Indian Village Site and Cemetery Near Madisonville, Ohio, Part 51

Author: Hooton, Earnest Albert, 1887-1954
Publication date: 1920
Publisher: Cambridge, Mass., The Museum
Number of Pages: 939


USA > Ohio > Hamilton County > Madisonville > Indian Village Site and Cemetery Near Madisonville, Ohio > Part 51


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


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Perez: Cronologia antigua de Yucatan. The Perez Codex (Perez, 1842) and the Perez (1843) study of the Cronologia antigua de Yuca- tan are sometimes confused.1 This latter manuscript, although founded on the ancient documents, was entirely written by Pio Perez and has very little to do with the Maya language. It is men- tioned here, however, to make a complete record of the different works of Perez .? A copy of this manuscript was given by Perez to Stephens who published it in an English translation (Stephens, 1843, v. 1, p. 434-459).3 Gallatin (1845, p. 104-114) and Valentini (1880) give practically the substance of the entire material con- tained in the Stephens text. It seems evident that Stephens did not print the entire manuscript as he received it from Perez as the second copy which Perez made contains much more material than was printed by Stephens. This second copy was made for the Registro Yucateco (1846, v. 3, p. 281). The same manuscript was printed in the Diccionario Universal de Historia y Geographia, (1855, v. 8, Apéndice, Cronología Yucateca), and in Castillo (1866, p. 31-51). This second copy (4°, 14 ff.) passed into the hands of Brasseur de Bourbourg who published it (1864, p. 366-419) with a


1 There is also the Codex Peresiano, a pre-Columbian manuscript, which deals with the hieroglyphic writing and does not, therefore, enter into this discussion.


? Other material on the chronology by Perez may be mentioned here: - Perez (3 in B. L. C. No. 43, 5: 9 in B. L. C.).


' Stephens (1843, v. 2, p. 117, 277-278) tells of obtaining this manuscript from Perez.


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French translation. The Stephens copy is in the possession of the New York Historical Society.1


The copy made for the Registro Yucateco and published by Bras- seur de Bourbourg cannot be located. Pilling states that he saw what may have been this manuscript in the library of Pinart. Many of the items in the Pinart library were purchased from Brasseur de Bourbourg and later these passed into the Bancroft Library now at the University of California. I could find no trace of any manu- script of this kind in the Brasseur de Bourbourg-Pilling-Bancroft Library at Berkeley.


The Peabody Museum has another copy (8º, 20 ff.), said to be from the library of Brasseur de Bourbourg, which follows almost exactly that published in the Registro Yucateco.


The original Perez manuscript of his Cronologia passed into the possession of Carrillo y Ancona along with the other Perez ma- terial. Carrillo y Ancona (1878-82; ed. 1883, p. 637-663) published it .? There is then the Carrillo y Ancona original, the Stephens, and the Registro Yucateco-Peabody Museum texts all differing slightly. The Carrillo y Ancona version is the most complete and has one passage which is in Stephens and not in the Peabody Museum text. The Peabody version follows that of Carrillo y Ancona except for a few omissions in the latter and the passage referred to above. The Stephens text differs in many places both in order and wording, and it is much shorter than that of the other two.


Brasseur de Bourbourg, (1857-59, v. 3, p. 462 et seq.), Orozco y Berra (1864, p. 103-108) Bancroft (1874-76, v. 2, 759 et seq.), Short (1880, 439 et seq.), and many others give the substance of these Perez texts. Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872, p. 142) refers to the manuscripts on which Perez founded his Cronologia.


CHILAM BALAM DE CHUMAYEL. This manuscript is a small quarto of 107 written pages and is dated about 1780. The name


1 This Society also has the original Perez manuscript entitled "An almanac, adjusted according to the chronological calculation of the ancient Indians of Yucatan, for the years 1841 and 1842." Stephens (1843, v. 1, p. 448-458) printed this in an English translation. This article is not included in the Bras- seur de Bourbourg-Peabody Museum manuscript.


" Carrillo y Ancona gives the title, Antigua Cronologia Yucateca o exposicion sencilla del método que usaban los antiguos habitantes de esta Península de Yuca- tan para contar y computar el tiempo.


