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Despite the burdens borne by the cities, in the years between the American Civil War and World War I material gains were achieved and enjoyed generally by all segments of the population. The more numerous laborers of the cities were carried along by the new oppor- tunities provided by the developing industrialism. For many who had experienced the disappointments of attempting to eke out a living from Connecticut's thin soils and for others who had suffered deprivation in foreign lands, the new margin of comfort, however meager, was greater than before. The additional numbers who could afford leisure is re- vealed in the range of opportunities offered for recreation.
Saratoga and Niagara Falls continued to attract the affluent; such other resorts as Stafford Springs, Guilford, Sachem's Head, Saybrook Point, and Milford Point were flourishing. Yachtsmen found New Lon- don a desirable place in which to moor their craft. Woodbury was ad- vertised as having a race course where gentlemen could exercise their horses, and a "new and elegant track for pleasure teams" was con- structed at Hamilton Park, New Haven, by the Gentlemen's Driving Association. Golf and tennis were regarded as exclusively for the rich. When, in 1886, a petition was submitted to the aldermen to set aside a portion of a public park in Hartford for tennis courts, it was charged that "many of the signers were bank and insurance clerks" and that "some had large and beautiful lawns of their own." It seemed to the investigating committee that the petitioners did not need the assistance of the public, but that they might use some of their own grounds rather than destroy those maintained at public expense. Private clubs such as the Waterbury and New Haven lawn clubs, sprang up for tennis. Interest in golf, the Scottish game introduced into New York in 1888, developed, and private golf clubs appeared in Connecticut before the
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THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
end of the century. Golf was introduced into New Haven by Professor Theodore S. Woolsey of Yale and Justus S. Hotchkiss, a retired busi- nessman, in 1895. Initially, the principal devotees were the Yale faculty and students, but soon business and professional men found time for it and new clubs were formed.75
(Courtesy Conn. Devel. Comm.)
HARTFORD-BUSHNELL PARK
Those of more modest means enjoyed a certain amount of leisure and there was recreation for them, too. Rural towns, such as Pomfret, Washington, Redding, and Litchfield, became centers for summer board- ers. For those who could afford only a short excursion, the steamboat com- panies arranged trips down the Connecticut River. The railroads took skating parties to Lake Saltonstall and sleighing was revived in the eighties. Roller skating was the craze of the eighties as was cycling in the next decade. Instructions were elaborated for croquet parties. Archery contests were held in increasing numbers. The need to provide recrea- tional occupation for large numbers of people concurrently was met successfully as baseball developed. Teams representing towns competed
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
and spectators participated through support of the home team as they sipped American soda fountain water.76
That all did not engage in what was accepted as wholesome forms of recreation is suggested by the public acts enacted to regulate the sale of obscene literature and to prevent children under sixteen years of age from frequenting dance houses, concert saloons, roller skating rinks, vaudeville theaters, and variety shows.77
The theater failed to develop in the first half of the nineteenth century, perhaps because of the lingering influence of Puritanism. Colloquies were presented at Yale before mid-century, but only Hart- ford could claim what could be called a theater. New Haven was with- out suitable facilities for theatrical productions until the Music Hall, established in 1860 for concerts, was altered for dramatic productions and renamed the Grand Opera in 1870. In Waterbury, the City Hall was opened for public performances in 1869 and the Jacques Opera House was erected there in 1886. In smaller cities any available hall was used. As interest and acceptance were extended, structures specifically designed for the dramatic arts were erected in several cities. A theater circuit was existent in the state as early as the eighties. That the pro- grams offered appealed to a wide variety of tastes is suggested by the appearance in Waterbury of George L. Fox, the clown, and by Sarah Bernhardt in New Haven in Camille in 1886 and in La Tosca five years later.78
The growth of the cities, with their expanding financial and com- mercial institutions, is nowhere better illustrated than in the public and private buildings erected. Old landmarks disappeared in New Haven as the Public Library, the County Court House, the Connecticut Savings Bank, the Union and New Haven Trust Company, and the Mechanics Bank came to occupy the central portion of the city. The new-found prosperity was everywhere evident as the simple Georgian residences of downtown Hartford gave way to the edifices of the insur- ance companies, the public buildings, and the new business and profes- sional structures. As if to refute the simplicity of an earlier era there arose on Hartford's Main Street in the years from 1868 to 1877 examples Romanesque, Gothic, and Italian Renaissance. Variations were multi- plied as each of the styles was executed in several different materials.
