USA > California > History of California, Volume III > Part 51
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Original print in Earliest Printing. Also in Bandini, Doc., MS., 42; Guerra, Doc., MS., i. 151-2; Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 193-6; and transla- tion, somewhat less literal than mine, in Hopkins' Translations, 3-4, printed also in the S. Francisco Alta. The Noriega who signs was José Antonio de la Guerra. It was a whim to sign his name Noriega, which he had no right to do. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 109-73, says that two copies of the address were sent to every place to be posted in regular form on the doors of alcaldía and church.
24 Plan de Independencia Californiana adoptada por la diputación en 7 de Nov. 1836. Original print, 1 leaf, with rubric of the four signers in Earliest Printing. Also in Castro, Doc., MS., i. 33; Vallejo, Doc., MS., xxxii. 41; Bandini, Doc., MS., 41; Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 210-11; Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., x. 17. Translation in Hopkins' Translations, 4-5, in which one unfortunate error is to be noted, where debida á las fatigas de la campaña is rendered ' the result of the labors of the company.'
1. Alta California is declared independent of Mexico until the federal system of 1824 shall be reestablished. 2. The said California is erected into a free and sovereign state, establishing a congress which shall pass all the par- ticular laws of the country, also the other necessary supreme powers, the pres-
471
PATRIOTIC DECREES.
plan was unanimously adopted by the diputacion, andl being submitted on motion of Castro to the leaders of the pronunciados, was by them also approved, with- out much opposition, it may be supposed, since those leaders were Castro and Alvarado. Next day Presi- dent Castro issued the first of a series of decrees eura- nating from the diputacion in its new capacity, in which the people are duly informed "that the said supreme legislative body has decreed as follows: 'The constitu- ent congress of the free and sovereign state of Alta Cal- ifornia is hereby declared legitimately installed.""29 On the 13th, as 'commander of the vanguard of the divi- sion of operations,' Castro issued a printed proclamation to the people, congratulating them on their escape from tyranny, exhorting them not to falter in the good work, reminding them that death was preferable to servi- tude, and that federalism must become the system of the nation. "Viva la federacion! Viva la libertad ! Viva el estado libre y soberano de Alta California!"3)
The next record carries us forward to the time when Vallejo, having arrived from Sonoma, assumed the military command, tendered him, as we have seen, by the diputacion on the 7th. Mariano Guadalupe Va- llejo was a young man of about thirty years, who had recently received a lieutenant's commission in the Mexican army, and was comandante of the northern
ent most excellent diputacion declaring itself constituent. 3. The religion will be the catholic apostolic Roman, without admitting the public worship of any other; but the government will mnolest no one for his private religious opinions. 4. A constitution shall regulate all branches of the administra- tion provisionally, so far as possible in accordance with the said (federal ?) constitution. 5. While the provisions of the preceding articles are being carried out Don Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo will be called to the comandancia general. 6. The necessary communications will be made to the municipali- ties of the territory by the president of the excelentisima diputacion.
29 Castro, Decretos de la Exma Diputacion erigida en Congreso Constituyente, por su Presidente, no. 1-10, 1836, in Earliest Printing. Nos 1-4 are signed by Castro as diputado presidente, and by Juan B. Alvarado as diputado sec- retario; nos 5-9 by Castro and by J. A. do la Guerra as sec. ; and no. 10 by Alvarado as gov. and ('osme Peña as sec. It is possible that this series was continued, but I have found no later numbers. Nov. 10th, Castro to comis- sario de policía at Branciforte, forwarding the bases adopted by the diputa- cion to be sworn at the villa. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 74.
30 Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MIS., x. 14-10.