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of D. Juan José Hoil with the date, January 20, 1782, appears in the manuscript. It is probable that Hoil was the one who com- piled the text except for a few insignificant interpolations from earlier documents. The first pages have been lost. The original of the manuscript was owned in Merida.1 It has been reproduced by the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania under the editorship of G. B. Gordon (1913). Teoberto Maler had previously (1887) printed several sets of photographs of this man- uscript.2 Gates, the Peabody Museum, and the family of the late Don Audomaro Molina are some of those possessing the Maler photographs. There is a hand copy by Berendt (1868, p. 1-74, 80, 159-200, in B. L. C. No. 49). Gates owns a second copy, contained in ff. 1-55 of a note-book, which has been reproduced by him. Portions of the manuscript are given by Berendt (1868d, v. 2, p. 25-36, in B. L. C. No. 43-2). Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872, p. 145-146) gives a good description of this work.


Brinton (1882, p. 152-185) was the first to make an attempt to translate any large part of the manuscript. He translated those portions relating to the chronology. Berendt had already copied these parts from copies by Pio Perez (Berendt, 1868d, v. 2, in B. L. C. No. 43-2). Carrillo y Ancona (1890, p. 37-45) gives a portion of the manuscript containing the name Yucalpeten as given to Yucatan. He also gives in fac-simile a portion of p. 63 (Gordon edition). Seler (1895) gives the text and translation of a small part of the manuscript. Juan Molina (1896, p. xxxvii, lviii, etc.) gives sentences of the Maya text and translation from the Brinton work. Raynaud (1891-92, p. 153-159) attempts an im- provement on the translation of Brinton. Martínez Hernández (1909a: 1912: 1913) has made successful attempts at translating parts of the manuscript.3 Martínez has a translation in manuscript


1 Morley (1920, p. 475) writes that he saw the original manuscript in 1913 in the house of Ricardo Figueroa in Merida. Subsequently it was removed to the Cepeda library, Merida. When Morley revisited Yucatan in 1918 he was told that it had disappeared from the library and that its present location was unknown.


? Maler (about 1887) also made photographic copies of the Tizimin, Calkini, and Kaua MSS. Gates possesses a complete set of the Maler photographs which he obtained from Seler.


3 The text, p. 77, 78 and the translation of Brinton and Martinez are given in Part II, p. 130-135.


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(1919) of p. 102 of the original. The text of a part of p. 85 with translation by Gates (1920b) is given in Morley (1920, p. 485). Roys (1920) has a translation of p. 60-62.


The prophecies given in this and other Chilam Balam Books are described in another place (p. 192). The day signs as shown in the original manuscript are given by Carrillo y Ancona (1866, p. 38; ed. 1871, p. 257: 1870; ed. 1872, p. 144; and 1882; ed. 1883, (p. 250). Carrillo y Ancona (1882; ed. 1883, p. 605-606) Riva Palacio (1887-89, v. i, p. 456) or Chavero (1887, p. 456) give the Chumayel map. Brinton (1882b; ed. 1890, p. 266) also gives the drawings of the day signs. The Katun wheel from the Chuma- yel is reproduced by Bowditch (1910, fig. 63).1


CHILAM BALAM DE TIZIMIN. This manuscript is a quarto of 52 pages formerly owned by Señor Ricardo Figueroa of Merida. Like the Chumayel it has disappeared. This manuscript has been called by Carrillo y Ancona the Codice Anónimo. The original has been reproduced by Gates. Berendt (1868, p. 101-158 in B. L. C. No. 49) made a copy from the original. A second copy (ff. 1-35 in an 8° note-book) is owned by Gates and has been reproduced by him.2 Perez (6, in B. L. C. No. 44-3) discusses the historical and chrono- logical portions and compares them with similar parts of the Mani manuscript. Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872, p. 146) discusses this document. The prophecies of the Tizimin are treated in another place.


