USA > Connecticut > History of Connecticut, Volume II > Part 31
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created a climate of opinion in which the principles of mediation could operate effectively. This, together with the increasing effectiveness of organized labor, emphasized that "arbitrary hiring and firing was a thing of the past." 28
Though the Federal Government continued to extend its powers in all matters concerning war production, the presence of its influence was regarded as an expedient of the emergency and its expansion into other areas was regarded with cautious jealousy. Cornelius Danaher charged in 1942 that the federal social security program was "militantly grasp- ing for the federalization of unemployment compensation." The Federal Government, it was held, had transgressed more and more upon the state, to some extent as the result of legislation, but mainly through an exalted interpretation of authority. In some cases it was agreed that all differ- ences must be forgotten for the duration, but it was hoped that the Federal Government would withdraw its efforts to control unemployment compensation. President Roosevelt promised only a temporary respite with the announcement that he believed that the fund should be federalized, but not at that time. It was both ironic and an expression of the demo- cratic faith that while the whole nation was engaged in a war for survival that Connecticut could call for a "further examination of the principles of American government" if the powers of the central government were further aggrandized. Over the objections of the Connecticut Manufacturers Association, minor adjustments were made in the rate of compensation in 1943 and a greater stability was provided in 1945 when the state was authorized to apply for advances of such funds as might be in the unemployment trust fund maintained under the Federal Social Security Act.29
Wartime Politics
To parallel the state's wariness in regard to the extension of the Fed- eral power, was an equal caution concerning the grant of extraordinary power to the Governor. In what was described as "a dull and spiritless campaign," Baldwin, in November, 1942, with a plurality of 26,196 led the Republican party to the most complete sweep achieved by either party since 1926. Hurley contributed to his defeat, it was said, by his portrayal of himself as a great war governor whose reelection was essential to
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the welfare of the people. Yet, Baldwin in his inaugural in 1943 not only dedicated the State to aid "in the speedy prosecution of the war," but also requested that he be granted emergency powers. Although there was adequate precedent for such proposal, it challenged the prerogative of the legislative branch. To avoid arousing latent fears an arrangement, described as a legislative veto, was provided by which any act promul- gated by the Governor would be in force only for a limited time and then would lapse if not approved by the legislature. The bill was designed, it was claimed, to enable the state to act with whatever speed was neces- sary to meet the needs of war, but it aroused a chorus of protests accented by such words as "unnecessary," "unconstitutional," "autocratic," "dictato- rial." The Governor was quick to disclaim any desire for any broad grant of legislative power and sought to woo the law makers by asking them to share with him the responsibility for making Connecticut's part in the war effort more effective. The Democrats, after first seeking to exploit the proposal for political advantage, agreed to it. The powers which were ultimately granted, however, including the right to suspend the statutes, were to remain in force until February, 1944. By the time of the Special Session of the General Assembly in January, 1944, at which time the emergency powers were extended, the Governor had used them eight times; and by 1945, eighteen times.30
Despite the emergency, the patronage which accrued to the Repub- licans with their victory was of consuming interest and became a point of contention between the Republican governor and the Republican assem- bly. The Republicans "went after all of the jobs in sight." As the Gov- ernor sought to wend his way through the patronage muddle, the legislature became impatient and threatened that if the appointments were not made by April 1 legislation would be introduced authorizing the Assembly to make the appointments. The Governor countered with a threat of veto, but left the way open for further consideration. As it became apparent that the Republican Central Committee was making most of the decisions, the Democrats yelled "dictatorship and bossism." The spectacle of Republican Chairman Bradley "moving in and about the Capitol as if it were his business to give orders" was not agreeable to most Republicans, nor to the Courant which wrote with plaintive hope, "some day the state central committee . .. will realize that its func-
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tion is entirely apart from that of the legislature." The Governor, the Courant charged, did not seem to know whether he was supposed to deal with the Central Committee or with the legislature. The lawmakers played particularly fast and loose with the appointments to the minor court judge- ships, "even going so far as to replace Republican judges with other Republicans who gave promise of meeting better the requirements of political organization." One would be lacking in critical realism to suppose that the titular head of the party was completely removed from all of these decisions, but the authorization at the Governor's suggestion of a commission to study the judicial system identified him with a proposal ostensibly designed to lessen the evil. The Governor further enhanced his position by his veto of a bill designed to restore civil rights to Harry Mackenzie who had been imprisoned for his involvement in the Water- bury scandals. Clearly, however, the Governor had not taken a firm stand until late in the session.31