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GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
frontier, with headquarters at Sonoma. He was the son of the 'sargento distinguido' Ignacio Vallejo and of Maria Antonia Lugo, being, on the paternal side at least, of pure Spanish blood, and being entitled by the old rules to prefix the 'Don' to his name. In childhood he had been the associate of Alvarado and Castro at Monterey, and his educational advantages, of which he made good use, were substantially the same as theirs. Unlike his companions, he chose a military career, entering the Monterey company in 1823 as cadet, and being promoted to be alférez of the San Francisco company in 1827. He served as habilitado and as comandante of both companies, and took part, as has been recorded in preceding chapters, in several campaigns against the Indians, besides act- ing as fiscal or defensor in various military trials. In 1830 he was elected to the diputacion, and took a prominent part in the opposition of that body to Vic- toria. In 1832 he married Francisca Benicia, daugh- ter of Joaquin Carrillo, and in 1834 was elected dip- utado suplente to congress. He was a favorite of Figueroa, who gave him large tracts of land north of the bay, choosing him as comisionado to secular- ize San Francisco Solano, to found the town of So- noma, and to command the frontera del norte. In his new position Vallejo was doubtless the most indepen- dent man in California. His past record was a good one, and both in ability and experience he was proba- bly better fitted to take the position as comandante general than any other Californian. He was not per- sonally so popular as either Alvarado or Castro, be- cause chiefly of his reserved, haughty, aristocratic, mil- itary manner; yet it is evident that his name and his strength carried great weight with the people, since the revolutionists were forced to represent him as their leader, even without his consent. The reasons of his conservatism were well enough known, and little doubt was felt that he would accept the command offered him. Accordingly Alvarado, in his letter of November 7th,
473
VALLEJO AS GENERAL.
already cited, explained to his uncle the use that had been made of his name, declared the movement a suc- cess, and urged the importance of his presence at the capital. Don Guadalupe obeyed, and came from So- noma with a small force.31
It was on November 29th that Vallejo took the oath of allegiance to the new government, assumed the position of comandante general, and issued a proc- lamation to the Californians-a document expressing patriotic purposes in the usual grandiloquent language of Spanish American officials.32 It was feared that some objection might be made in certain quarters to a general who held no higher military rank than that of lieutenant, and accordingly on the day the oath was taken the constituent congress voted Vallejo a
31 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 197-202, tells us that he started from So- noma with a large force before he knew what had taken place, but sent back all but 50 of his men when he heard at S. Jose that Gutierrez had fallen. He only knew of his appointment by the shout of viva el comandante gen- eral! by which he was greeted at Monterey. Nov. 7, 1836, Castro to Va- llejo. Official notice of his appointment. "The people expect of your patriot- ism a compliance with their wishes.' Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 264. Nov. 16th, Vallejo from str. of Carquines to Castro. Will start at once for Sonoma, and thence for Monterey; though it is inconvenient, as he expects 62 Indian chiefs to make treaties. Id., iv. 42.
32 l'allejo, Proclama del C. Mariano G. Vallejo en el acto de prestar el jura- mento de las baces adoptadas por la Ecsma Diputacion de la Alta California. Monterrey, 29 de Nov. de 1836. Imprenta del Sup. Gob., etc., 1 leaf, in Earliest Printing ; Fallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 269; Bandini, Doc., MS., 43; Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., x. 13; and with French translation in Petit-Thouars, Voyages, MS., iv. 1-3. , 'Fellow-citizens: the sovereign legislative assembly of the free state of Alta California calls me to its aid, and I obey its supreme deter- mination, putting myself at the head of the brave men who surround me, and accepting the comandancia general for the public welfare, whose slave alone I am. Yes, fellow-citizens, I swear to you before God I would promise to secure your happiness, if, as my soul abounds in love for the country, my knowledge were sufficient to second my good intentions and the purity of my desires. Yet I will strive to that end, and I will succeed in showing that I am a citizen who loves the liberty of a country so often outraged with impu- nity. If I succeed, mny reward will be the well-being of the sovereign people to which I have the honor to belong; but if it may not be so, my fitting rec- ompense will be a cold stone, which, confounding me among insensible beings, shall publish "Here lies a Californian who yielded to death rather than to tyranny !""' etc. In translating this and other documents in my notes, I have thought it best to give the anthor's words as literally as possible, taking pains, however, never to exaggerate in English any vagueness, inelegancy, or absurdity of the original Spanish. On Nov. 28th, Alvarado wrote to Valen- tin Cota at Sta Bárbara a friendly letter, declaring that prospects were very bright, though the leeches might yet make trouble. Cota, Doc., MIS., 5-6.
47-1
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
colonel of cavalry, the commission being issued in December. 33
On December 4th the legislators brought their minds to bear on revenue management. It was de- cided to suppress all the old offices connected with the custom-house, and to intrust all the business to a collector at a salary of $1,000 and a clerk at $360.34 At the next session provision was made for the or- ganization of a 'civic force to sustain the system of government adopted,' for which purpose the ayunta- miento was required to prepare at once lists of in- habitants between fifteen and fifty years of age. The staff of the squadron was to consist of a colonel, lieut-colonel, sergeant-major, and standard-bearer. The government was also authorized to organize an infantry company of riflemen. The leading commis- sions in the civic militia were subsequently given to Alvarado and Castro respectively, both commencing their military career with a rank that in Spanish times could have been reached only by long years of ser- vice in the lower grades. 35
It was now deemed necessary to choose a chief executive of the new government in place of Castro, who had hitherto acted in that capacity as president of the diputacion. Accordingly, at the session of December 7th, Juan B. Alvarado was declared to be governor ad interim of the state, with a salary of
33 Castro, Decretos de la Dip., no. 2, Nov. 29th. Commission Dec. 11th, in Vallejo, Doc., MS., i. 11; Petit-Thouars, Voyage, iv. 20.