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THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
The more imposing structures, such as the public buildings, the banks, and the insurance offices, used either granite or marble. Others used Longmeadow stone, Portland brownstone, or Ohio sandstone. The Hartford Public High School was made of pressed brick.79
(Courtesy Conn. Devel. Comm.)
HARTFORD-BUSHNELL PARK
As architects extended their skills from public to domestic architec- ture, decorative concepts rather than utility became determinants of style. The once simple roof lines, for example, were discarded for domes and towers. Further novelty was sought through the use of color. The home of Mark Twain, where vermilion bands accented other exterior wood painted a darker hue of red and were combined with red brick, is the classic illustration of the use of color in Connecticut. As Connecti-
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
cut residents extended their search for the novel, the results were fre- quently grotesque.80
As the lust for the arts increased, Connecticut residents flocked to clubs and organizations designed to improve their skills and under- standing. In Hartford, for example, the Art Society was organized in 1877 and provided courses in drawing, oil painting, watercolors, pastels, and advanced illustration. The Connecticut League of Art Students was founded in 1888, the Arts and Crafts Club in 1893, the Connecticut Chapter of the Institute of Architects in 1902, and the Municipal Art Society in 1904.81 Many Connecticut artists found more fertile fields for their talents outside their native state. Connecticut-born Bela L. Pratt, sculptor and teacher in the Boston Museum School of Fine Arts, reached his greatest height, perhaps, in the sketch models he prepared of the two groups on the Water Gate and the Peristyle at the Chicago World Fair.82 There were creditable sculptures in the state, as Karl Ger- hardt's bronze of Nathan Hale in the State Capitol. The portrayal by Yale's Professor of Art, John G. Weir, of President Woolsey gained the respect of critics such as Lorado Taft.83 Meanwhile, the Wadsworth Atheneum, which had continued to stand as guardian over Hartford's good taste through its Public Art Gallery, expanded its building in the latter part of the century and became the center of the intellectual as well as the artistic life of the Capitol city.84
Perhaps as striking a symbol as any of the transition from a rural to an urban society was the assumption by cities of the responsibility of financing libraries out of public funds. Libraries had grown as settle- ments had developed until their existence had become traditional for Connecticut towns. To finance them through private means was equally traditional. Private libraries, however, could not meet the needs of a mu- nicipal population and many of them, such as the one in Bridgeport, were hopelessly in debt.85 Agitation for public libraries had begun shortly after the Civil War, but it was not until the eighteen eighties, after the State authorized the cities to use monies collected through taxes that public libraries were established in larger cities. A public library was opened in Bridgeport in 1881, and in New Haven in 1887. Within five years the latter was subscribing to 130 periodicals and held more than 20,000 volumes, 5,000 of which had been purchased within the last
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THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
year.86 An addition was made to the Wadsworth Atheneum in 1893 to house the Hartford Public Library and here, too, the private collection, the Watkinson Library, was housed on the second floor.87 The transi- tion from private to public library in the smaller towns was gradual in the next century.
man Bailey-1931
Sound Beach Hillary from Bunny Paula
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(Courtesy Chamber of Commerce of Greenwich, Inc.) GREENWICH-OLD GREENWICH LIBRARY, FROM BINNEY PARK
The outward evidences of interest in literature were readily ap- parent. The many book publishing firms in Hartford noted by a trav- eler in 1878 prompted him to record that "perhaps . .. in no other city of the United States of the same size is there so large a proportion of the population devoted to literature."89 The American and Hartford Publishing Company was only one of the many located in the city. Cap- tain Glazier, however, failed to distinguish the commercial from the ascetic or the intellectual in the literary interest.