Nevertheless, in that portion of the legislative calendar and of the politicians' consciousness which was reserved for the public good, there was much which, although not substantial, was suggestive for the future. The appointment of a Commission for post-war planning particularly in regard to construction and improvement of highways was in accord with the anticipated needs of an expanding post-war economy, and the $1,000 dollar property tax exemption for veterans was a recognition of the services of Connecticut residents during the war. The establishment of an inter- racial commission to work against racial discrimination and the prohibi- tion against discrimination because of color were steps toward the eradica- tion of conditions antithetical to professed tenets of morality. The veto of a bill to commit the mentally retarded to institutions without a court order retained a safeguard that was necessary until the public was edu- cated to the place one who is mentally retarded could take in the com- munity.32
Manpower
The importance of Connecticut industry in the production of war materials continued to place a heavy burden on Connecticut's manpower. To supplement the labor force, 250,000 workers from other states and 2,500 aliens migrated to Connecticut. Amidst the increased criticism of
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industrial deferments and the continuing demands of the military services, John F. Robinson, who had assumed the responsibilities of the State's Selective Service upon the death of Colonel Averill, initiated a replace- ment schedule designed to maintain the state's industrial efficiency. The first of these replacement schedules, which formed the basis upon which deferments were granted and replacements were supplied, was inaugurated on February 1, 1943. While the plan was generally accepted by industry, it was not inaugurated without some protests being voiced by local boards concerning those prerogatives guaranteed them by the selective service regulations. The more recalcitrant were "compelled to accept" the schedules "in a spirit of cooperation." Occupational deferments for younger men became more difficult to grant as it was they who were to make up the fighting force. Their places were taken to a degree by the return to civilian life of those over 38 and by fathers who were not inducted in Connecti- cut after October, 1943.33
Nevertheless there was a noticeable shrinkage in the labor supply. The Commissioner of Labor reported that there were 6,500 fewer people on the job in the summer of 1944 than there had been the previous year. The shrinkage occurred principally in those industries engaged in making machinery. As allied forces established their beachheads on the European continent in 1944 and seemed to be rolling relentlessly toward victory, everyone, the government and the public alike, indulged in careless optim- ism. The War Manpower Commission of the state in October released women from labor controls in the New Britain and Hartford areas, and the Meriden Manufacturers Association spoke enthusiastically of the tre- mendous labor reserves which had developed since 1940. Concurrently, there came reports that there was a lag in the production of many of the essentials of war. Alarm was voiced at the report that 55,000 workers had left the state since the first of the year. Then, with the fail- ure of General Patton to break through the Nazi lines, there was a return to the grim realities of war.
The regional manpower director announced that controls over the hiring and firing of labor would be continued for the present. With the depletion of manpower, the climate of opinion against occupational defer- ments was expressed in suggested work or fight legislation and a closer scrutiny of those classified as physically unfit. Commander Robinson
THE HOME FRONT IN WORLD WAR II (19)
alerted industry to the manpower situation. It was estimated that 20,000 additional workers would be needed if all the jobs within the state were to be manned. Draft quotas were expected to rise sharply in the Spring of 1945 and industry was asked to review those thirty years of age and over who had been deferred.34
War Time Legislation
The Hartford Courant's editorial of October 14, 1944, to the effect that the state political campaign "had not struck political fire" was based on more than the journal's Republican proclivities. Although victory seemed in sight, national issues continued to detract from state problems. Baldwin ran on his record as a war Governor and on a program for the post- war period. The Democrats on the other hand came out their state con- vention badly divided and the former Governor Hurley seemed to do little more than go through the motions of a campaign. He criticized the Republicans for having abolished the Department of Public Works in 1943, but this failed to excite the imagination of the electorate. A visit by Presi- dent Roosevelt to the state was not sufficient to rescue Hurley from political defeat, despite the fact that the others on the state Democraic ticket were elected and the Democrats gained control of the Senate. Baldwin's plurality of 43,492 was a measure of his personal popularity.35
The divided legislature resulted in a political imbroglio which began before the inaugural and continued in the courts after the session had adjourned. The Governor's inaugural was delayed five hours as result of disputes over the rules and organization of the Assembly. The Republicans proposed that a separate committee be named to handle the liquor prob- lems previously handled by the Judiciary Committee. Of greater impor- tance, perhaps, was the proposal that a majority vote of either house could force a bill out of committee. The Democrats saw in the bill an effort to force committee action on the Governor's recommendations for appoint- ments. While the inaugural party waited, the issue was resolved when the Democrats agreed to the naming of a liquor committee and the Repub- licans agreed to omit the "forcing out bill." The tempest was but a prelude to the wrangling which was to characterize the session. The Senate held up executive appointments and five never received Senate confirmation. Lieutenant Governor Snow was caused to take the Senate floor and deny