Manuel Luciano Perez (1870, p. 102, in B. L. C. No. 49) has a short letter written from Tizimin to Carrillo y Ancona regarding the sending of the manuscript to the Bishop.3. The first publication of any portion of the Tizimin text was by Brinton (1882, p. 136- 151) where he presents a translation of the chronological parts. Raynaud (1891-92, p. 149-152) attempts another translation of those parts given by Brinton. Seler (1895; ed. 1902, p. 580: 1898; ed. 1902, p. 676) gives sentences with translation from this manuscript.


1 Perez (2, p. 174-177 in B. L. C. No. 50-31) has a heading Ruedas crono- logicas con su explicación.


? See Morley, 1920, p. 470, note.


3 This letter is discussed with quotations, in Carrillo y Ancona, 1870; ed. 1872, p. 146.


·


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CHILAM BALAM DE CALKINI. This is a quarto manuscript of 30 pages formerly owned by Señor Ricardo Figueroa. It has disap- peared. The manuscript is not complete. The pages of the orig- inal are numbered 11-40. There is a Gates reproduction of the original and Gates also owns a copy (ff. 55-67 of a note-book) which he has also reproduced. Martinez Alomia (1906, p. 14-15) gives a description of this manuscript. Juan Molina y Solís (1896) also mentions it.


CHILAM BALAM DE IXIL. This manuscript was also owned by Señor Ricardo Figueroa of Merida. There is no reproduction of the original of this manuscript. Berendt (1868, p. 75-79, 97-100 in B. L. C. No. 49) made a copy. Gates also has another copy (ff. 36-60 of a note-book) which has been reproduced by him. Perez (2, p. 174-177, in B. L. C. 50-31) gives the Katun wheels from a number of these Chilam Balam Books. That from the Ixil has been reproduced by Thomas (1881-82, p. 60), Carrillo y Ancona (1878-82, ed. 1883, p. 252), Chavero (1887, p. 440) or Riva Palacio (1887-89, v. 1, p. 440), and by Bowditch (1910, figs. 61, 62). The prophecies contained in this manuscript are compared with those from the Mani in Berendt (1868d, v. 2, p. 107-123, in B. L. C. No. 43-6). Perez (8, in B. L. C. No. 44-2) gives a part of this manuscript.


CHILAM BALAM DE OXKUTZCAB (1689). The original of this manuscript has been lost. It was partially copied by Pio Perez and his copy, in turn, copied by Berendt (1868d, v. 2, p. 185-224, in B. L. C. No. 43-8). These copies undoubtedly refer only to the chronological portion of the manuscript. It is to be supposed that there were other parts not copied by Perez. . Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872, p. 147) mentions this document. It is also prob- ably referred to in the Registro Yucateco (v. 1, p. 360. Anon. 1845).1


CHILAM BALAM DE KAUA. This is a quarto manuscript con- taining 282 pages, also formerly owned by Señor Ricardo Figueroa and now in the Biblioteca Cepeda in Merida. Gates has repro- duced the original. There is a partial copy by Berendt (1868, p. 81-92, in B. L. C. No. 49). Gates has a second partial copy (to


1 Care should be taken not to confuse this manuscript with the Xiu Chroni- cles, called by some the Crónica de Oxkutzcab.


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p. 184 of the original manuscript). This is contained in a note- book (ff. 61-150) and has also been reproduced by him. Parts of this manuscript are given in Berendt (1868d, v. 2, p. 87-101 in B. L. C. No. 43-5). Berendt (1868d, v. 1, in B. L. C. No. 42-13) has the multiplication table from the manuscript. The chronologi- cal portions are compared with corresponding parts of the Mani in Berendt (1868d, v. 2, p. 102-106 in B. L. C. No. 43-5). Brinton (1882b; ed. 1890, p. 270-271) gives the day signs from the manu- script. These are copied from Brinton by Troncoso (1883, p. 105). Bowditch (1910, fig. 64) gives a Katun wheel from this manuscript. This manuscript is probably the same as the Chilam Balam de Hocabá.


CHILAM BALAM DE NAH. This is a quarto manuscript of 64 pages, owned by Gates and reproduced by him. It is signed by José María Nah and came from Teabo. Mr. Gates has called it by the name of its signer rather than by the name of the town in which it was found as there are already two collections of docu- ments bearing the name of this town. It is of the calendar type and similar, in general, to the Kaua manuscript. There are entries in a later hand as late as 1871 and 1896.


