History of California, Volume III, Part 49

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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Juan B. Alvarado, second vocal and president of

451

JUAN B. ALVARADO.

the diputacion, was the leading spirit in this movement. He was at this time twenty-seven years of age, and employed as vista, or inspector, in the custom-house. His public life had begun in 1827, when he was made secretary of the diputacion, holding the place until 1834. His father, Sergeant José Francisco Alva- rado,8 died in 1809, three months after the birth of his only son, and his mother, María Josefa, daughter of Sergeant Ignacio Vallejo, subsequently married Ramon Estrada. Juan Bautista learned from his mother and from the soldier-schoolmasters of Monte- rey to read, write, and to cipher more or less, besides his doctrina and the art of singing in the choir at mass. Governor Sola took an interest in the boy, and gave him a chance in his office to improve his penmanship and acquire some knowledge. He was observant and quick to learn. He and his companions, José Castro and Guadalupe Vallejo, were fond of reading, espe- cially when they could get contraband books and elude the vigilance of the friars. He learned much by his association with foreigners, besides acquiring a smat- tering of English. He aided Padre Menendez, the chaplain, as secretary for a time, and was employed as clerk and collector by different foreign traders, who gave him a good reputation for intelligence and hon- esty.

In 1836 Alvarado was a young man of much prac- tical ability, of good character, of tolerably steady habits, though rapidly acquiring too great a fondness for strong drink, and of great popularity and influence with all classes, though he had been one of the first to resent Mexican insults to his countrymen, and had consequently been involved in personal difficulties with Rodrigo del Pliego and others de la otra banda. He was perhaps better qualified than any other of the younger Californians to become a popular and success- ful leader. He was not so dignified nor so rich as Vallejo, and was perhaps not the superior of José 8 Sce biographical sketches.

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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.

Antonio Carrillo in ability for intrigue. He had somewhat less education from books than some men- bers of the Guerra and Estudillo families, but in prac- tical efficiency, as in personal popularity, he was above them all. He was backed by the foreign residents and traders, who doubtless expected to control his policy for their own private and commercial interests, and some of whom very likely hoped in the end to gain political advantages for their respective nations. On the other hand, Alvarado was incited by a few Mexicans, notably by the lawyer Cosme Peña and the ex-friar Angel Ramirez, administrator of customs and the young vista's superior officer. ] Both were influenced by personal motives, and had no doubt of their ability to control the new administration. There is much reason to believe that Ramirez had special need of a governor who would look with friendly charity on the state of his official accounts.

I come now to the final outbreak against Gutierrez, respecting which no original documentary evidence exists.9 The ordinary version in narratives that have

9 The earliest account of the revolution extant is one sent by a resident, whose name is not given, and printed in the Honolulu, S. I. Gazette of Dec. 2, 1837. The author does not eredit the report that the foreigners were largely instrumental in causing the movement. The Frenchmen, Petit-Thonars, l'oy- aje, ii. 92-100, Mofras, Exploration, i. 298-300, and Lafond, Voyages, i. 210, attribute the revolt mainly to the instigations and promises of the Americans; and Mofras thinks the presence of the U. S. man-of war Peacock a few days

before had an influence. Wilkes, Narrative, v. 175-9, tells us that Alvarado was acting under the direction of foreigners who intended to hoist a new flag, to banish all Mexicans, to declare Cal. an independent state, and to have them- selves all declared citizens. These declarations were supposed to emanate from Ramirez and 'Penne,' who wished to make use of the foreigners for their own ends. Greenhow, Ilist. Or., 367, attributes the movement to strong popular opposition to centralism. Gleeson, Hist. Cath. Church, 144-9, says the conspirators acted ostensibly with a view of gaining their independence, but really for purposes of plunder. Some general printed accounts of the rev- olution of 1836, to most of which I shall have no occasion to refer again, be- ing mostly brief and more or less unimportant: Cal. Star, Feb. 26, 1848; Honolulu Polynesian, i. 6; ii. 86; Farnham's Life in C'al., 60-6, the same be- ing printed in the Sta Cruz Sentinel, Feb. etc. 1869; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 143- 4; Randolph's Oration; Dwinelle's Address before Pioneers, 20; Niles' Register, lii. 85; Robinson's Cal. Gold Region, 59-61; Pickett, in Shuck's Rep. Men, 227- S; Holinski, La Californie, 196-7; Hartmann, Geog. Stat. Cal., i. 37; Ferry, Californie, 19-20; Ryan's Judges and Crim., 42-3, 51; Nouv. An. Voy., IxxxV. 251; Yolo Co. Ilist., 10-12, and other county histories; also many newspaper