3+ Castro, Decretos, no. 3. Ramirez seems, however, to have remained in charge of the custom-house until Dec. 21st at least; and Hartnell was the first recaudador.
33 Castro, Decretos, no. 4, Dec. 5, 1836; also in Petit-Thouars, Voyage, iv. 3-6. Alvarado's commission as colonel was issued Dec. 11th, by Castro as president. Earliest Printing. As by decree no. 4 the colonel was to be appointed by the govt, and Alvarado had since become the chief executive, he was freed from the duty of appointing himself, and the president author- i .: ed to issue the commission on Dec. 7th, by no. 6 of Castro, Decretos. Of Castro's own commission as lieut-col. I have no record, save that from about this time that prefix was attached to his name. On Dec. 12th, Alvarado, as col. and governor, commissioned José Jesus Vallejo as captain of artillery in the civic militia, Earliest Printing; and also Valentin Cota of Sta Bárbara to be captain, Guerra, Doc., MS., v. 305; and Miguel Ávila to be alférez. Avila, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., 253.
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ALVARADO MADE GOVERNOR.
$1,500, the tratamiento of 'excellency' and a secre- tary at $1,000,36 to which position Cosme Peña was soon appointed. Of Alvarado's inauguration, of the speech that he may have made, and the proclamation he may have issued, there is no record.
Three important decrees were issued the 9th of December. By the first, each ayuntamiento was di- rected to choose at its next session a diputado to join the members of the congress and aid in the formation of a constitution. A second divided the state ten- porarily into two cantons, or districts, the first that of Monterey, including the municipalities of San Fran- cisco and San José; the second that of Los Angeles, including Santa Bárbara and San Diego. Each can- ton was to have a gefe político, to be the governor in the first, and in the second a man subordinate to the governor and appointed by him from a trio to be elected at Los Angeles January 15th by comisionados named by the ayuntamientos. As no such election was ever held, and as the system never went into ef- fect for reasons that will appear later, it seems unnec- essary to go further into details. By the third decree some of the late restrictions on commerce were re- moved; duties were fixed at forty per cent on foreign
36 Castro, Derretos de la Dip., no. 5, Dec. 7, 1836; Petit-Thouars, Voyage, iv. 6-9. Art. 1. Alvarado to be gov. ad interim. Art. 2. To serve until the appointment of another to serve 'constitutionally.' Art. 3. His attri- butes are: 1. To appoint officials in accordance with the bases and laws. 2. To care for the security and tranquillity of the state. 3. To command the militia. 4. To enforce the bases and laws, and issue the necessary deerees to that end. 5. To see that justice be promptly and fully executed. 6. To appoint and remove administrators of missions, take accounts through comi- sionados, and report to congress on mission matters requiring attention. 7. To fine corporations, subordinate authorities, and private individuals to extent of $100 for disrespect to the govt, or $200 for failure to comply with duties; or to suspend officials, reporting at once to congress. Art. 4. To have the title of excellency. Art. 5. To have $1,500 per year. Art. G. In case of dis- ability, his duties to be performed by the pres. of the congress. Art. 7. To take the oath of office before the pres. Art. 8. To have a secretary and a clerk, or more than one if necessary, appointed by himself. Art. 9. The secretary's duty is to extend the minutes and sign all decrees and orders. Art. 10. Sec. to have a salary of $1,600, and clerk $375, without fees. Art. 11. The sec. to take the oath before the state govt. Art. 12. This decree to be published, etc. Signed by Castro and by Guerra. Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 184-5, tells us that there was much discussion about thio title of the new ruler, between gefe politico, president, and governor.