CHILAM BALAM DE TEKAX. This manuscript is a quarto and consists of 36 written pages. It is incomplete. Gates is the owner and he has reproduced the manuscript. It contains features which place it in the same class as the Chilam Balam de Kaua. The usual medical recipes and a current calendar of the good and bad days are to be found in the manuscript.


CHILAM BALAM DE PETO. There is an obscure reference to the possible existence of a Chilam Balam Book at Peto. Carrillo y Ancona (1878-82: ed. 1883, p. 592) records that Juan Pio Perez writing from Peto in 1840 states, " Literatura quien sabe si la tuvieron; pero sabían escribir con precision. Una es la poesía del pueblo y otra la del sabio y sacerdote; la de éstos no llegó á nosotros, ó serán muy raros los ejemplos."


CHILAM BALAM DE NABULA, TIHOSUCO, TIXCOCOB, AND HO- CABÁ. These four manuscripts are known hardly more than by name. The Nabulá has an account of an epidemic which occurred in 1673. Brinton (1883) refers to a manuscript from Tihosuco


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which he used in preparing his article on " The folk-lore of Yuca- tan." Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872. p. 147-148) and Berendt tried in vain to find the Hocaba manuscript. . This latter is prob- ably the same as the Kaua manuscript which formerly belonged to a resident in Hocabá. There is no information available on the Tixcocob document.


THE PROPHECIES


There has been a great deal of discussion concerning various so- called "Prophecies" contained in several of the Books of Chilam Balam. These prophecies as they now stand clearly foretell the coming of Christianity to the land. The natives of Haiti told Columbus of similar predictions made long before his arrival.' As Brinton points out (1868, p. 188) these prophecies were doubtless adapted by the Spanish to proselytizing purposes but they seem fundamentally to have been native accounts of the return of Kukulcan, one of the culture heroes of the Mayas, and correspond- ing to Quetzalcouatl of the Mexicans.


Gomara, Herrera, Cogolludo, Villagutierre and other early his- torians give other instances of the prophecy of the arrival of the white race.2 Several modern authors (Sierra, 1841) ' have tried to prove that these prophecies were pure inventions of the Spanish priests to give a supernatural sanction to their teachings. There is no doubt that the influence of Christian teaching is seen in several of these documents. But the fact that the Mayas and other peoples of Latin America had native tales of the return of their culture heroes is proved by the way the Spanish Conquerors were first received by the natives of Mexico and Peru. They were considered to be the actual deified heroes who the natives had learned were to return.


Anon (§ 31) is a discussion of the second return of the Spaniards. Cogolludo (1688, lib. 2, cap. xiv) writes as follows in connection


· Sahagun, Historia de la Nueva España, Lib. xii, Caps. 2, 3.


2 Sanchez de Aguilar (1639; ed. 1892, p. 95) probably refers to one of these prophecies.


3 Vicente Calero is often mentioned as a writer with Justo Sierra on Maya subjects. Pablo Moreno is another author who considered the Prophecies the inventions of the Spanish priests. Le Plongeon expressed the opinion in a pri- vate letter that these Prophecies were " pious frauds."


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with this work, " Sin duda se rigiò por un librillo escrito de mano, que ay en el idioma de los Indios, que le escribieron los de muy dentro de la tierra, despues de su conversion, en que notaron algunas cosas de aquellos tiempos, desde la segunda venida de los Españoles, y algo de las guerras referidas."


The prophecies under discussion are those of the Maya priests Napuc Tun, Ah Kuil Chel, Ahau Pech, Natzin Abun Chan, and Chilam Balam.1