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
There was no Connecticut literature either from the point of view of its subject content or in the sense of a school of writers. There were competent individual authors associated with Connecticut by birth or residence. These included Amos Bronson Alcott (1799-1888), who was born in Wolcott, but who migrated to Concord before producing his major literary works. Only his "New Connecticut: An Autobiographical
NORTH HAVEN-MARTHA CULVER MEMORIAL LIBRARY
Poem," published seven years before his death, was specifically tied to Connecticut. Edward Rowland Sill, who wrote of life and love, of God and Man, and of faith and practice, even though he died as he was ap- proaching what might have been his most productive years, left his native Windsor to serve as Professor of English literature at the Uni- versity of California. Others, such as Mark Twain, resided in the state generally without its being a source of literary inspiration.90 There were others, generally more closely associated with the earlier part of the cen- tury, whose life and in some instances works extended into the latter half. These included Henry Clay Work (1832-1884), George Denison Prentice (1802-1870), Emma Hart Willard (1787-1870), Rose Terry Cooke (1827-1892), and Horace Bushnell (1802-76), all of whom were natives of Connecticut. The most prolific Connecticut writer of the late nineteenth century was Edmund Clarence Stedman (1833-1908) of
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THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
Norwich. A fun-loving youth, he was forced to withdraw from Yale, but returned to his alma mater twice to receive honorary degrees. A bibliography of his works, listing 369 separate items, including an- thologies, criticisms, and poems, is evidence of his tireless endeavor.91 The failure of Connecticut to develop a Connecticut literature has been explained as an indication of the "mergence of the local into the na- tional."92
NOTES-CHAPTER XXVIII
1 Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, Population, Part I, p. lxxxii.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid., pp. xxii, 430-32.
4 Report of the Bureau of Vital Statistics, 1890, p. 9, Public Documents, 1891, Vol. II.
5 Report of the Bureau of Vital Statistics, 1895, p. 7, Public Documents, 1897, Vol. III; ibid., 1899, p. 8, Public Documents, 1900, Vol. III.
6 Frank Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, November, 1907, p. 272.
7 Report of the State Board of Health, 1891, pp. 219-26, Public Documents, 1892.
8 Emma W. Rogers, "The Foreign Invasion of a New England Town-New Haven," The Survey, Vol. 26, 1911, pp. 378-79.
9 Ibid.
10 J. Hammond Trumbull, ed., The Memorial History of Hartford County Connecticut, 1633-1884, 2 Vols., Vol. I, Hartford, County, Town, and City (Boston, 1886), p. 562.
11 Rollin G. Osterweis, Three Centuries of New Haven, 1638-1938 (New Haven, 1952), (Publ. by the New Haven Colony Hist. Soc. at the request of the New Haven Ter- centenary Committee), p. 386.
12 City Year Book for the City of New Haven for 1893 (New Haven, 1894), passim; Journal of the Board of Aldermen of the City of Hartford for 1886-87 (Hartford, 1887), passim; ibid., 1892-93 (Hartford, 1893), passim; Osterweis, Three Centuries of New Haven, p. 331.
13 City Year Book ... New Haven, 1893, p. 24; Eleventh Census of the United States, 1890, Report of Social Statistics, passim.
14 Ibid., Twelfth Census, 1900, Population, Part I, p. lxix.
15 Public Acts, 1899, pp. 113-32.
16 Report of the Examination of Certain Connecticut Water Works, State Board of Health, 1891, pp. 228-447, Public Documents, 1892, Vol. II.
17 Report of the State Board of Health, 1879, p. 8, Public Documents, 1880; ibid., 1880, pp. 13-19, Public Documents, 1881.