476
GUTIERREZ, CASTRO, AND ALVARADO.
goods, with tonnage dues at eight reals per ton, and coasting trade was permitted to foreign vessels under a permit from the government. This was in appreci- ation of the aid rendered by foreigners to the cause of freedom.37
Thus far the Californians had been successful in their armed protest against centralism. They had got rid of their Mexican ruler, and had made a start in the experiment of governing themselves. The ma- chinery of government was working smoothly enough at the capital. The beginnings under the new régime had been marked by no hasty or unwise steps. The leaders were among the best and the ablest of the Californians, abounding in patriotism, if somewhat lacking in experience. It would be going too far, perhaps, to say that the new administration had before it an open road to permanent success, for the inherent difficulties of the situation were great. Possibly it is fortunate in a sense for Alvarado and his associates that they can point to the opposition of their country- men as an insurmountable obstacle in their way, for it is certain that such opposition removed every hope of a notable success. Yet I have much reason to be- lieve that Alvarado would have effected a marked improvement in the condition of California had he been allowed to do so, and that the internal quarrels, which needlessly monopolized his attention and ener- gy, were from every point of view a misfortune to the country.
The bases of the new system were of course for- warded, with the various proclamations and decrees therewith connected, to every part of the state; and I suppose that they were approved with the usual forms and oath of allegiance everywhere in the north- ern districts, though strangely enough not a single rec- ord of such local proceeding has rewarded my search.
37 Castro, Decretos, nos 7, 8, 9, Dec. 9, 1836; Vallejo, Doc., MS., 51-3; Petit-Thouars, Voyage, iv. 12-20; Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., iii. 55-60.
477
AFFAIRS IN THE NORTH.
In the south a strong opposition developed itself, to be treated fully in the following chapter. Alvarado deter- inined to visit the south in person. He obtained from the congress a concession of extraordinary powers,23 gave his civil authority as far as possible to General Vallejo, whom all local authorities were ordered to obey,39 and started southward on Christmas, with some fifty soldiers and Graham's riflemen, a part of the force being sent by water on the Clementine, which had re- turned from Cape San Lucas. Vallejo at about the same time was called away to Sonoma to settle some trouble with the Indians, and Lieut-colonel Castro was left in command. There is nothing more to be said of affairs at the north in 1836, except that Angel Ramirez, having been removed from the administration of the revenues, and having been unable to control Alvarado as he had hoped to do, was perhaps already engaged in plotting future mischief.40 There is no in- dication that north of Santa Barbara there was any disaffection among Californians, though some of the more timid looked forward with anxiety to the result of the governor's campaign in the south, and still more anxiously to the time when their revolt should be known in Mexico.
38 Castro, Decretos, no. 10, Dec. 20, 1836; Petit-Thouars, Voyage, iv. 21. This, the final order of the series, is issued by 'The citizen Juan B. Alvarado, colonel of the civic militia, superior gefe politico of the first canton, and gov- ernor of the free and sovereign state of Alta California.' Countersigned by Secretary Peña.
39 Dec. 23, 1836, Alvarado to civil authorities and private persons. In l'a- llejo, Doc., MS., iv. 45. Vallejo in return conceded his military authority to Alvarado so far as the south was concerned. Ilis order to comandantes of the south is dated Dec. 17th. Id., iv. 43.
40 Alvarado, Hist. ('al., MS., iii. 190-4, and Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 241- 3, tell us that the former on his way south found evidence that Ramirez and l'. Mercado were plotting at S. Antonio, and sent a note of warning to Vallejo. Alvarado thought of arresting Ramirez, but had some hope that he would conspire with the south and thus drive Juan Bandini over to the governor's side.
CHAPTER XVII.
ALVARADO'S RULE-TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH.
1836-1837.
CAUSES OF SOUTHERN OPPOSITION-SECTIONAL, LOCAL, AND PERSONAL PREJU- DICE-THE NEWS AT ANGELES-SAN DIEGO AROUSED-PLAN OF NOVEM- DER-COUNTER-PLAN OF SANTA BARBARA-NEW AYUNTAMIENTOS AND NEW PLAN-LETTERS OF PROMINENT MEN-CASTILLO NEGRETE-OSIO - BANDINI-PIO PICO-CARLOS CARRILLO-ALVARADO IN THE SOUTHI- THE BARBAREÑOS SUBMIT-ANGELINOS OBSTINATE-DIEGUINOS PATRI- OTIC BUT NOT WARLIKE-DEFENSIVE MEASURES-CAMPAIGN AND TREATY OF SAN FERNANDO-ALVARADO AT LOS ANGELES -- CASTRO'S ARRIVAL- ANOTHER PLAN-SPEECHIES-FEARS OF ATTACK FROM SONORA -- CASTRO AT SAN DIEGO-DIPUTACIÓN SUSTAINS ALVARADO-PLAN DE GOBIERNO- INTRIGUES OF OSIO AND PICO-LOS ANGELES SUBMITS-GOVERNOR'S MANIFIESTO OF MAY-RETURN TO MONTEREY-EVENTS IN THE NORTH, JANUARY TO MAY.
