USA > Connecticut > History of Connecticut, Volume II > Part 39
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debate continued over whether sexual deviates should be the responsi- bility of the mental hospitals or of the penal institutions. Largely through efforts of Representative Gertrude Koskoff, a bond issue of $250,000 was authorized in 1957 to start plans for a separate institution for sexual deviates.15
Of equal importance in the ultimate improvement of the State Prison was the authorization of a bond issue for the beginning of what was ultimately to be a new prison on the location of the Osborn Prison Farm at Enfield. The first unit designed for 400 men was identified by Warden Richmond as a minimum security prison. The February, 1958, session of the General Assembly allotted $250,000 for designing the rest of the prison and funds were subsequently granted for the completion of the maximum phase of the prison which was scheduled for comple- tion in 1963. Serious overcrowding continued, however. As of June 30, 1958, the population at Wethersfield reached an all time high of 974; and by 1960, it was over 1,000. The transfer of some inmates to Enfield relieved the crowding at Wethersfield temporarily, but by 1962 it was again approaching 800.
Under Warden Richmond there were changes including an exten- sion of the education and training of the inmates. These were signifi- cant if judged, as by Warden Richmond in his reports, by profits. It is noted that while the number employed increased 36 per cent and the gross sales 18 per cent, the profits increased 150 per cent. Although changes did not seem to result in a more pacific prison population, other improvements were reported, such as in the prison hospital and in the guard force, they were not sufficient to avert riots. When the inmates undertook in November, 1957, what was called a "passive" demonstration against prison policies and procedures, the Warden pointed inferentially at the previous administration. The action, he stated, was designed by a small group of inmates who had been trying to seize control of the prison for the past two years. The riot of January and February, 1960, was of much greater magnitude, and the services of the State Police, the Wethersfield Fire Department, and other agencies were required to being the inmates under control. If anyone attempted to determine, eliminate or mitigate the causes for such disturbances, it was not evident in the Warden's report. He wrote that the riot provided an opportunity
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"to summarily complete the process of 'tightening up' and the improve- ment of the regulatory procedures which had been begun under serious handicaps three years earlier." A second riot within the year occurred in October, 1960, at which time additional privileges were taken away from the prisoners.16
The inability to evolve policies satisfactory to the staff of the prison also hindered efficient operations throughout the decade. The refusal of the state to bargain with employee groups or with their representa- tives was boldly written by Warden George S. Cummings before his resignation in 1956. He protested that the prison could never be effec- tively operated as long as there was organized interference. There is no contract with the state, he held, and therefore there can be no bar- gaining. Contract or not, the morale of the staff, especially that of the guards, was of importance to the smooth operation of the prison and to the people of the state. The warden recommended no changes, report- ing that "salary complaints have kept the staff in constant turmoil, and so affected their attitude and thinking as to interfere with the prison operations." When Cummings resigned, Richmond made some progress toward improving the morale of the guard force, but became involved in a controversy over the pay of the guards and over who was to bargain for them. The attention of the public was again attracted to the prison with the escape of convicts in 1961. Members of the Prison Board had concluded apparently that the circumstances required an ability not possessed by Warden Richmond.17
Richmond resigned on December 18, 1961, and the administration of the prison passed temporarily to the Adjutant General, Frederick G. Reincke. It had been reported early in December that Warden Rich- mond was going to resign, but was willing to stay on until a successor could be found. Some members of the Prison Board immediately expressed their confidence in the Warden, but it was reported that the Governor was interested in making some basic changes in the prison administration. The board was called to meet at the State Capitol, and the Warden's resignation was accepted without delay. The arrangement made, whereby Richmond was to continue as consultant on the work on the new prison at Enfield, however, drew the criticism of Republican gubernatorial aspirant, Edwin H. May, who also charged the Governor