18 Ibid., 1890, pp. 3-19, Public Documents, 1891, Vol. II.
19 Ibid., 1880, pp. 137-59; Journal of the Board of Aldermen ... Hartford, 1892-93 (Hartford, 1893), p. 16.
20 Ibid .; Report of the State Board of Health, 1890, pp. 71-74; Public Documents, 1891, Vol. II; City Year Book ... New Haven, 1893, pp. 27-29.
21 Second Annual Report of the Sewerage Commission, 1900, p. 4, Public Documents, 1900, Vol. III.
22 Report of the State Board of Health, 1891, pp. 159-60, Public Documents, 1892.
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
23 Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, p. 290.
24 Eleventh Census, 1890, Report of Social Statistics, pp. 30, 78-87.
25 Ibid.
26 Journal of the Board of Aldermen, Hartford, 1886-87, p. 280; City Yearbook, New Haven, 1893, pp. 204-5.
27 Rogers, "The Foreign Invasion of a New England Town," The Survey, Vol. 26, 1911, p. 292.
28 Ibid., p. 373.
29 Ibid.
30 City Year Book, New Haven, 1893, pp. 204-205.
31 Ibid., 1900, p. 94, Public Documents, 1900, Vol. III; Ibid., 1893, pp. 204-205.
32 Report of the Board of Charities, 1885, pp. 45-55, Public Documents, 1885, Vol. II.
33 Edward Warren Capen, "The History of Connecticut Institutions," in Osborn, ed., History of Connecticut, Vol. V, pp. 429-33.
34 Ibid.
35 Report of the Board of Charities, 1883, pp. 4-5, Public Documents, 1883; ibid., 1881-82, p. 7, Public Documents, 1882.
35a Ibid., 1883, pp. 4-5, Public Documents, 1883.
36 Ibid., 1889 and 1890, pp. 128-53, Public Documents, 1891, Vol. II; ibid., 1895-96, p. 220, Public Documents, 1896; ibid., 1884, p. 9, Public Documents, Vol. I.
37 Ibid., 1899 and 1900, pp. 63-64, Public Documents, 1909, Vol. III; Capen, "Connecticut Institutions," in Osborn, ed., History of Connecticut, Vol. V, p. 431. 38 The Survey, Vol. 31, 1914, p. 64.
39 Ibid.
40 "The Common Welfare," The Survey, Vol. 26, 1911, p. 212.
41 Ibid.
42 Ibid .; Public Acts, 1889, p. 20.
43 "The Common Welfare," The Survey, Vol. 26, 1911, p. 212.
44 Report of the Board of Charities for 1895-96, pp. 270-78, Public Documents, 1897, Vol. I; Public Acts, 1872, P. 93.
45 Joseph Anderson, ed., The Town and City of Waterbury, Connecticut, from the Aboriginal Period to the Year Eighteen Hundred and Ninety-Five, (New Haven, 1896) Vol. III, pp. 911-12.
46 Public Acts, 1889, p. 93.
47 Anderson, ed., Waterbury, Vol. III, pp. 911-12.
48 Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, p. 462; Osterweis, New Haven, pp. 335-36; John S. Billings, Report on the Social Statistics of Cities in the United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890, (Washington, 1895) pp. 20, 63-67.
49 Journal of the Board of Aldermen, Hartford, 1887, p. 61.
50 Billings, Social Statistics, pp. 20, 63-67.
51 Osterweis, New Haven, pp. 335-36.
52 Ibid., p. 335; Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, p. 562; Anderson, ed., Water- bury, Vol. II, p. 148; William A. Countryman, "Transportation," in Osborn, ed., History of Connecticut, Vol. IV, pp. 516-19; Journal of the Board of Aldermen, Hartford, 1892-93, p. 456.
53 Public Acts, 1893, pp. 307-15; Countryman, "Transportation," in Osborn, ed., History of Connecticut, Vol. IV, p. 519.
54 Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, p. 286.
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THE GROWTH OF THE CITY
55 Ibid., City Yearbook of New Haven, 1893, p. 48.
56 Countryman, "Transportation," in Osborn, ed., History of Connecticut, Vol. IV, pp. 519-26.
57 Anderson, ed., Waterbury, pp. 312-14; Osterweis, New Haven, pp. 334-35; Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, pp. 455-62.