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THE CURRENT VERSION.

been published, is to the effect that Gutierrez, in con- sequence of a quarrel with Ramirez and Alvarado about some details of revenue precautions, such as the stationing of guards on a newly arrived vessel, ordered the arrest of Alvarado, who escaped by flight, and at once proceeded to incite a revolution. This was the version sent at the time to the Sandwich Islands by a resident foreigner, confirmed by Alfred Robinson, from whose narrative it has been taken by Tuthill and other writers. It is also partially confirmed by several Californians, and has, I think, a slight foun- dation in fact. At any rate, Alvarado and José Castro left the capital in October, and making San Juan their headquarters, began active preparations for a rising of the settlers, native and foreign.10

accounts. Some of the preceding mentions and narratives are accurate so far as they go; and in others the errors are so petty and apparent as to merit no pointing-out. Castañares, Col. Doc., 19, is the only Mexican who has done more than mention the affair. He says the revolt was instigated and sup- ported by the Americans. Foreigners who mention the revolution more or less fully in unpublished statements are Marsh, Letter, MS., 7 8; Bec, Rerollee- tions, MS., 6-21; Janssens, Vida, MS., 71-9; Brown, Statement, MS., 10-11; Weeks, Remin., MS., 99; Davis, Glimpses, MS., 120 et seq., and the U. S. consul at Honolulu in a despatch of March 12, 1837, to the secretary of state, in Savage, Doc., MS., ii. 174-6. Spence and Munras published a card in the Honolulu Polynesian, i. 163, denying the truth of an article attributed to them in the S. Luis Potost Gaceta. Manuscript narratives by Californias are: Oso, Hist. C'al., MS., 303-18; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 202-3; iii. 123-85; Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS , iii. 134-207; Bandini, ITist. C'al., MIS., 83-6: Castro, Rel., MIS., 39-42; Torre, Remin., MIS., 62-70; Gomez, Lo que Sabe, MS., 13- 18, 44-5; Vallejo (J. J.), Remin., MS., 122-3; Serrano, Apuntes, MS., 27-41; Arce, Mem., MS., 8-10; Avila, Cosas de Cal., MS., S-13; Fernandez, Cosas de ('al., MS., 99-106; Pinto, Apunt., MS., 21-31; Valle, Lo Pasado, MIS., 17; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 99; Pico, Acont., MS., 32-40; Garcia, Hechos, MS., 50-7; Coronel, Cosas ile Cal., MS., 21; Galindo, Apuntes, 34-5-and following pages of cachi narrative for sneeceding events in 1836-7.

10 In the Honolulu, S. I. Guzette, Dec. 2, 1837, it is stated that Ramirez sent Alvarado to ask for a guard to prevent smuggling. Gutierrez assented, but suggested that the guard must be stationed on board the vessels, and not on shore. A. replied that R. simply wanted a guard, and could station it to suit himself. The gov. was angry and threatened to arrest A. as a revolution- ist, and A. thought it best to leave town the same night. Robinson, Life in Cal., 173-4, affirms that the quarrel was one of etiquette in the matter of placing gnards. Tuthill, Mofras, Petit-Thonars, Wilkes, and Farnham give the same version in substance, though the latter adds some fanciful embel- lisliments, as is his enstom when no absolute lies suggest themselves. Osio, Ilist. Cal., MS., 304-6, says that Ramirez was negotiating future customs dnes to raise money for gambling, balls, etc. Gutierrez interfered to prevent the abuse, Ramirez became insolent and talked of revolt, Alvarado joined in the quarrel, and both were threatened with arrest. G. changed his mind and wished to conciliate A., but could not find him. Avila, Cosas de C'ul.,

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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.

This version, while not altogether inaccurate, makes the revolt the result of a quarrel between the govern- or and a revenue officer, ignoring entirely the political aspects of the matter and the agency of the diputacion. Alvarado, on the other hand, ignores the revenue quar- rel, and exaggerates perhaps the political element, choosing naturally to look upon himself as president of the diputacion rather than as an officer of the cus- tom-house. There can be no doubt that the diputa- cion was concerned in the movement, or that Alvarado, the leading spirit, acted in its name, the quarrel about revenues being but a minor element in a complicated whole. It is therefore proper to present the version given by Alvarado himself and supported by other Californians, though in the absence of contemporary documents I cannot vouch for its entire accuracy.

