History of California, Volume III, Part 45

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824

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411

JOHN COULTER'S EXPLOITS.

ment in the far west; and later to make known his early efforts, to seek a reward, and particularly to com- plain of the gross wrongs of which he had been the victim. He honestly believed himself to have been the first and most efficient promoter of American colonization on the Pacific coast, and that he had been robbed of the honor and profit that should have re- sulted from his services.5°

Another visit of the year was probably apocryphal. Dr John Coulter, in a narrative of adventures in the Pacific published in London, devoted seven chapters to his experience in California, covering a larger part of the year 1834, so far as can be judged from the single date given in the book.51 The author's knowl- edge of Californian geography was perhaps derived from earlier books, with a general idea of institutions; but all the rest was evidently evolved from his imagi- nation, since, if he ever saw the country at all, his narrative shows no trace of that fact. It is for the most part an account of absurdly impossible personal adventures, with allusions to magnificent ruins and relics of antiquity: Indians clad in doeskin, decked with gay feathers and paint and silk scarfs and silver bracelets and coronets, and armed with tomahawk and rifle; canoes floating on stream and lake; robbers with their deadly lassos infesting every trail; with lofty pines, shady magnolias, cochineal-feeding prick- ly pears, and broad ranges of hazel-nut !

50 Kelley's Memoir; Id., History; Id., Narrative, etc., passim. I have formed my narrative from disconnected statements in these and other writings of the author. There is no reason to question its accuracy. Kelley elaimed that Sutter's occupation of the Sacramento Valley was suggested by his re- ports.

51 Coulter, Adventures on the Western Coast of South America, and the inte- rior of California ... By John Coulter, M. D., author of 'Adventures in the Pacific.' London, 1847. 12mo. 2 vol. The matter on California is found in vol. i. p. 127-SS. Dr Stillman, in Overland Monthly, ii. p. 263, has justly characterized the book as a tissue of lies. Coulter claims to have been left at S. F. siek with rheumatism from the whaler Stratford, Capt. Lock, and to have sailed later in the Hound, Capt. Trainer, to rejoin his vessel at Tahiti. His time after his malady had been cured by tho temescal was spent in visits to all the northern missions, and with hunters and trappers in the broad in- terior.

412

PIONEERS AND FOREIGN RELATIONS.

Besides the ordinary sources of information, we have for 1834 two formal lists of foreigners in the Monterey district, and a similar list for the Angeles district, so that probably few names have been missed. Of the ninety foreigners who appear in the records, however, many besides those known to be visitors do not reappear after 1834-5; and the pioneers proper as named in my list are thirty-six.52 Prudon, Reid, and Stokes were perhaps those best known in Cali- fornia; and so far as I know, Janssens was the only survivor in 1884. The coming of the Mexican colony added several to the number of foreign residents, as had the New Mexican caravans of 1831-2 and Walk- er's overland expedition of 1833.

In 1835 also California had its visit, resulting in a book, both of a very different class from Coulter's of the preceding year, being Richard H. Dana's Two Years before the Mast, a work that requires but brief notice at this date, as no other about California has had more readers. The author, since a prominent lawyer and lecturer as well as writer of well known books, was then a boy in Harvard College, who shipped as a common sailor on the Pilgrim, with a view to cure a weakness of the eyes that interfered with his studies. He arrived at Santa Bárbara in January 1835, and left San Diego to return in May 1836 on the Alert, having visited repeatedly every port on the coast, and spent four months at the hide- houses of San Diego. His book was a connected narrative of his experience and observations during the two years' absence from Boston, and was first published in 1840.53 Notwithstanding its truth,

52 Pioneers of 1834: Wm J. Bailey, Chas Baric, Thos G. Bowen, John Col- bert, Dav. Cooper, Luther Cooper, J. M. Covarrubias, Nathan Daly, Wm Daly, Wm Garuc, Horatio N. Hartnell, Henry Herd, Jos H. Hill, Gerard Hope, Chas Hubbard, Aug. Janssens, Chas Johnstone, Robert King, Wm Lumsden, John C. McLeod (?), Jos L. Majors, Misteril, Albert F. Morris, Pierre Olivier, Matt. Pelham, Dav. Philips, Victor Prudon, Hugo Reid, James Rogers, Thos Russell, Matias Sabici, John Smith, James Stokes, Win Taylor, Andrew Watson, Ezekiel Whitton.

53 [Dana] Two Years before the Mast. A Personal Narrative of Life at

413

DANA'S VISIT AND BOOK.