58 City Yearbook of New Haven, 1893, p. 36.
59 Ibid., 1897, p. 237.
60 Ibid., 1893, pp. 44-49; Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, pp. 267-72.
61 Public Acts, 1893, pp. 380-87, 394.
62 Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, p. 287.
63 Ibid., p. 272.
64 City Year Book, New Haven, 1893, pp. 252-53; Journal of the Board of Aldermen, Hartford, 1892-93, p. 11; Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, p. 387.
65 Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, pp. 267-70.
66 Ibid., pp. 267 ff.
67 Charter and Ordinances of the City of New Haven, 1898, (New Haven, 1898), pp. 77-86; City Yearbook of New Haven, 1893, pp. 42-43; Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, p. 387; Journal of the Board of Aldermen, Hartford, 1892-93, p. 354. 69 Cass Gilbert and Frederick Law Olmstead, "Report of the New Haven Civic Improve- ment Commission to the New Haven Civic Improvement Committee," (New Haven, 1901), p. 1.
70 Report of the State Board of Health, 1891, p. xlv, Public Documents, 1892, Vol. II; Report of the State Board of Health, 1900, p. xiii, Public Documents, 1900, Vol. III; Osterweis, New Haven, pp. 391-92; Putnam, "Connecticut: the State Ruled by its Uninhabited Country Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, p. 290.
71 Report of the Comptroller of the State of Connecticut, 1875, pp. 4-9, Public Docu- ments, 1875; Report of the Treasurer of the State of Connecticut, 1889, pp. 8-12, Public Documents, 1890, Vol. I; Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, Popula- tion, Part I, pp. 420-32.
72 Ibid., Report of the Comptroller of the State of Connecticut on Indebtedness, Rate of Tax, and Expenditures of Towns, Cities, Burroughs, and Counties, 1884, p. 20, Public Documents, 1885, Vol. I; Ibid., 1900, pp. 4-13; Report of the Comptroller, 1885, pp. 1-13; Ibid., 1900, pp. 7-12.
73 Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, pp. 447-49; Osterweis, New Haven, pp. 332-34. 74 Ethel Loomis Dickinson, "Civic Improvements in Hartford, Connecticut," New Eng- land Magazine, Vol. 41, pp. 802-805.
74a Putnam, "Connecticut: The State Ruled by its Uninhabited Towns," New England Magazine, Vol. 37, 1907, p. 290.
75 Mrs. Sidney K. Mitchell, "Social Life and Customs," in Osborn, ed., History of Con- necticut, Vol. V, pp. 306-308; Osterweis, New Haven, p. 380; Journal of the Board
of Aldermen, Hartford, 1886-88, pp. 70-71; Anderson, Waterbury, Vol. III, p. 1107. 76 Mitchell, "Social Life and Customs," pp. 306-308; Public Acts, 1895, p. 636.
77 Public Acts, 1895, pp. 558-59, 565.
78 Osterweis, New Haven, p. 347; Anderson, Waterbury, Vol. III, pp. 1091-99.
79 Trumbull, ed., Hartford County, Vol. I, pp. 463-96; Osterweis, New Haven, P. 392. 80 Ibid.
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
81 Dickinson, "Civic Improvements in Hartford, Connecticut," New England Magazine, Vol. 41, pp. 802-805.
82 Lorado Taft, The History of American Sculpture (New York, 1930), pp. 491-502.
83 Ibid.
84 Dickinson, "Civic Improvements in Hartford, Connecticut," New England Magazine, Vol. 41, pp. 802-805.
85 Samuel Orcutt, A History of the City of Bridgeport, Connecticut (New Haven, 1887), p. 225.
86 Ibid .; Osterweis, New Haven, p. 343; Yearbook of New Haven, 1893, p. 37.
87 Dickinson, "Civic Improvements in Hartford, Connecticut," New England Magazine, Vol. 41, p. 806.
89 Captain Willard Glazier, Peculiarities of American Cities (Philadelphia, 1886), p. 208.
90 David G. Downey, Modern Poets and Christian Teaching (New York, 1906), pp. 141-44; Stanley Thomas Williams, "The Literature of Connecticut," Tercentenary pamphlet, pp. 19-22; Robert E. Spiller et al., eds., Literary History of the United States (New York, 1948), Vol. III, pp. 136-37.