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with covering up a bad situation at the prison and asked for a general investigation, which the Governor did not indicate a disposition to grant. Upon assuming the responsibilities which he had held under similar circumstances when Warden Cummings resigned in 1956, Reincke an- nounced that he would not treat directly with a committee of the pris- oners, who he assumed wished to request the restoration of the privileges lost in 1960. The view prevailed that the difficulties at the prison would be considerably diminished by the completion of the prison at Enfield. Even though this in probability will mitigate the difficulties, it seems improbable that the problem is no more basic, nor complex than can be resolved by improved physical facilities.18
Politics and Taxes
Although the Republican dominated Assembly endorsed programs which furthered what were generally regarded as Republican tenets, there were many uncertainties as to the value of some of the legisla- tion to the party politically. The extension of the privileges of home rule, increased state aid to towns for school expenses, greater access of the public and the press to public records and meetings, the establish- ment of a bond retirement fund and of a ceiling on the state debt was legislation readily identified with the Republican party. On the other hand, the reduction of the state taxes on insurance companies' interest and dividends, which was passed over the Governor's veto, was an action out of which the Democrats believed they might gain political advan- tage. The Republicans refused to eliminate the Justice Court system in the small towns where the Republicans were strong and refused also to alter the other minor courts which were controlled by the Democrats. This was evidently predicated on the expectation that they would control the Assembly and, consequently, the patronage more frequently than their opponents. The state employees were among the greatest bene- ficiaries of the legislative session. Their retirement fund was stabilized, more vacation time was granted, broader pension and death benefits were gained, the right to join the federal social security plan was author- ized, and an increase in pay was granted. Of greater importance, per- haps, was the fact that the rules and regulations covering their work was
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removed from the responsibility of the Personnel Department and, in accordance with the Governor's request, the State Personnel Appeals Board was expanded to seven members and given power to arbitrate grievances.
Except for the school bus bill, the issue which elicited the greatest interest developed during consideration of the extension of the six cents gasoline tax on July 1, 1959. John C. Donaldson, the House Chairman of the Finance Committee, charged the Highway Department with waste and inefficiency. In a carefully prepared address, he appeared to document the charges, and, in the process of seeking to embarass the Democratic Administration, demanded an investigation of the Highway Department and the removal of the State Highway Commissioner. Don- aldson, who spoke infrequently on the floor of the House, almost single handedly convinced the members of the House of the merits of his charges. On the roll call vote the continuance of the tax was apparently approved 99 to 96, but the count was challenged and a new vote de- manded. At the moment when it seemed that the opposition might have sufficient strength to kill the bill, Donaldson announced he would go along with the increase since the tax was necessary for continuing the services of the state.
In the balance sheet of accomplishments, which he presented on the night of adjournment, the Governor listed the achievements, but charged the Republican Assembly with the failure to reorganize the court system, to reform county government, to establish a department of mental retardation, and to extend civil rights. It remained for the Courant to point unintentionally, perhaps, to the true status of Connec- ticut politics with the observation that the legislation enacted was a Republican program, but it did "not differ very much from the program offered ... by Ribicoff." 19
The 1957-58 Recession
The recession which was then becoming everywhere evident was reflected in Connecticut's business conditions by the latter part of 1957. Cutbacks in U.S. government spending contributed to the slackening in business activity. Hardest hit were the machine tools, brass, appliances,
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office machinery, and especially the transportation equipment industries. The most significant barometer was the rise of unemployment, which increased from 28,800 in June, 1957, to 88,900 in January, 1958. The condition was aggravated by the continual increase in the consumer price index. After conferring with the legislative leaders, Governor Ribi- coff called a special session of the General Assembly which convened in March, 1958. Although the Assembly enacted legislation which identi- fied Connecticut as the first state to permit the unemployed to collect benefits for the duration of the emergency, the program for recovery enacted by the Republican controlled legislature was evaluated by Ribi- coff as "Not an effective answer to the needs of the state's