The first authority to give these prophecies was Lizana (1633, parte 2, cap. 1; ed. 1893, p. 37-39). He gives the Maya text and a translation in Spanish. He probably obtained the Maya from some early text of a Chilam Balam Book. It was evidently not one of the Balam Books known at the present time as the text differs in several places from that in any of the versions of the prophecies now available. It is interesting to note that there are no two copies of the same prophecy exactly alike .? Cogolludo (1688, lib. 2, cap. 11) gives the Spanish of the five prophecies stating that he had no room for the Maya. The Avendaño manuscript (§ 6) may have been an account of these prophecies. Lizana's translation and text were published by Brasseur de Bourbourg (1857-59, v. 2, 603-606, copy in B. L. C. No. 42-9). Brasseur de Bourbourg (1869-70, v. 2, p. 103-110) attempts next a French translation but gives the Maya text together with the translation of Lizana for comparison. Castillo (1866, p. 256-257) gives the Spanish transla- tion from Cogolludo of the prophecy of Chilam Balam. Perez (2, p. 65-74, 166-173, in B. L. C. No. 50-13 and No. 50-30) has some- thing on these parts of the Balam Books. Carrillo y Ancona (1870; ed. 1872, p. 142) refers to the text of Perez. Brinton (1868, p. 188- 189) gives an English translation of a portion of the prophecy of Chilam Balam taken from the Spanish of Lizana and of Brasseur de Bourbourg. Troncoso (1883, p. 103, 109) gives a few lines of this prophecy and suggests a connection between the meaning and the significance of the engraving in Cogolludo. Brinton (1890a, p. 303) gives the English of a poem by the Priest Chilam.


1 There is a wide variety in the spelling of these proper names. I have fol- lowed the spelling given by Lizana for the most part. The prophecy of Chilam Balam as shown in the Chumayel and Tizimin texts and in Lizana is given with translation in Part II, p. 120-130.


? Compare in this respect the versions given on p. 122 of the Chilam Balam Prophecy.


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Berendt (1868d, v. 2) presents the version of the prophecies a given in the Chilam Balam de Mani and Ixil (B. L. C. No. 43-€ p. 107-132), and the versions of the Chilam Balam de Chumaye and again that of Mani (B. L. C. No. 43-3, p. 37-46). As note above, the same prophecy, as given in different versions, may diffe in spelling and also in length. Nicoli (1870, p. 511) mentions an discusses the prophecy of Napuc Tun but gives neither text no translation. Charencey (1873) gives the same prophecy with th Maya text, the translation of Lizana, that of Brasseur de Bour bourg and a new one of his own in French. De Rosny (1875, p 85-93; ed. 1904, p. 120-123) gives the Maya text and his owi French translation with comments of the prophecies of Napu Tun and Ah Kuil Chel. He also gives for comparison the Spanish translation of Lizana and the French of Brasseur de Bourbourg Schultz-Sellack (1879) makes a study of the words for east and west as given in the prophecies of Lizana.


Orozco y Berra (1880, v. 1, p. 71-73) gives the Spanish of th prophecy of Napuc Tun and portions of the others. Carrillo ] Ancona (1878-82; ed. 1883, p. 526-532) presents a new translation in Spanish of all five prophecies with the Maya text as foot-notes


Brinton who formerly had only the Lizana version for study, late came into possession of the Berendt Library so that other version: were available. Brinton (1882, p. 255-256) gives the Maya anc English translation of the prophecy of Ahau Pech. Troncoso (1883 p. 104) reprints this, also giving the Maya of the Lizana version Brinton (1882a, p. 167, 237) refers to the Pech prophecy in the Mani manuscript and Brinton (1882c, p. xxix) gives the Maya anc English translation of the prophecy of Ah Kuil Chel from the Chilam Balam de Chumayel. Charencey (1876; ed. 1883, p. 141- 150) discusses and translates the same prophecy. Finally, Brintor (1890a, p. 302) repeats the English translation of Ahau Pech Rejón García (1905a, p. 78-84) gives a partial Spanish translation of the prophecy of Ahau Pech. There is a song from one of the Books of Chilam Balam given by Brinton (1882, p. 126-127) Charencey (1875) discusses a paragraph from one of the prophecie and Maclean (1883, p. 442, note) gives an English translation o one of them.


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MEDICAL BOOKS


LIBROS DEL JUDIO. In addition to the medical portions of the Books of Chilam Balam which consider the symptoms and the cure of diseases there are several manuscripts which deal exclu- sively with the native remedies. These have been classed to- gether under the above heading. They are sometimes called " The Book of the Jew." There was one Ricardo Ossado, alias, the Jew, who used herbs and other native remedies for curing disease (see Ossado, 1834). Brinton (1882b; ed. 1890, p. 272-273) and Tozzer (1917, p. 182) describe this class of books.