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that he had identified the legislature as "the worst and the lousiest .. . in the history of the state." 36
The wrangling culminated in battles over the appointment of minor judges and the provisions of the operating budget. When the budget was sent to the Senate, the Democratic leadership announced that the $130,000,000 budget would be slashed drastically. After play-acting as politicians by seeking to place the blame for the proposed budget on the Republicans, agreement was reached on appropriations totaling $142,227,653. Similar accord was not reached on the appointment of judges of the minor courts. The Democrats, after they had turned down a distri- bution plan worked out by the Republicans, were accused of having an insatiable desire for jobs. The Democrats, on the other hand, charged that the Republicans had no intention of fulfilling their constitutional duties in the naming of the judges, but were content to let the Governor do it. Hopes rose and fell during the last week of the session that the issue would be resolved, but as the hour for adjournment approached the ques- tion remained. The clock in the legislative hall was stopped at 11:03. While the law makers struggled until 4:07 A.M. to bring some order out of chaos and approve the budget, they made no progress on the court appoint- ments. These were left to the Governor. The day after the session ended a Baldwin appointee, Elmer Watson, assumed the position of Commissioner of Motor Vehicles, but John T. McCarthy, the incumbent held that the position was not vacant, employed counsel to defend himself, and later was sustained by the Courts. The Courant questioned the value which the legislators attached to representative government; suggested that a powerful executive was preferable to this form of democracy; and con- cluded its editorial, as had the Secretary of State who had brought the session to a close with, "God Save Connecticut."
There was passed, nevertheless, some beneficial legislation. A labor relations act had been an objective of organized labor for years. The war powers of the Governor were extended and four bills were enacted con- cerning the veterans. On the last day of the session, after a bitter debate, the House passed an amendment proposed by Baldwin, which provided that the minor court judges be appointed by the Governor and confirmed by the Senate.37 In balance, however, political bickering had interfered with the orderly progression of the legislative process.
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Victory
The news of Hiroshima was followed by a week of expectancy and then with jubilation over the knowledge of the formal surrender of Japan. Parties, formal and informal, public and private, followed as Connecticut residents looked hopefully to the future. Families arranged receptions to welcome members home, as almost every day brought news of ships' arrival in New York with large contingents of Connecticut men. The Hartford Courant, while not discounting the importance of the atomic bomb in hastening the conclusion of the war, pointed to its great potential as a source of power for peace-time purposes. The state's draft schedule was cut 65 per cent and plans were announced to speed the return of soldiers to civilian life. The intensive naval educational programs at Trinity and Wesleyan were terminated. There was an almost immediate end to ration- ing of gasoline and oil, and "fil-'er-up" returned to common usage. As cars flooded the highways, Governor Baldwin took the precautionary measure to announce that the state's speed limit of forty miles per hour would be strictly enforced. Connecticut residents, like all Americans, rushed to return to "normalcy," but to find that society had been altered in a thousand little ways: milk, for example, continued to be delivered on alternate days and there was no reversal of the trend to less and less postal service at a higher and higher rate of cost. Though strong ties were to remain with the past, in the larger areas of public affairs there was visible the emergence of a new Connecticut.38
Connecticut had made impressive contributions to the winning of the war. More than 210,000 of her men saw service: 135,000 inductees and 75,000 volunteers. There were, in addition, more than 3,300 women from Connecticut in the armed forces. Connecticut residents were among the numbers at Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941; aboard the Missouri, August 14, 1945, when Japan surrendered; and engaged in the land, sea, and air battles at points in between. They were among those who retreated before Rommel in North Africa and those who launched the counter attack which ended in the invasion of Italy. They waded ashore at Normandy and pursued the enemy on the continent. There were plain GI's and heroes, nine receiving the Congressional Medal of Honor. There were more than 6,000 casualties sustained in performing deeds of duty and of valor. To
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supply the materials of war, over a half million persons, including tem- porary residents, manned the factories at their highest point of produc- tion. Labor and management cooperated, with the assistance of the State and Federal agencies, to prevent serious work stoppages. More than eight billions of war contracts were placed in the state through May, 1945. Over half of these were for aircraft; almost one fourth, for ordnance; and the remainder, for ships, communication equipment, and multifarious other articles of war. One hundred and seventy-five Connecticut industries received the Army-Navy E award, twice as many as the average number of recipients in other states of the nation. Additional recognition was extended 448 times for the continuation of outstanding work. All who remained at home did not accept the controls imposed on the civilian population. Others grumbled, but accepted them. For the vast majority, however, the war was their war, and they did their bit to see it to a successful conclusion, while a large segment of the state's population was actively engaged in a fight for freedom, those at home had continued to extend and to alter democratic institutions.39