general economy ... . " In addition to the unemployment benefits, 30 millions were authorized to speed the state's highway program, 15 millions for urban renewal and industrial development, seven and one-half millions for public works, and $550,000 for the farmer's drought fund. Though it is certain that the unemployment benefits eased the hardships of the jobless, it is difficult to measure to what extent the legislation contrib- uted to the recovery. Unemployment continued to increase until it reached 107,300 in June, 1958, and the sales tax collections for the first nine months of 1958 were ten per cent less than they had been the previous year. The Connecticut economy in general followed the im- provement in business conditions throughout the country. The unem- ployment had decreased to 73,000 by the beginning of 1959, and it was becoming apparent that the recovery was general.20
1958 Election
Those who were observing Connecticut's political scene closely in 1958 realized that history was probably in the making when the deci- sions of the respective nominating conventions became official. Although "New Republicanism" had been checked with the defeat of Lodge in 1954, the identification of the Baldwin-Alcorn forces with a popular na- tional administration permitted their faction of the Party to exert a dominant influence in Party affairs in the state. Yet, the Brennan-Zeller forces had gained strength. Only the last minute return of Alcorn during the 1955 session of the Assembly had prevented the "old guards" from
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dictating Republican legislative decisions at that time, and in 1957 the Brennan-Zeller group dominated the House while the Baldwin-Alcorn forces controlled the Senate. There are times in the history of political parties when the control of the party is considered more important than the winning of the contest. It may be conjectured if 1958 were not such a time for the Republican party. The nomination of Ribicoff by the Dem- ocrats was a foregone conclusion; it was apparent that his popularity had increased during his term of office; and it was recognized that he would be extremely difficult to defeat. In this situation the Baldwin-Alcorn forces did not come up with a candidate of their choice. Fred Zeller, the State Comptroller, who had been high in Republican circles for over 20 years, announced his candidacy for the nomination although some of his friends advised for and others against this action. Somewhat belat- edly John D. Alsop, a member of one of the nation's better known fam- ilies and a descendant of one of Connecticut's most historic ones, began whipping up grass roots support for his candidacy. He succeeded almost too well. At the convention the contest narrowed so that the delegates supporting J. Kenneth Bradley of Westport, a third contestant, became the determinant in the final decision. At the crucial moment, William Brennan, with the finesse of the seasoned politician, turned sufficient votes from Bradley to gain the nomination for Zeller. As the election was to prove, insofar as the control of the Republican party was con- cerned, he was the loser; Alsop, the winner.
The campaign had hardly begun when it became apparent that the only question was the size of Ribicoff's plurality. Significantly, a number of newspapers in the state, which hitherto had been loyal to the Repub- lican cause, announced their support of the Governor. Zeller was clearly overmatched, but his campaign was also under-financed. Members of his party sat on their hands and on their pocketbooks. The fate of the entire Democratic ticket was tied to the personal image of Abraham Ribicoff, and the results on election day exceeded the expectations of his most optimistic supporters. His record breaking 245,000 plurality carried the entire state ticket into office and gave the Democrats control of the House for the first time since 1876. The 29 to seven margin in the state Senate was an impressive display of political strength; and the sweep was completed by the election of all the Democratic candidates for
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seats in the United States Congress, including the victory of the Sena- torial candidate, Tom Dodd, over William Purtell. The Governor's pro- gram of moderation obviously had appealed to voters of all political faiths. While there was no mistaking his popularity, the effects of the schism which had torn at the roots of the Republican party for eight years was also reflected in the margin of victory.21
Organization of Republican Party
