diego, but the coman- dante in his letters implies that the padres gave all they could. The commandant of Santa Barbara had a sharp correspondence with Padre Ibarra of San Fernando, trying to prove that the furnishing of sup- plies was by no means a special favor to the troops, but an ordinary duty of the missions until the expected memorias should come from Mexico, together with a new band of missionaries. The padre, however, was incredulous about the anticipated aid. " If you do not cat till then," he said, "you will need elastic bellies; and as to the coming missionaries, I will believe it when I see them, not before." He would, however,

change of government; and some of the younger Californians with the Mex- ican element were more or less enthusiastic republicans. The Indians had of course no choice, but their condition was in no respect improved by the change. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 105-7, has something to say on the advantages of the Spanish rule. He notes that as late as 1842 an inválido hesitated to make a declaration before an alcalde, fearing that it was wrong for an old soldier of the king to do so. Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., ii. 40-4, mentions a kind of secret politico-historical society formed by the youth of Monterey, with José Joaquin de la Torre as president, by which various schemes of independence from Mexico as well as Spain were discussed, and where even annexation to the U. S. was proposed, or & French or English protectorate.

MISSION AFFAIRS.

not be surprised if Mexico were to send to California for supplies. From San Luis Padre Luis Martinez complained of everything in general, and in particular of some ' missionaries' of a new sect, including one of the Picos, who were travelling with a barrel instead of a cross, and were making many converts to drunk- enness, while the soldiers of the escolta did nothing but destroy.37 In Mexico the guardian made a de- tailed representation to Minister Alaman on the criti- cal condition of affairs in California, owing to the fact that the Indians were naturally disgusted at having to support by their labor themselves, the padres, the government, and the troops. He declared the amount of unpaid drafts to be $259,151, and that of unpaid stipends $153,712, begging most earnestly for at least a partial payment to save the missions from ruin.33

The junta de fomento took up the question of mission policy, which was regarded as one of the most important matters submitted to that board. In its dictamen on Echeandía's instructions,39 the junta, while regarding the necessity of reform as a matter of course, called attention chiefly to the importance of proceeding with great caution until a satisfactory

method could be devised for introducing a radical change in the old system. Finally in April the mis- sion plan was presented. In prefatory remarks the history of the system was briefly traced, with a view to show the growth of the monastico-military govern- ment in the Californias. "The junta is not ignorant that from the Spanish system of discoveries and spiritual conquests has resulted all the progress made

37 Corresp. of Duran, Viader, and Lieut. Martinez in St. Pap., Sac., MIS., xiv. 22-4, 35-40. Destitution at S. Diego. Dept St. Pap., MS., i. 110; Guerra, Doc., MS., v. 201-2; Com. of Sta Bárbara vs. P. Ibarra. Doc. Ilist. C'al., MS., iv. 731-2; Guerra, Doc., MS., vii. 68-9. P. Martinez to Argüello, Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 133. June Ist, Sth, Argüello on his efforts to ob- tain supplies from the missions. Dept Rec., MS., ii. 35; Guerra, Doc., MIS., iv. 15S.

38 July 5th, Guardian Lopez to Alaman. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt ii. 143-8.

39 For an account of the various reports and plans of the junta, see note 2, this chapter.

A TERRITORY OF THE MEXICAN REPUBLIC.

in the Jesuit missions of old California, and in those founded later in new California by the Fernandinos. It knows the consideration and the praise which these establishments have merited, not only from Spaniards, but from enlightened foreigners; and it has given due weight to all the reasons ordinarily urged in defence of the system to show it to be not only just and con- venient, but absolutely necessary. Still the junta has not been able to reconcile the principles of such a system with those of our independence and political constitution, nor with the true spirit of the gospel. Religion under that system could not advance beyond domination. It could be promoted only under the protection of escoltas and presidios. The gentiles must renounce all the rights of their natural inde- pendence to be catechumens from the moment of baptism; they must be subjected to laws almost mo- nastic, while their apostles deemed themselves freed from the laws which forbade their engaging in tem- poral business; and the neophytes must continue thus without hope of ever possessing fully the civil rights of society. The junta has not been able to persuade itself that this system is the only one fitted to arouse among the gentiles a desire for civil and social life, or to teach its first rudiments, much less to carry it to perfection. It believes rather that it is positively contrary to the political aims in accordance with which it should have been arranged, and still more to the true spiritual aim which should be kept in view." "The present condition of the missions does not cor- respond to the great progress which they made in the beginning. This decadence is very noticeable in Low- er California, and would suffice to prove that the sys- tem needs change and reform," especially in respect

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History of California, Volume III, Part 3

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824