NOTES -CHAPTER XXXIII
1. Hartford Courant, Jan 5, 1939.
2. Ibid., June 8, 10, 1939; Report of the Commissioner of Labor (Hart- ford, 1939), pp. 49-50; Mitchell, "Social Legislation in Connecticut," pp. 479-84.
3. Hartford Courant, Jan. 19, June 8, 1939; Governor's Message (Hart- ford, 1935), p. 5.
4. Hartford Courant, May 10, 25, 27, 31, June 13, 1939.
5. Ibid., Sept. 18, 19, 20, Nov. 2, 6, 1940, Nov., 4, 1942.
6. Connecticut Industry, XVIII, July, 1940, p. 1; Hartford Courant, May 6, June 8, 1939, Sept., 7, 15, 20, Nov. 18, 1940, Jan. 7, 20, Feb. 19, 1943.
7. Connecticut Industry, XIX, August, 1941, p. 20; John F. Robinson, "Selective Service in Connecticut, World War II," (typescript, 1946, made available by the author), pp. 5-28; Hartford Courant, Sept., 3, 4, 15, 17, 24, 1940.
8. Ibid., May 24, 1939, Sept. 4, 10, 21, 29, Nov. 1, 19, 1940.
9. Ibid., Sept. 12, 1940, Jan. 15, 1941; John S. McNamara, "A Boom Town Faces Its Future," American Mercury, LII, May, 1941, p. 578; Connecticut Industry, XVIII, April, 1940, p. 13, XIX, Jan., 1941, p. 14; "In Bridgeport's War Factories," Fortune, XXIV, Sept., 1941, p. 87.
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10. Ibid .; Will Chasen, "Wooden Nutmeg of Socialism," Nation, CLIII, Sept. 27, 1941, p. 278; McNamara, "A Boom Town," p. 578; New Republic, CIV, Feb., 3, 1941, p. 145.
11. Hartford Courant, May 7, 1939, Sept. 7, 10, 11, Nov. 1, 20, 24, 1940, Dec. 5, 1941; Connecticut Industry, XVIII, June, 1940, p. 9; "In Bridgeport's War Factories," p. 87; Chasen, "Wooden Nutmeg of Socialism," p. 278; McNamara, "A Boom Town," p. 578; New Re- public, CIV, Feb. 3, 1941, p. 145.
12. Hartford Courant, Dec. 13, 17, 1941, Jan. 30, 1942; Connecticut Industry, XX, Oct. 1942, p. 26, Nov. 1942, p. 25.
13. Robinson, "Selective Service in Connecticut," p. 63; Hartford Courant, Dec. 7 - 24, 1941.
14. Connecticut Industry, XIX, Dec., 1941, p. 27, Feb., 1942, p. 20, May, 1942, p. 20, June, 1942, p. 12, July, 1942, p. 19, August, 1942, p. 20, April, 1943, p. 8; Ewing, "History of the Bigelow-Sanford Carpet Company," pps. 216-19.
15. Hartford Courant, Jan. 23, 24, 1942.
16. Ibid., Dec. 12, 13, 19, 1941, Jan. 2, 4, 12, 28, 31, Nov. 15, 1942, Jan. 9, 1943; Connecticut Industry, XX, Feb. 1942, p. 20, Apr. 1942, p. 4, May, 1942 p. 22; Elizabeth Donahue, "Chester Bowles in Politics," New Republic, CXV, Aug. 12, 1946, p. 172.
17. Hartford Courant, Jan. 20, Nov. 9, 15-21, 28, 1942, Jan. 3, 1943; Connecticut Industry, XX, June, 1942, p. 12, Oct., 1942, p. 29, Nov. 1942, p. 66, Dec. 1942, p. 17, Feb. 1, 1943, p. 19, Aug., 1943, p. 6; "Annual Report of the State of the Finances," 1946 (Washing- ton, 1947), pp. 516, 528-31.