91 Williams, "Literature of Connecticut," p. 20; Laura Stedman and George M. Gould, Life and Letters of Edmund Clarence Stedman (New York, 1910), Vol. I, pp. 3-81; Vol. II, pp. 615-54.
92 Williams, "Literature of Connecticut," p. 22.
Chapter XXIX Republican Years
I HE LAST decades of the nineteenth century were Republican years. The Democrats who had lost control of the lower house were not to regain it until 1959; the Republican control of the executive branch was interrupted only twice in the last twenty years of the nineteenth century, first by Thomas McDonald Waller in 1883-85 and then by Luzon B. Morris a decade later. In Waller's term, the Dem- ocrats controlled the Senate for the only time during the period; during Morris' term the Senate was equally divided. Despite their succession of victories, the Republican margin during the eighties was less than two percent of the total vote, largely, it would seem, as the result of defec- tions within the party itself.1
The refusal of a number of party members to support the candi- dacy of James G. Blaine for President resulted in the formation of the Independent Republicans. The leader of these Mugwumps, as they were popularly called, was Simeon Baldwin. In October of 1884, Bald- win called upon fellow Republicans to withhold their support of Blaine. The rift was projected into the state election the next year when the Independents withheld their support of the state ticket until the Republican platform was made public. The schism did not permanently affect the party, although Baldwin himself never returned to it, but joined the Democrats in 1890.2
Political leadership accrued to those who were in accord with the changes which were occurring in Connecticut life. Among the late nine- teenth century leaders were self-made men such as Hobart B. Bigelow (1881-1883), who rose from a position as a machine apprentice to one of the leading manufacturers of the state. Also, there was Phineas C.
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HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT
Lounsbury (1887-1889), who left his father's farm near Ridgefield to seek his fortune in New York, where he served as a clerk and later as a "drummer" before he became engaged in the manufacture of boots and shoes. A tie with the past was provided by Morgan G. Bulkeley, whose ancestors included the recalcitrant Gershom Bulkeley of Andros' day. Morgan Bulkeley was a leader in the rising banking and insurance in- terests and revealed an accommodation to the contemporary when he un- ashamedly asserted before the Judiciary Committee of the Legislature that the votes of the ignorant and the unprincipled should be secured by any means possible to serve the best interests of the Party in which one believed.3 Lawyers such as Charles Bartlett Andrews (1879-81) and Henry Baldwin Harrison continued to give evidence of the close alli- ance of the legal profession and politics.4
The dangers of the rising power of industry did not pass un- noticed or unchallenged by Connecticut's new political leaders, how- ever. Charles Bartlett Andrews (1879-81), in his inaugural address, questioned "whether the indefinite multiplying of corporations is not an evil rather than a good." Andrews argued that the intent of Connecticut law as applied to property was to promote equality among all citizens by providing for a division of property once every generation, and not to abet "the building up of large fortunes by individuals while the many remain poor." Huge fortunes, Andrews charged, created a kind of feudalism in which a few sought to achieve through the power of money that which was done in the Middle Ages by force. Experience in- dicated, Andrews held, "that every combination of numbers and much more of capital, unless carefully guarded, almost inevitably generates a disregard for the rights of others for the simple reason that such com- binations increase intensity of action, separate in some degree the asso- ciated members from the rest of the community, and subject them to separate rules of action." To correct the danger he believed imminent, Andrews suggested that stockholders, or at least managers, of a corpora- tion be made to assume a degree of personal liability.5 Yet, he was con- vinced, too, that the complications which society faced were primarily the result of "too much rather than too little legislation."6
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