Dana's narrative had all the fascination of Cooper's and Marryatt's sca-stories, and it was doubtless this charm mainly that caused its immense popularity; yet it was instructive no less than fascinating, as it contained the most realistic picture extant of sailors' life and treatment in American trading vessels, with intelligent observations on the countries visited. Of the Californian hide trade, in all its details, Dana presented a view which has never been surpassed. His opportunities were small for studying the history and institutions of the country; but his remarks on the places and men and customs that came under his personal observation were not only interesting, but with some exceptions accurate. The current popular idea of California from 1841 to 1848 was founded largely on this book, with those of Forbes and Rob-

inson. The author's appreciation of the western land is summed up in the remark, 'In the hands of an enterprising people, what a country this might be!" but he adds, "Yet how long would a people re- main so, in such a country? If the 'California fever,' laziness, spares the first generation, it is likely to attack the second." An addition to the late editions, "Twenty-four Years After," is second in fascination to no part of the original.

I have but sixteen names to record in my list of pioneers for 1835, and six of these are doubtful in respect of date. Including visitors, the total number of new-comers is but thirty-six. None acquired any special prominence, unless it may be Henry Mellus; and none but Watson, I think, survived in 1884.54

Sea. N. Y., 1840, 16mo, 483 p .; Id., 1847; Id., 1857; ed. of London, IS4I, 8vo, 124 p .; Dutch translation: 'Twee jaren vvor den mast.' Deventer, 1842, Svo, 2 vol .; 'New edition, with subsequent matter by the author,' Boston, IS69, 12mo, 470 p .; Id., 1873. In the original edition the author's name did not appear on the title-page. The additional matter in the author's edi- tion is a narrative of a second visit to California in 1859.

54 Pioncers of 1835: Fred. Becher (?), James Bridger (?), Martin Cooper, John Coppinger (?), Wm H. Crowell (?), Win Daylor, Win Forbes, Manuel King, Allen Light (?), Henry Mellus, Henry Plummer, John O'Brien, L. V. Prudon (?), Robt Robinson, Stephen Simmonds, Thos Watson (born in Cal.) See for biographical sketches of pioneers, natives, and visitors, the Pioneer Register at end of vol. ii .- v., this work.

CHAPTER XV.

RULE OF GUTIERREZ AND CHICO. 1836.

CASTRO TRANSFERS THE GEFATURA TO GUTIERREZ-A QUIET RULE -- CENTRAL- IST PRECAUTIONS-THE CAPITAL-VIGILANCE COMMITTEE AT LOS ANGE- LES-SHOOTING OF A MAN AND WOMAN-BANDINI'S PLAN AT SAN DIEGO -- APPOINTMENT AND ARRIVAL OF GOVERNOR CHICO-INAUGURAL AD- DRESS-SWEARING OF THE BASES-CHICO'S ORDERS-ADDRESS-SESSIONS OF THE JUNTA DEPARTAMENTAL-AGENT FOR MEXICO-CHICO IN THE SOUTH-BEGINNING OF TROUBLES-CALIFORNIAN VIEWS OF CHICO'S CHARACTER-DOÑA CRUZ, THE GOVERNOR'S MISTRESS-FEELING OF FOR- EIGNERS-CHICO AND STEARNS-REVOLUTION PLANNED-RESULTS OF THE VIGILANTS-CHICO AND DURAN-AMOURS OF CASTAÑARES AND DOÑA ILDEFONSA-CHICO AND ESTRADA-EXCITEMENT AT THE CAPITAL-CHICO LEAVES THE COUNTRY.

I TAKE up again the thread of political annals dropped at the end of 1835.1 In accordance with a prevalent desire of the Californians, Figueroa at his death had separated the political and military com- mands, intrusting the latter, according to army regu- lations, to the ranking officer Lieutenant-colonel Nicolás Gutierrez, and the former, according to a Mexican law of somewhat doubtful application to a territory, to José Castro, as senior vocal of the dipu- tacion. The only objection had come from the south in behalf of José Antonio Estudillo of San Diego, who was really the senior vocal, but was absent from the capital on account of illness. Estudillo was doubtless entitled to the position of gefe político ad interim, and the prospective honor may have done

1 See chap. x. of this volume.

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415

TRANSFER OF THE GEFATURA.

mnuch to restore his health; but for some reason that the records fail to make apparent, the efforts in his favor were ineffectual.