From one of his stormy interviews with Gutier- rez, Alvarado returned to the hall to find it empty, the diputacion having adjourned in its fright to meet at San Juan, whither the president hastened to join his fellow-vocales.11 A meeting was held at once, at which Estevan Munras and other prominent citizens took part. Vocal Antonio Buelna made a radical

MS., 8-9, and Gomez, Lo que Sabe, MS., 44-5, state that A. was believed by G. to have been the writer of a pasquinade against him posted at a street- corner. Janssens, Vida, MS., 71-2, says that meetings had been held before- hand, at which a pretext for the quarrel had been devised.

1) There is a little mystery about this diputacion. A new election was to have been held on Nov. 6th, but now the body must have been constituted as in the sessions following the May election, recorded in the last chapter- that is, 1. Castro, 2. Alvarado, 3. Guerra, 4. R. Gomez, 5. Spence, G. Crespo, 7. J. Gomez. Alvarado represents Crespo as having been a spy of the gov., excluded when a secret session was held; and Spence is said to have met with the body, though not a member; while nothing is said of the two Gomez. Buelna, who took a prominent part, may have been a suplente called upon to act in the absence of one of these. There is no record whatever of the October sessions. Estevan de la Torre, Reminis., MS., 62-4, says that one day Gutierrez entered the hall of the dip. when drunk, and had hot words with Alvarado, whom he ordered under arrest after suspending the session. J. M. de la Torre, narrator's father, furnished horses and accompanied Al- varado to S. Juan that night. J. J. Vallejo, Remin., MS., 122-3, has yet another version. He says that Gutierrez sent ont spies to mingle with the people and learn who were prominent in fomenting discontent. Learning that Alvarado and Castro were the leaders, he ordered the arrest and exile of the former, who, being warned, was aided by Tia Boronda and Isaac Graham to escape.

435

ADVENTURES OF DON JUAN BAUTISTA.

speech against Gutierrez as a centralist who disre- garded the rights of the people as represented by the diputacion, a body which he had repeatedly insulted and had even threatened to dissolve by force. He ar- gued that Gutierrez had no right to hold both com- mands; and advocated a resort to force to rid the coun- try of its oppressor. Spence and Munras, mindful of their commercial interests, opposed the use of force, but favored a petition to the supreme government, leaving matters in statu quo for the present. This policy was not acceptable to the majority, who, on motion of Castro, voted that if Gutierrez would not give up the civil command he must be exiled. This was signed by Castro, Buelna, Alvarado, and Guerra. Spence refused, but promised aid to the cause. Alvarado was appointed to solicit the cooper- ation of Vallejo at Sonoma, and Castro was ordered to take command of the citizens in arms. Mean- while the governor learned what course affairs were taking, and sent Crespo to San Juan to negotiate, offering to make some concessions; but the agent was not received, and the answer sent back was to the ef- fect that the diputacion, representing the people, had undertaken the preservation of federal institutions, and the governor must prepare to defend himself.

Alvarado went first to Monterey and had an inter- view with Angel Ramirez, who was somewhat alarmed at the plan of visiting Sonoma and making Vallejo prominent in the enterprise, fearing that Vallejo's friendship for Bandini might interfere in the success of his own plans. Alvarado stopped at the house of Tia Boronda, and there had a meeting with Isaac Graham, the hunter, upon whom he prevailed without much difficulty to arouse his countrymen and join the revolutionary cause. During this interview, glancing out of the window, Alvarado saw Captain Muñoz and eight soldiers rapidly approaching the house, where- upon he rushed out, mounted Graham's horse which

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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.

was standing at the door, and dashed off at full speed, with the bullets whistling about his head!

Next Don Juan Bautista hastened to Sonoma, receiving aid and encouragement along the way from the rancheros and others at San José, San Francisco, San Pablo, and San Rafael, at which latter place the padre invited him to take the benefit of church asylum. At Sonoma he found his uncle Vallejo more cautious and less enthusiastic in the cause than he would have wished. The comandante was very strong and independent, monarch of all he surveyed on the northern frontier, and correspond- ingly timid about running unnecessary risks. While patriotically approving the views of Alvarado and his associates, and ready in theory to shed his blood in defence of popular rights, he counselled deliberation, remembered that the northern Indians were in a threatening attitude, required time to put his men in a proper condition to leave their families, and after a ceremonious introduction to the chief Solano and his Indian braves at Napa, sent his nephew in a boat to San José, with instructions to rouse the people and await further developments.12