THAT the changes effected at Monterey were not ap- proved in the south was due almost entirely to sec- tional, local, and personal causes. The provincial preju- dice was as strong in one part of California as in another. The arribeños were not more radical feder- alists than were the abajeños, nor were they more unanimously opposed to Mexican rulers. The loyalty of the sureños and their natural shrinking from revo- lutionary measures were not notably more pronounced than the same sentiments among the norteños. It was San Diego and Los Angeles, not Monterey and San Jose, that had begun the revolt against Victoria in 1831. It was the south that sustained Echeandía, and the north that supported Zamorano's counter- revolt in behalf of the supreme government. There was not much opposition to Gutierrez personally in ( 478 )
479
SOUTHERN DISAFFECTION.
either section. Alvarado was personally popular in both sections. The padres Fernandinos in charge of the southern missions were disposed rather to favor than oppose the change. El sur, as fully as el norte, had felt the effects of Mexican oppression and neglect, real or imaginary. The benefits, if any, to be derived from independence could be nowise sectional. Other reasons for southern opposition must be sought.
A strong sectional feeling had been in process of de- velopment since 1825, when .Echeandia, charmed with southern climate and southern ladies, had seriously wounded the pride of Monterey, by fixing his residence at San Diego. Most representatives to congress had been from the south, which was deemed a slight to northern talent; but on the other hand, Arguello and Castro had ruled as governors, while Pico and Estu- dillo had failed to secure recognition. Custom-house quarrels had waxed hot between San Diego and Mon- terey, to the advantage of the latter; but the south- ern pueblo had gone far ahead of San José in popula- tion, even gaining the rank of city. In the struggle for the capital, Los Angeles had gained the victory, on paper, which caused a burst of indignation in the north; but Monterey had thus far evaded a delivery of the spoils, and the Angelinos were furious. A di- vision of the missions between the friars of two col- leges had a slight tendency to widen the breach.
The first feeling on hearing what had happened was one of surprise and of timidity. Yet the people were not more timid than the arribenos, but their courage had not, like that of the others, been braced up by the excitement of personal participation in stir- ring events or by the eloquence of popular leaders. Soon, however, there was developed in the minds of the southerners a still more potent sentiment, to the effect that the revolution had been the work of north- ern men, and that they would not only monopolize the glory and prestige arising from the achievement, put- ting on airs of superiority, but would probably claim
430
ALVARADO'S RULE-TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH.
the lion's share of the offices and other benefits of the new system. Before the avowed policy of the new administration was fully known, the most absurd ru- mors were current, but Los Angeles had much reason to believe that the change was at the least not favor- able to its own possession of the capital, and this was ample cause for the opposition of that city. San Diego entertained similar hopes and fears, though in less marked degree, respecting the custom-house. But the opposition in the extreme south was due mainly to another cause, the influence of Juan Bandini. This gentleman saw in the movement at Monterey but one figure, that of his hated foe, Angel Ramirez.
Judge Castillo Negrete on his way to Mexico spent a few weeks in the south, where he attacked with argument, invective, and ridicule the revolution- ary leaders, devoting all his energies to fanning the flame of popular discontent already kindled by local prejudice. The result was, that the most exaggerated ideas of Alvarado's policy were instilled into the public mind, so far as the people at large could be in- duced to think of the subject at all. The conditional element of the plan of independence was ignored al- together; Mexico had been defied, and California, defenceless, was exposed to the rapacity of foreign nations, if not indeed already virtually delivered to agents of the United States. All Mexicans had been or were to be banished, and their property con- fiscated, perhaps their very lives endangered. The south was to have no voice in the new administration. Even the catholic faith was dishonored, and protes- tant heresy was to be encouraged. Such were the fears which certain individuals deemed it for their in- terest to inculcate, and it is wonderful what unswerv- ing loyalty and patriotism, what respect for the power of Mexico, what devotion to the true faith, and what ardent zeal to put themselves right on the record and avert the terrible consequences of Mexican wrath were all at once developed in the southern mind and
4SI
NEWS OF THE REVOLUTION.
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