On January 2, 1836, Castro transferred the gefa- tura to Gutierrez, as both announced to local authori- ties in letters of that date.2 The alleged motive of the transfer was an order of the supreme government, dated January 21, 1835, that for the national good the civil and military commands should be vested in one person. This order was probably in reply to some of Figueroa's past suggestions and the efforts of Californians in congress; but it is strange that it did not arrive sooner. The lawyers, Cosme Peña and Castillo Negrete, the diputacion, and the ayuntami- ento of Monterey approved the union of the two com- mands, which Gutierrez himself affected to oppose at first.3 It is remarkable that the change should have been so quietly effected, and given rise to so little correspondence, that Castro and his Californian friends should have surrendered the power to a Mexican without at least a war of words. True, the rule of Gutierrez was accidental, prospectively brief, and hardly worth a contest; true also, that the current correspondence may possibly have disappeared in great part from the archives; yet enough of mystery re- mains to indicate an understanding between Castro and Gutierrez, and to give some plausibility to Juan Bandini's theory that the former surrendered the command to the latter in order to keep it from Estu- dillo-that personal and local prejudices were more po- tent than the popular feeling against Mexican rulers.4

2 Jan. 2, 1836, C. and G. to ayunt. of Los Angeles, S. Diego, and Monte- rey. Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., xi. 43; Id., Mont., iv. 80; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 69, 71. Bando of G., same date. Dept. St. Pap., S. José, MS., v. 9. G. to com. of Sonoma. Vallejo, Doc., MIS., iii. 141. All these communica- tions are nearly in the same words, some of them in print. March 7th, he signs his name and rank as 'Nicolás Gutierrez, Teniente Coronel de Caballe- ría Permanente, Comandante General, Inspector, y Gefe Politico de Califor- nia.' Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., i. 252.

8 Dec. 15-19, 1835. Monterey, Actas del ayunt., MIS., 141, 143-4; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., iii. 46.

4 Bandini, Hist. Cal., MIS., 79-80. Vallejo, Ilist. Cal., MIS., iii. 75-8, asserts that there was much discontent, and even vague talk of revolt, at the

416

RULE OF GUTIERREZ AND CHICO.

The rule of Gutierrez lasted four months, and I find no indication of opposition, discontent, or controversy during that period. Like his predecessor, he confined his efforts to the performance of routine duties, giv- ing little or no offence to either people or politicians, though there must have been a constantly growing feeling against Mexican rulers, fomented to a certain extent by those who chose to style themselves feder- alists. The establishment of centralismn in Mexico was not yet officially proclaimed in this far north, but the tendency was known and discussed. A commu- nication from the minister of relations, dated June 5, 1835, and circulated by the governor on January 10th, called attention to the possibility of future changes in the form of government, and to various petitions on the subject already made public in the newspapers, at the same time urging upon territorial authorities the necessity of the strictest precautions against such dis- orders as might arise from popular feeling founded on vague rumors and utilized by revolutionary leaders.5 National affairs received no further public attention during this brief rule; but two or three topics of a local nature merit brief notice here, both on account of their importance and of their results.

By a national decree of May 23, 1835, Los Angeles was made a city and capital of California. I have noticed this fact elsewhere, and also the burst of in- dignation with which the news was received at Mon- terey.6 Two days after his accession, Gutierrez gave

north in Castro's favor, and in the south for Estudillo; but in March there came an earthquake that led people to forget politics in favor of prayer. Several Californians, as Pinto, Apunt., MS., 14-15; Estudillo, Datos, MS., 7- 8; and Castro, Relacion, MS., 36-7, imply that while there was dissatisfac- tion, Castro yielded to Gutierrez's demand to prevent disorders and promote peace. Robinson, Life in Cal., 173, followed by Tuthill, Hist. Cal., 141, states that Gutierrez succeeded in accordance with the will of Figueroa, implying that Castro's temporary rule was simply in consequence of Gutierrez's absence in the south; but this is an error.

5 Jan. 10, 1836, Gutierrez to alcaldes, forwarding communication of June 5, 1835. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 72.

6 Sec chap. x. of this volume.

417

FIRST COMMITTEE OF VIGILANCE.

official publication to the decree, thus honoring the city of the Angels, and in February some efforts were made to secure proper buildings for temporary public use in the new capital; but the Angelinos were so lacking in public spirit that no citizen would furnish a building rent free, as the governor required, and the matter dropped out of sight for more than a year.7 All the same, Los Angeles soon distinguished itself by producing the first Californian vigilance committee. Domingo Félix, who lived on the rancho bearing his name, near the town, was married to María del Rosa- rio Villa, who had abandoned her husband to become the mistress of a Sonoran vaquero, named Gervasio Alipas. After two years of frequent efforts to reclaim the erring woman, met with insults from her para- mour whom he once wounded in a personal encounter, Félix invoked the aid of the authorities, and the wife was arrested at San Gabriel, and brought to town on March 24, 1836. Through the efforts of the alcalde and of friends, it was hoped that a reconciliation had been effected, though Alipas and his brother threat- ened vengeance. Two days later the couple started, both on one horse, for their rancho; but on the way the husband was stabbed by the paramour, and his body was dragged by the man and woman with a reata to a ravine, where it was partly covered with earth and leaves.