At San José Alvarado found many citizens ready to aid in the cause and eager for active operations. His associates overruled his desire to wait for Don Guada- lupe, though it was thought best to inspire confidence in the movement by using Vallejo's name as leader of the pronunciados even without his consent. Soon after, Alvarado wrote to his uncle as follows: "When I parted from you at Napa, my sentiments of patriot- ism and my personal situation both animated me all

12 Both Alvarado and Vallejo, in their Ilist. Cal., MS., very naturally try to conceal the latter's hesitation at this time, stating that 200 men were promised and great enthusiasm was shown for the cause. Osio, how- ever, tells us that Alvarado got but little satisfaction from Vallejo, and eame back very much discouraged, and Alvarado himself, in a letter written a few days later and soon to be noticed, elearly implies that Vallejo had refused to take a leading part in the movement. Chico, it will be remembered, had not been certain on his departure which side Vallejo would take. Chas Brown, Statement, MS., 10-11, remembers Alvarado's visit to Sonoma. He says no troops went south.

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GRAHAM'S RIFLEMEN.

the more ardently to do a good deed for my country. I returned with regret at not having succeeded in obtaining your company in attaining an object of public beneficence; and I was in great trouble. At San Jose I met Castro, Buelna, and Noriega; and we agreed to make a pronunciamiento. We formed a plan, and with thirteen men started for Monterev. Immediately we recognized the enthusiasm of the in- habitants in defence of a just cause. On the way they aided us with arms and supplies .. .. We called the expedition the 'vanguard of the division of oper- ations,' giving out that you were bringing up the rear with the rest of the forces, and that you were the chief of the army. It was necessary to employ this ruse, for in this belief many people joined us."13

Castro at San Juan and among the rancheros of the Salinas and Pájaro valleys had also been success- ful in organizing a little revolutionary army; and about seventy-five mounted Californians, 14 armed with lances and such old muskets-for the most part unfit for use-as could be found on the ranchos, assembled apparently at Jesus Vallejo's rancho on the Pájaro. They had a Mexican flag and plenty of fifes and drums obtained at the mission of San Juan. There are no narratives which throw any light on the de- tails of these preparations.

The strongest part of the revolutionary forec, from a military point of view, was Graham's company of riflemen. Graham was a Tennesseean hunter who had come from New Mexico three years before. He was a wild and reckless fellow, a crack-shot, a despiser

13 Alvarado, l'arta confidencial & D. Guadalupe Vallejo, 7 de Nov. 1836, MS. This is a document of the greatest historical importance, one of the very few original records extant upon this revolution. It establishes Vallejo's position in the matter; and it raises grave doubts about the accuracy of Alvarado's statements on the formal meeting of the diputacion at S. Juan before his visit to Sonoma.

11 Jesus Pico, Acout., MS., 32-8, claims to have captured all the govt horses and brought them in for the use of the army. Inocento García, Hlechos, MS., 50-6, was the standard-bearer. The number of the men is given in different narratives all the way from 60 to 400.

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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.

of all Mexican 'varmint,' who had opened a distillery not far from San Juan. His place was a favorite loafing-place for foreigners; and having agreed to aid Alvarado, he had no difficulty, by a free use of aguar- diente and eloquence, in raising a company of twenty- five or thirty men of various nationalities, most of them sailors, with perhaps half a dozen American hunters. Graham was aided in his work of recruiting by Will- iam R. Garner, and John Coppinger was made his lieutenant, both Englishmen; while Louis Pombert, a Frenchman, as a kind of sergeant was next in com- mand. There is no list of names extant. A good deal of admiration has been expressed by different writers following in the lead of Farnham, for the brave and noble Graham, cavalier of the wilderness, and his gallant band of Kentuckian riflemen, taking up arms for Californian independence, not without a hope of bringing their adopted home under the stars and stripes! Their motives and their services have been greatly exaggerated; yet the presence of a few real hunters, and the superiority of the guns carried by the rest, made this company the most formidable part of the revolutionary force. If the sailors were not very expert marksmen, it was all the same to the Mexicans, to whom all were rifleros Americanos. Doubtless the leaders were promised recompense in lands and privileges; and it is not unlikely that a few of the foreigners looked at the whole enterprise from a political point of view ; yet we may be very sure that the Californian leaders were inclined to use their allies rather than be used by them.15 It must be remem-

15 Farnham's remarks on the services of the 50 foreigners who, with 25 Californians loitering in the rear, expelled the Mex. governor after insisting on political conditions which were promised but were never fulfilled, are too absurd to merit refutation. Other writers naturally exaggerate Graham's services and are somewhat over-enthusiastic about the American element in his company-the writers being Americans themselves, or foes of Alvarado for various reasons, or, if French or English, writing before Cal. became a part of the U. S. Dr Marsh, Letter, MS., 7-S, gives the composition of the company substantially as in my text. The writer of the account in the Ilon- olulu, S. I. Gazette, Dec. 2, 1837, says: 'It is true that many foreigners were hired by the govt to serve in the ranks, but they no doubt did it for the pay,

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REBELS ATTACK MONTEREY.

bered, however, that there was a foreign influence in the whole affair quite distinct from that exerted by the members of Graham's company.