18. Hartford Courant, Jan. 28, 31, Nov. 10, 1942, Feb. 20, Apr. 4, 10, 16, 1943; Connecticut Industry, May, 1942, p. 22.
19. Hartford Courant, Jan. 9, 14, Feb. 1, 3, 16, 17, 25, 28, May 12, 1943; Connecticut Industry, XXI, Jan. 1943, p. 20, Feb. 1943, p. 6, Apr. 1943, p. 24.
20. Hartford Courant, Dec. 3, 1941, Jan. 10, 31, Nov. 9, 1942, Jan. 3, Feb. 2, Apr. 14, 1943; Connecticut Industry, XX & XXI, March, 1942, p. 22, Dec. 1942, p. 19, May, 1943, p. 8, June, 1942, p. 2, Mar. 1943, p. 6; Report of the Department of Labor, 1943 (Hart- ford, 1943), p. 19.
21. Connecticut Industry, XIX & XX, Oct. 1941, p. 26, Aug. 1942, p. 20, June 1942, p. 4, Nov. 1942, p. 59, Report of the Department of Labor, 1943, p. 14, 1945, p. 11; Hartford Courant, Jan. 11, 1942. 22. Robinson, "Selective Service in Connecticut," pp. 72-109.
23. Ibid., Industrial Mobilization for War: History of the War Production Board and Predecessor Agencies, 1940-45, I (Washington, 1947), pp., 705-706; Hartford Courant, Jan. 24, Feb. 5, Apr. 23, 1943.
24. Annual Report of the Department of Labor (Hartford, 1942), 1940- 42, pp. 63-67, 1942-43, p. 24, 1944, p. 37; Hartford Courant, Dec. 10, 1941, Jan. 3, 1943.
25. Annual Report of the Department of Labor, 1942-43 (Hartford 1943) p. 24; Connecticut Industry, XX, Feb. 1942, p. 9.
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26. Ibid., Sept. 1942, p.
27. Ewing, "History of the Bigelow-Sanford Carpet Company," pp. 197- 222.
28. Ibid., p. 222.
29. General Statutes of Connecticut, Vol. 3, sec. 7528, p. 2775; Con- uecticut Industry, XXI, Apr. 1943; Hartford Courant, Jan. 1, 1942, Jan. 23, 1942.
30. Ibid., Nov. 4, 1942, Jan. 3, 7, 13, 1943, Jan. 27, 29, 1944.
31. Ibid., Jan. 3, Apr. 21, 22, May 21, 1943.
32. Ibid., Jan. 3, May 6, 11, 12, 21, 23.
33. Connecticut Industry, XXI, Jan. 1943, p. 16, XXIII, Mar. 1945; Robinson, "Selective Service in Connecticut," pp. 72-158.
34. Ibid .; Annual Report of the Department of Labor (Hartford, 1944), p. 21; (1945), p. 12; Hartford Courant, Oct. 5, Nov. 7, 1944.
35. Ibid., Oct. 3, 4, 5, 14, Nov. 3, 5, 7, 8, 10, 1944.
36. Ibid., Jan. 3, 4, June 2, 3, 5, 8, 1945.
37. Ibid., June 6, 8, 1945.
38. Ibid., Aug. 1-31, 1945.
39. Ibid., Aug. 1, 1945, Connecticut Industry, XXIV, Mar., 1946, p. 8, Apr., 1946, p. 18.
Chapter XXXIV Connecticut After the War
T HE YEARS immediately following the war were years of adjust- ment, but not of a general reordering of society. The economy languished. Industry took stock, sought to extricate itself from government controls and to fashion a more favorable economic climate. Labor attempted to consolidate its gains of the last decade and resorted to the strike in its efforts to enforce its demands. Rather than suggesting an awareness of the new demands being made upon society, the legisla- tion enacted, such as aid to education and the introduction of the sales tax, represented the resolution of issues which for many years had been of public concern. However, as the veteran took his place in Connecticut society, there was introduced what was regarded as a model program for his retraining and reemployment. In concept and extent a beginning was made in the solution of the housing problem. In the area of personal liberties the Negro capitalized upon the awareness of his political signifi- cance and secured greater employment opportunities and was extended greater personal privileges. A challenge to this slow, studied approach to the solution of public issues was made by the Democratic Party in 1948 in the person of Chester Bowles.
Return of Veterans
By August, 1945, 34,000 veterans from Connecticut had been dis- charged. Local and state agencies had been directed, oriented, and trained to offer assistance to these returning veterans. Problems which could not be solved on a local level then devolved upon state agencies, but the primary responsibility was defined as resting with local agencies. On the local level, selective service boards, to which veterans were required to
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