After the debacle of the election, the Republican Party was reor- ganized. A dinner meeting of eight or nine Republicans at the home of John Alsop on the next evening after the election was followed by a series of strategy conferences by the May forces. The view prevailed that there must be a change in party leadership. Clarence Baldwin, after consultation with Senator Prescott Bush, agreed to step aside when the party decided on a candidate, presumably with the understanding that Baldwin would move into one of the state auditor's positions which was then vacant. As the members of the GOP jockeyed for their political lives, Edwin H. May, the defeated Republican candidate in the First Congressional District, came to the fore as representing the most neutral position among the warring factions. His election seemed assured when Zeller issued press releases which sounded like an endorsement. As the dissident elements sought to gain control of the party, Zeller, who appar- enty had spoken without checking with his party faithfuls sought to withdraw his support from May. There followed a series of contradictory statements which at best portrayed the former gubernatorial candidate as a man of indecision, and at worst as ambivalent. Horace Seeley-Brown of Pomfret, who had lost his seat in Congress in the Democratic land- slide to Chester Bowles, was available, as was Senator Peter Mariani of Groton. Meanwhile, three county organizations had indicated a change of leadership, including Fairfield, a Brennan stronghold. When Albert Morano, the new leader of Fairfield county, announced on De- cember 1 that he would support May, the back of the opposition was broken. May was named as State Chairman on December 9. Whether his sucess was a prelude to greater political achievements or the begin- ning of a road to personal political obivion is at the time of writing
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still to be decided. As Chairman he succeeded to a position as party spokesman, a position which potentially would enable him to extend his political image. Meanwhile Alsop had sufficient strength among the leg- islators to name the Republican leaders of the 1959 session of the Assembly. This constituted a position of strength which if properly exploited could project Alsop into an advantageous position in his bid for the gubernatorial nomination for 1962.23
Proposals for Change
The broad outlines of the program which the Governor would recommend to the General Assembly were announced before it con- vened. Ribicoff interpreted his victory "as an opportunity to accomplish things which the people have been working to achieve for years." In this category fell the proposal to reorganize the local court system on a regional basis with full time judges and the proposal for the conven- tion to revise the constitution. Legislation was anticipated to eliminate county government, and the Governor announced a "top to bottom reor- ganization of the state's bureaucracy." A vast highway building program to be financed by a bond issue was proposed by the committee headed by Frazier Wilde of the Connecticut General Insurance Company and was supported by the Governor. He had promised during the campaign that there would be no increase in taxes, and shortly after the election he assured the citizens of Connecticut that as long as he was Governor there would not be an income tax. He was confident that the Demo- cratic program could be accomplished without upsetting the budget. How this was to be done, it was reported, would have to be a major policy decision of the Governor.23
NOTES - CHAPTER XXXVII
1. Journal of the House, 1955, pp. 31-32; Hartford Courant, June 3, 9, 1955.
2. Reports of the Legislative Council, 1948, p. 36, 1954, pp. 129-31; Journal of the House, 1955, pp. 36, 460; Hartford Courant, June 3, 8, 1955.
3. Hartford Courant, June 1, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 1955.
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4. Ibid., May 29, 1953, June 2, 5, 6, 10, 1955.
5. 1955 Supplement to Connecticut General Statutes, pp. 95-101, 1332; Report of the Legislative Council, 1950, 4-43; Hartford Courant, June 7, 1951, May 1, 1953, June 1, 1955.
6. Ibid., June 4, 1955.
7. General Statutes, 1949 revision, p. 704; Public Acts, 1951, p. 336, 1953, p. 500; Hartford Courant, June 1, 5, 9, 1955.
8. 1955 Supplement, General Statutes, pp. 211-27; Public Acts, 1957, pp. 757-86; Report of the Legislative Council, 1954, 27-58; Lockard, New England State Politics, pp. 284-85; Hartford Courant, June 2, 12, 1955.
9. Journal of the House, 1957, pp. 1-17; Lockard, New England State Politics, pp. 276-77; Hartford Courant, June 10, 12, 14, 1955.
10. Connecticut Flood Recovery Committee, Report to Governor Ribicoff (Hartford, 1955) pp. 1-431; Hartford Courant, Aug. 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, Oct. 16, 17, 18, 1955.
11. The popular vote in Connecticut in 1957 was: Eisenhower, 711, 837; Stevensen, 405, 079.
12. Register and Manual, State of Connecticut, 1957, pp. 116, 128, 472; Journal of the House, 1957, pp. 35-44; Hartford Courant, June 9, 1957.
13. Journal of the House, 1957, pp. 1394-98, 1430-31, 1533-57; Journal of the Senate, 1957, pp. 1083, 1112, 1123, 1128, 1220, 1238, 1355; Public Acts, 1957, p. 814; Hartford Courant, June 2, 4, 6, 9, 1957.
14. Public Acts, 1953, pp. 654-56, 1957, pp. 1047-50; "Reports of the Department of Mental Health," 1955-60, Digests of Administrative Reports, 1955-60; Hartford Courant, June 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 1957.
15. "Reports of the Connecticut State Prison," 1950-60, Digest of Ad- ministrative Reports, 1950-60; Public Acts, 1957, pp. 571-72, 658- 60, 818, 1055-58; Hartford Courant, June 9, 1957.