By March 29th the body had been found and both murderers arrested. There was great excitement in the city, and on April 1st the ayuntamiento, sum- moned in extra session to take precautions, resolved to organize a force of citizens in aid of the authorities to preserve the peace.8 The danger was real, but no

" Jan. 4, 1836, gov. to alcaldes. Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., xi. 40; S. Diego, Arch., MS., 70-1. Jan. 21st, receipt of the decree by ayunt. of Los Angeles. Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 183. Feb. 6th, demand for buildings. Vignes would rent a hall for $400 and contribute $75 of that sum. Stearns and Sanchez had also halls to rent, but none for free use until a suitable edi- fice could be erected. Id., i. 70-3.

8 Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 189-92. A. M. Osio was invited to be pres- HIST. CAL., VOL. III. 27

418

RULE OF GUTIERREZ AND CHICO.

good citizens could be induced to aid the officers of the law, for they had resolved on a summary infliction of the penalties which justice demanded, but which, as they well knew, were not to be expected from the ordinary course of law in California, where there was no tribunal authorized to infliet the death penalty on a civilian. At dawn on April 7th about fifty of the most prominent citizens met at the house of John Temple and organized a 'junta defensora de la seguri- dad pública,' of which Victor Prudon was chosen president, making an eloquent address, the original draft of which is in my possession. Manuel Arzaga was made secretary, and Francisco Araujo was put in command of the armed force. During the forenoon, while the organization was being perfected, two mes- sengers were sent in succession to Padre Cabot at San Fernando, whose presence was required on the pre- text that a dying Indian needed his spiritual care; but the weather was bad and the padre refused to come.

About two o'clock P. M. a copy of the popular acta, with a demand for the prisoners to be delivered up for execution within an hour, was sent to the alcalde, Manuel Requena.9 Half an hour later the junta

ent and take part in the deliberations, and did so, but he says nothing of the affair in his Ilist. Cal. See Popular Tribunals, this series.

9 This document is preserved in Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. SI-91, with other records bearing on the same affair. I quote as follows: 'Salus populi suprema lex est. The subscribing citizens, at the invitation of the rest, justly indignant at the horrible crime committed against Domingo Felix, bearing in mind the frequency of similar crimes in this city, and deeming the principal cause thereof to be the delay in criminal cases through having to await the confirmation of sentences from Mexico, fearing for this unhappy country a state of anarchy where the right of the strongest shall be the only law, and finally believing that immorality has reached such an extreme that public security is menaced and will be lost if the dike of a solemn example is not opposed to the torrent of atrocious perfidy-demand the execution or the delivery to us for immediate execution of the assassin Gervasio Alipas and the faithless María del R. Villa, that abominable monster who cruelly immo- lated her importunate husband in order to give herself up without fear to her frantic passions, and to pluck by homicide from the slime of turpitude the filthy laurel of her execrable treason (!) ... Let the infernal couple perish. Such is the vow of the people, and we protest in the face of heaven that we will not lay down the arms with which we support the justice of our demand until the assassins have expiated their foul crimes. .. Public vengeance de- mands a prompt example, and it must be given. Still reeks the blood of the

419

CRIMINALS SHOT.

marched out to the parsonage near the court and jail, and at three p. M. the alcalde was notified that the hour had expired. The ayuntamiento in session had received and considered the demand, which it was de- cided to refuse after two committees had been sent out to reason with the crowd.1) Narciso Botello, the secretary, having refused to give up the keys, they were taken, the guard was arrested, and the crimi- nals were taken from the jail to be shot-the man at 4:30 p. M. and the woman half an hour later. It was discovered that Alipas had his shackles nearly filed off. The bodies, were exposed at the jail door for two hours, and then placed at the disposal of the author- ities. The alcalde fearing further disturbances, the junta volunteered to serve for a few days as a guard to aid the authorities in preserving order,11 and was then disbanded.12 About the results of this affair, I shall have to say something a little later.