The first notice of a manuscript dealing exclusively with medi- cine is the work of Vidales (§ 3) of the XVII century. This is miss- ing. There are several different manuscripts dealing with medi- cine. They seem to date from the end of the XVIII up to the middle of the xix century. These manuscripts include the Libro del Judio (Anon, 13) of the Peabody Museum, described with extracts in English by Alice Le Plongeon (1879, p. 92, and 1889, p. 15-17),1 the Libro de Medicina (Anon. 15),2 the Libro del Judio de Sotuta, (Sotuta), and Medicina Maya (Anon. 16), all three of which are owned by Gates, and the Cuaderno de Teabo (Teabo. Copy in B. L. C. No. 49).


There are two valuable manuscripts dealing with diseases in Spanish. These are the Noticias de varios plantas (Anon. 19) a manuscript owned by José Rafael de Regil of Merida, and El libro de los Medicos (Anon. 14), a manuscript owned by Gates. Mr. Gates also owns another manuscript (Anon. 1820) on the medicinal plants. It is evidently part of a manuscript of considerable size as the last leaf remaining is numbered 123. It contains brief de- scriptions of plants with colored sketches." The most valuable


1 This MS. is described as having come from the island of Las Mujeres. Mr. Gates informs me that a physician in Acanceh told him that he had given the MS. to the Le Plongeons.


? Gates suggests that this manuscript is very valuable as a supplement to the botanical series of Millspaugh (1895-98: 1900: 1903-04).


' The Gates reproduction of this manuscript shows p. 1-26 written in one hand followed by pages numbered 17-26, 33-54 in an entirely different writ- ing. There are evidently two separate documents.


4 A note in Berendt's hand and signed by his initial states that the MS. was given to him by Rodolfo Cantón in Vera Cruz in 1859.


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single manuscript dealing with this subject is probably that of Perez (4) with notes and additions to this manuscript by Berendt (1870, in B. L. C. No. 45).


RITUAL OF THE BACABS. This is a most important Maya man- uscript, owned by Gates, of 46 medical incantations. Wilkins (1), who is at work upon a translation of the text, regards it as the oldest Maya to which we have access. At the end there are a few pages of the ordinary medical receipts markedly different from the main part of the work. All but about ten pages is in one hand- writing. These ten pages are in several different hands. The only mention of anything Christian or Spanish occurs in these pages. Two of these pages are on the back of a printed Indulgence of 1779. Wilkins considers the main body of the manuscript of earlier date. A report and preliminary translation of one chapter by Wilkins (1919) was read by Gates at the Cambridge meeting (1919) of the American Anthropological Association.


THE CATECHISM


XVI CENTURY. The Catholic Catechism was naturally the first book to be translated into the native idioms by the Spanish priests. It is probable that Villalpando (§ 2) stands as the first translator of the Catechism into Maya as he does regarding the authorship of a Maya grammar and vocabulary. This would have been written toward the middle of the xVI century.


Sanchez de Aguilar (1639; ed. 1892, p. 35) writing in 1613 states that all the Indians from childhood learned and knew the whole Catechism. He adds that the Doctrina was translated into Maya admirably by Bishop Landa (§ 2). This was probably done in the third quarter of the century as Landa died in 1579.1 The Noticias Sagrades of Solana (§ 2) should be mentioned here.


XVII CENTURY. Sanchez de Aguilar (§ 1), born in Valladolid in 1555, a grandson of one of the founders of Merida and a Maya student under Gaspar Antonio Xiu, wrote a Doctrina in Maya probably toward the beginning of this century. He carried the manuscript with him to Madrid in 1617 and it was lost on the


1 A Doctrina in Maya is listed under the name of Juan Cruz (1571). This is probably an error. Squier (1861, p. 29) has a Huastec Doctrina by Cruz.


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journey. It is said that a copy was left behind in Yucatan in the possession of the Jesuits.




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