It was apparently on the evening of November 3d that the revolutionary forces under José Castro ap- proached the capital. I quote from Alvarado's letter, as the best authority extant, the following account of what happened during the next few days: "Finally we arrived at Monterey with upwards of 100 men. The place was fortified with over 50 men assembled in the plaza. On the night of our arrival we passed on with some strategy and took the castle, and the height near the house of Linares, so that the plaza," that is, the presidio within the walls of which Gu- tierrez had his garrison, "was commanded. With aid from the people of the town, from the merchants, and from the vessels, except that of Don Federico Becher, we armed ourselves sufficiently and sent a flag of truce, with a demand that Gutierrez should surrender the plaza at discretion. In it were all the officers, includ- ing Portilla who had lately arrived, and a multitude of convicts whom Gutierrez had armed. The reply being delayed, we fired a cannon-shot from the fort, and the ball was so well directed that we put it into the zaguan of the comandante's house, while the officers were con- versing in the court. Such was their fright that they were not to be seen for an hour. Then Gutierrez re- plied that he would not surrender. Such was the anger of the division that every man dismounted, arms in hand, to attack. We had also a company of 25 riflemen. When the movement was seen from the plaza, they sent a messenger to stop it, and to suppli-

knowing well the character of the revolution, and that there would not be much danger.' Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 195, remarks that the Mexicans exaggerated the foreign influence for effect in Mexico. Alvarado, Ilist. C'al., MS iii. 141-2, admits that the foreign company was of the greatest use to him, that the leaders did good service, and that he promised them lands. Bee, Recoll., MS., 6-11, who was a member of the company, gives a not very clear account of its operations. He says Garner was chosen Ist lieutenant and Coppinger 2d, though the former did not serve.

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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.

cate that we should not attack; and in a few minutes Gutierrez sent a communication offering to surrender on condition that we would give guaranties to the men of his party, without preventing such of them as desired to do so from following him. We accepted the conditions, and presented ourselves in Monterey in the most admirable order. The infantry marched to the sound of Mr Hinckley's music, and the cavalry with trumpets. The officers retired from the plaza, except one who remained to deliver the post." 16

The account just quoted, written at the time by Alvarado, the leader of the movement, in a private letter, intended to have no other effect than to inform Vallejo of what had occurred, is doubtless a correct one. Other records throw no doubt on its accuracy, except perhaps in the statement that the surrender was made in consequence of evident preparations for a charge. In later narratives written from memory, Alvarado, like other Californians, has introduced some exaggerations and erroneous statements. It is no part of my duty to reproduce the errors of such statements, but only to utilize the testimony which I have gathered so far as it may reveal the truth. I append a few details, the accuracy of which there is no special reason to question.17 There is a general agree-

16 Alvarado, Carta Confidencial, MS.

17 Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 142-59, says that Spence was sent by Gutierrez to make a tour of inspection on the night the army arrived. They were surprised to find the fort not guarded. Their numbers were soon in- creased by the inhabitants, sailors, etc., to over 300. The fort might easily have been defended. José Abrego furnished the ball that was fired, and Peña aimed the gun, being allowed 15 minutes to 'read up ' artillery practice. Two small cannon were landed from Hinckley's vessel. The foreigners were anxious to attack the presidio. Late in the evening Castillero and Crespo came out with torches and a flag of truce to propose surrender. Terms were made verbally at 1 A. M., and in writing next morning after the dip. had held a meeting. Villavicencio was sent to receive the arms, which Muñoz gave up. Gutierrez went with his officers to the house of Joaquin Gomez. Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 154-80, gives the same version in substance as Alvarado. He says half the force halted at the lagunita, while the rest went to take the castillo. Spence in his report exaggerated to Gutierrez the num- ber of the attacking force. The prisoners were sent on board the Clementine the same day of the surrender, though she did not sail for some days. Accord- ing to García, Hechos, MS., 50-6, Buelna commanded the S. José division, and García with his own party joined the rest at the lenadero. Grahaus wished at the first to besiege Monterey and shoot every man that presented

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History of California, Volume III, Part 49

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824