About the time of these events at Los Angeles, there were current rumors of prospective revolution- ary troubles of a nature not clearly defined at San Diego. The only foundation for such rumors per- haps was a memorial presented by Bandini and others, in which they deplored the ravages of Indian raiders,

Álvarez, of the Potiñon, of the Jenkins, and of other unhappy victims of the fury and passions of their impious murderers. .. The world shall know that if in the city of Los Angeles judges tolerate assassination, there are virtuous citizens who know how to sacrifice their lives in order to save that of their compatriots ... Death to the homicide!' There follow 55 signatures, includ- ing 14 foreigners. Four other communications are given respecting the giv- ing-up of the keys and return of the bodies.

10 Los Angeles, Arch., MS., iv. 186-8.

11 April 10th, a bando was published by the ayunt., providing for the vol- unteer organization for defence, and threatening prompt and severe punishi- ment to all disturbers of the peace. Dept. St. Pap., Ang., MS., ii. 69-70. It does not appear what danger was apprehended.

12 Prudon, Vigilantes de Los Angeles, 1836, MS., is an original narrative written at the time by the president of the junta, and is the most complete extant. To it is prefixed Prudon's address on accepting the presidency. I have cited several archive records; and may refer also to a report made on May 4th by the ayunt. of Los Angeles to that of S. Diego, narrating events in some detail. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 103. Full accounts are given by Bo- tello, Anales del Sur, MS., 20-5; Sanchez, Notas, MS., 9-11; and Alvarado, Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 60-9. The affair is also mentioned by Day in Hesperian, ii. 150-1; in Los Angeles, Ilist., 14, and littell's Ilist. S. Fco, 79-80.

420

RULE OF GUTIERREZ AND CHICO.

the decadence of the missions under the reglamento of secularization, the decline of agriculture and trade, and the lack of tribunals of justice, proposing as a remedy the calling for a general assembly of military, civil, and missionary representatives, which body should proceed to reorganize the military, indus- trial, financial, and judicial system of California with- out awaiting approval from Mexico. On April 14th an extra session of the ayuntamiento was held, at which the news from Los Angeles was received and considered, together with the current rumors of trouble nearer home. It was decided to send the governor a record of the meeting, with an, assurance of San Diego's loyalty, the rumors being groundless. They also forwarded the citizens' memorial.13 April 23d, Gutierrez replied, accepting in good faith and with gratitude the assurance of San Diegan patriot- ism, but declaring that the formation of the proposed assembly could not be carried out consistently with fidelity to the national government. 14 There is no evidence that the occurrences at either Los Angeles or San Diego had any political or revolutionary mean- ing whatever, or that Gutierrez regarded them as having any such meaning.

But a new ruler was en route for California, sent to rule that country in accordance with the bases of October 1835, which overthrew the federal constitu- tion and system of 1824, but which provided for no very radical immediate changes in the territory. The president's choice fell upon Colonel Mariano Chico, a member of congress at the time from Guanajuato, who

18 S. Diego, Arch., MS., 93-7. March 21st, Bandini to Vallejo. Be- wails the sufferings of Cal. caused by the misdeeds of some of her sons and of others; but hopes for better days. Regrets that differences of political opinion should have produced a seeming coolness between the two. Vallejo, Doc., MIS., iii. 182. On Jan. 11th, a meeting of citizens had been called to consult on steps to preserve order. S. Diego, Arch., MS., 71.

14 Dept. St. Pap., Angeles, MS., xi. 47-50; Hayes, Doc., MS., 49. On April 22d, Gutierrez had written to Vallejo that attempts at revolt in S. Diego and Los Angeles would prevent him from sending an officer to the north as was desired. Vallejo, Doc., MS., iii. 197.

421

ARRIVAL OF CHICO.

was appointed December 16, 1835, to succeed Figue- roa, apparently before that officer's death was known, and arrived at Santa Bárbara on the Leonor, as I sup- . pose, after the middle of April 1836, the exact date being unknown. 15 Beyond the facts that Chico was a diputado, and that members of his family in Guana- juato had taken a somewhat prominent part in the revolutionary struggle, I know nothing of the man before his arrival in California. As we know, the people had a strong feeling against Mexican officials as a class, and were opposed to centralism so far as they had any political opinions; it is also stated that letters and newspapers from Mexico had given Chico an unfavorable reputation in respect of both political and private character;16 yet I do not think there was any prejudice against him or his politics that would have proved a serious obstacle to a man skilled in the art of gaining popularity.

Having spent a few days at Santa Bárbara at the house of Carlos Carrillo, whom he had known in Mex- ico,17 Don Mariano started north by land, escorted by about eighteen soldiers, and accompanied by Jacob P. Leese, the company also including, I presume, Doña Cruz, a woman introduced by the governor as his niece, of whom more anon. He arrived at the capital May

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History of California, Volume III, Part 45

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885-1890 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 824

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885-1890
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 824