16. Reports of the Legislative Council, 1948-54; Hartford Courant, June 9, 1957.
17. "Reports of the Connecticut State Prison," 1957-58, 1959-60, Digests of Administrative Reports, 1957-60; Hartford Courant, Dec. 31, 1961.
18. "Report of the Connecticut State Prison," 1956, Digest of Administra- tive Reports, 1956, 136-37.
19. Hartford Courant, Dec. 24, 28, 29, 31, 1961, Jan. 3, 7, 1962.
20. Ibid., June 2, 5, 6, 9, 1957.
21. Connecticut Industry, Mar., 1958, pp. 49-50, Sept., 1958, p. 53, Nov., 1958, p. 65, Feb., 1959, p. 41; "Report of the Labor Department," 1957-58, Digest of Administrative Reports, 1957-58, pp. 81-9; Hart- ford Courant, Mar. 4, Apr. 16, 19, 1958.
22. Ibid., Nov 1, 2, 5, 1958.
23. Ibid., Nov. 6, 8, 9, 14, Dec. 7, 1958.
24. Ibid., Nov. 6, 12, 13, 30, Dec. 9, 1958.
Chapter XXXVIII
A Measure of Reform
T HE DRAMA of an historical event was everywhere evident as members of the Assembly gathered in Hartford on Wednesday, January 9, 1959. Most humiliating to the Republicans, of course, was the loss of the lower chamber. For the first time since 1876 the Democrats were to organize the House. To steer the party's program they chose the veteran legislator, Samuel Google, who was gifted alike in the arts of political buffoonery and lyrical expression, in open debate and in the closed council of the causus. For Speaker, the House chose the popular Portland Democrat, William J. O'Brien, who was untutored in the intricacies of parliamentary procedure, but unchallenged in his reputation for fairplay. Most symbolic of the change, perhaps, was the Democrats occupancy of the Speaker's room, which after three genera- tions of tenancy the Republicans had come to regard as their very own. Outside the Speaker's room, Democratic leaders took up their stations around the rotunda where Republicans previously had stood. Inside the room, portraits of the favorite Republican speakers lined the wall as reminders to the Democrats that they held only a short term lease. The change, however, was far more than symbolic. Both parties were unaccustomed to the new alignment in the House and to their new responsibilities. The Republicans, in their years of domination, had forgotten how to be effective as a minority party. The Democrats lacked experience in the practice of the arts and skills which a majority party can exercise. There was more than the usual number of new legislators, and in the House, where party strength was almost equally divided, it was imperative that newcomers learn the lessons of party discipline if administration measures were to succeed. Of more tangible importance,
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was the fact that as a result of the tremendous Republican majority in 1957 there were simply not enough experienced Democrats in 1959 to assume leadership on the important committees. It required an unusual political craftsmanship to mold the inexperienced Democratic majority, flush with victory and anxious to promote legislation which would facili- tate reelection, into an effective legislative force.
Plan for Action
The plan for achieving favorable legislative action on the admin- istration's program was artfully conceived and executed. The technical deficiencies which were inevitable in such comprehensive concept of fundamental changes in the structure of government were ironed out by trusted lieutenants, as Ella Grasso the Secretary of State, George Conkling the Commissioner of Finance, and her deputy Philips, and areas of compromise were sought among the many factions which arose in opposition or in support of the recommendations. The hearings were scheduled in such a manner as to give the greatest possible impetus to the Governor's program. Once the details were drawn, the task of trans- lating the preciously thin Democratic majority in the House into favor- able action was assumed by the artful craftsman, John Bailey. His encyclopedic knowledge of legislative history, however, was not enough. Individual legislators were kept in line by postponing their pet projects until the last days of the session, and the party leadership finally agreed to pay raises for the members of the Assembly after first appearing to oppose it. Telegrams were used freely, and police escorts too, it was rumored, were employed when necessary to have the party faithful on hand for the crucial votes. Finally party "gendarmes" patrolled the cor- ridors to see that every Democrat was in his seat for the roll calls. Prac- tical politician that he is, Bailey knew better than anyone a skillful use of patronage at the moments of decision could deliver the margin for victories. A host of new appointive positions, including 44 new judge- ships would be created if the minor courts were reorganized. That pro- posal was considered early in the session.
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